SELF-CARE LANDSCAPES: FENG SHUI CRAFT AND EVERYDAY PRACTICES

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1 SELF-CARE LANDSCAPES: FENG SHUI CRAFT AND EVERYDAY PRACTICES Yan DING National University of Singapore ABSTRACT In this paper, I conceptualize self-care landscapes through the cases of Feng Shui. Feng Shui, as a spatial craft, provides a way to frame the agency of our hidden perception of living environment and positions this agency within everyday practices. Drawing upon Foucault s technologies of the self as the analytic notion, this paper argues that Feng Shui enables the transformative potential of the very sense of mundane everyday spaces in the service of selfcare, which structures a dynamic relation between space and human as the latter accounts for the living experience of happiness, prosperity, and well-being. Working with and manipulating invisible Feng Shui energy (qi) of spatial orderings, ordinary people establish new subject positions to realize themselves in coherence with everyday spaces; meanwhile, everyday spaces function as the self-care landscapes that accommodate, mirror, reflect, amplify, and idealize real world desires and struggles in a rapidly changing society. As such, self-care landscapes are not reducible to passive spaces for imagining the good life, but are an active component of effort to realize the self and everyday life. In my fieldwork carried out in Chinese cities, I examine how Feng Shui has assisted to explore the way that self-care landscapes come into being, and how self-care landscapes are being applied in the context of everyday practices. More specifically, I explore the twofold meaning of Feng Shui craft as a term rendering both technical procedures and emotional involvement to structure everyday life. KEY WORDS Feng Shui, self-care landscapes, craft, everyday practices INTRODUCTION Foucault s (1984, 1985, 1986, 1988a, 1988b) work on technologies of the self has shed light on inquires into how the self constituted itself as a subject. Technologies of the self include a diverse range of means through which individuals seek to realize themselves and their relations with others in particular ways, in relation to specific problems and objectives. This range of means can include particular knowledge systems, a range of material artifacts, and certain practices. Foucault calls attention to self-care, knowing the self, and inner motives alike in socio-cultural studies. For example, through the practices of mahjong (Festa, 2006), portraiture (Hien, 2012), or psychological counseling (Zhang, 2016), ordinary people express their happiness, expectations, anxieties, and desires in everyday life, and thus their subject 1

2 positions can be established in close contact with the other persons. Not merely focused on person-to-person interactions, but adopting and spatializing Foucault s technologies of the self, this paper argues that Feng Shui enables the transformative potential of the very sense of mundane everyday spaces in the service of self-care, which structures a dynamic relation between space and human as the latter accounts for the living experience of enjoyment, prosperity, and well-being. Among the concerns with Feng Shui, spaces, and self-care, another vital term can be adopted in the understanding of the intimate connection between spaces and the self, that of therapeutic landscapes. Wil Gesler (1992) introduced the concept of therapeutic landscapes to articulate places and environmental settings with the treatment of healing. He provided a structuralist approach to consider how socio-cultural, political, and physical structures condition the agency of spaces in creating human s well-being and therapeutic experiences. Although Foucault s original concept of technologies of the self was somewhat vague and did not emphasize the role of spaces in realizing the self, I believe that in connection with therapeutic landscapes, the notion of technologies of the self could widen the concerns about interrelations between how individuals realize themselves and their spaces. Most research on therapeutic landscapes, nonetheless, merely examines how tangible features of spaces generate the therapeutic outcome (e.g. Gesler, 1992; Quinn, 1992; Milligan et al., 2004). In this paper, I conceptualize self-care landscapes through the cases of unseen facets of Feng Shui. Working with and manipulating invisible Feng Shui energy (qi) of spatial orderings, ordinary people establish their subject positions to realize themselves in coherence with everyday spaces; meanwhile, everyday spaces function as the self-care landscapes that accommodate, mirror, reflect, amplify, and idealize real world desires and struggles in a rapid changing society. As such, self-care landscapes are not reducible to passive spaces for imagining the good life, but are an active component of an effort to realize the self and everyday life. This paper is based on fieldwork carried out in Guangzhou, Shanghai, and Ningbo in China from October 2015 to January 2016 consisting of 22 in-depth interviews with Feng Shui consumers and the author s ethnographic participant observations. First, drawing on studies of therapeutic landscapes, this paper broadens the geographical dimensions of technologies of the self. This theoretical consideration frames the concept of self-care landscapes, in which the inquiry of Feng Shui craft and everyday spatial practices is located. The paper then presents an analysis of the wider Feng Shui trend in the context of urban China. I wish to highlight that the revival of Feng Shui in urban China from a superstitious belief to a trendy life occurs in tendency with the real estate boom, the unstable social environment, and the pursuit of prosperity and wealth amongst the ordinary people. Drawing on empirical cases, this paper discusses how self-care landscapes come into being in contemporary China, and how Feng Shui renders mundane everyday spaces significant. More specifically, it explores the twofold meaning of Feng Shui craft as a term rendering both technical procedures and emotional involvement to structure everyday life. EXTENDING TECHNOLOGIES OF THE SELF: GEOGRAPHICL CONSIDERATION AND THE THERAPEUTIC LANDSCAPES Technologies of the self, as Foucault (1988a, p18) argues, permit individuals to effect by their own means or with the help of others a certain number of operations on their own bodies and souls, thoughts, conduct, and way of being, so as to transform themselves in order to attain a certain state of happiness, purity, wisdom, perfection, or immortality. This argument 2

3 generates an insight to see a distinct path through which individuals strive to achieve a better control over their behaviors, thoughts, and everyday life not only [b]y their own means, but also with the help of others. The others here refer to, as Foucault adopts specific characters from the ancient Hellenistic-Roman world, an estimable professional or a trustworthy friend. Looking through the others suggestions and ideas, Foucault (1988a, p25) conceives a view that an individual consists itself as a subject always with reference to see others as a similar element, a mirror. His thought-provoking perception has provoked many social scientists. Their subsequent research reflects a broad range of knowledge and practices by which individuals interact with other people so as to know the self. For example, receiving the counseling from psychiatrists or accepting the mentoring from teachers, people may attain a sense of relief, stability, and self-confidence with the help of other professionals (e.g. Papadimos et al., 2013; Zhang, 2016). The power entailed from the professional knowledge has effects on those individuals and helps them situate their subject positions among various social relations. Most existing research underlines, along with Foucault s argument, that practice of verbalizing is pivotal in the process of constituting the self as a subject. Through talking, confessing, and exchanging ideas over and over again, people may enable themselves to forge a sense of mastering the self and knowing reality. It seems potentially restrictive to develop Foucault s technologies of the self by merely focusing on the powerful effects from other people as a mirror through person-to-person interactivities. With the aim to break from the standard application of technologies of the self, this paper extends the geographical dimensions from its original concept. I argue that drawing upon therapeutic landscapes, space and its associated human-environment relation may also play a critical role in the very process of knowing the self. Space can be instrumental as a reflexive element to make individuals realize themselves and mirror their soul. It was Wil Gesler (1992) who first introduced the notion of therapeutic landscapes. He argued that the concept of therapeutic landscapes articulates certain spaces, environmental setting, and landscapes in the processes of healing and health-enhancement. Gesler reviewed geographical studies on landscapes and their associated meanings of health and welfare. He suggested a conceptual framework to consider human-environment relationship beyond positivistic approaches, such as mapping and modeling disease services to improve health conditions; rather, in the interactive way to see how the environmental, individual, and societal factors might be blended to help people perceive health. In response to Gesler s thinking, much subsequent research has developed the theoretical frame of therapeutic landscapes into a broad concern with the correlation between a positive sense of wellness and personal experiences. For example, studies on health camping (Kearns & Collins, 2000), gardening (Milligan et al., 2004), and yoga practice (Hoyez, 2007) have given an active role to human agency to obtain healthiness. This trend in research seems in a similar vein of technologies of the self, both of which maintain the meaning of individual s intention in achieving certain status and go against the situating of objectivity over the self. Cultural context also comes to the fore in studies on therapeutic landscapes. One enduring theme is to explore the perceptions of natural environment and landscapes in particular localities with specific cultural values. Dating back to the age of classical Greek and Roman, various objects in nature were regarded as materials with healing power (Gesler, 1992). Those natural objects, providing the perceptions of symbolic clarification and with potential for discovering nutritional benefits, have been appreciated as a means to attain health in Western civilization. Some of those environmental features whose figures resemble human organs, such as rock vs. human heart, stems and roots of a plant vs. blood veins and kidneys, are believed to be useful for cures because of their metaphysical representations (e.g. Backhaus and Murungi, 2009). Some natural environments, empowered with religious 3

4 meaning of purification, could take on pastoral welfare, for example, mineral water and hot spring (e.g. Geores, 1998). In a given context, curing signs and health symbols are being culturally constructed, understood as they signify the way of seeing the landscapes whether as healing or not (Gesler, 1991; Smith, 1993). From the perspective of cultural context, adopting Feng Shui cases in contemporary Chinese cities, the objective of this paper is two fold. The first is the study of Feng Shui in China beyond the cultural context of the West. The second is, more than merely offering an empirical case for mainstream Western social research on therapeutic landscapes, that it provides an intellectual multiplicity of realizing the self, the space, and the status of well-being. WIDENING THERAPEUTIC LANDSCAPES: SELF-CARE AND FENG SHUI PRACTICES The focus of research on therapeutic landscapes has been mainly placed on the physical manifestation of spaces. As Andrews (2004) pointed out, the assumption of the co-presence of physical environments has led to the omission of non-physical places. The panoptical range of research from psychoanalytic geographies to health geographies has extended the scales of therapeutic landscapes to the places and spaces created in the mind (e.g. Callard, 2003; Philo and Parr, 2003; Andrews, 2004). These studies have critically noted the narrow emphasis on seeing the material facets of therapeutic landscapes. Moreover, they have suggested paying more attention to the intangible aspects of therapeutic landscapes that are formed and experienced by individuals. Therapeutic landscapes could be created and be located in another scene of imaginations regarding the mental imagery of landscapes as part of therapeutic practices (Pile, 1996; Bondi, 2003). Bringing particular therapeutic practices, such as imagining, the human-space interaction could be understood at two geographical levels: first, at the level of tangible landscapes where practices take place, for example, meditation or consultation room; second, at the self-awareness level of geography of selfhood (Bondi, 1999, 2003), which means through particular practices individuals have learned a subjective sense of belonging to someone, whether a specific memory or a certain place. This scrutiny of the subjective sense follows Foucault s account that subjects are simultaneously the agents and the effects of their social experience and their psychic lives (Foucault, 1988b), which is the core of technologies of the self. In Nina Hien s (2012) work on haptic practices of portraiture in Ho Chi Minh city, the performative acts of sitting and showing face and gesture express ordinary Vietnamese self-care on beauty in everyday spaces. Similarly, through the cases of Feng Shui practices, this paper may widen therapeutic landscapes to what I call self-care landscapes. Feng Shui enframes the agency of our hidden perception to living environment and positions this agency within everyday Feng Shui practices. Meanwhile, everyday spaces are enabled as self-care landscapes of both reality and fantasy that accommodate, mirror, and idealize ordinary people s desires and anxieties in the service of self-care. In this collaborative process, ordinary people learn to realize themselves not only in but also through everyday spaces. To facilitate understanding of how self-care landscapes come into being in a specific time and socio-cultural environment, the subsequent section probes the revival of Feng Shui in the context of contemporary urban China. 4

5 FENG SHUI REVIVAL IN CONTEMPORARY URBAN CHINA Thirty-eight years into China s economic reform and opening-up, many Chinese cities have seen an unprecedented frenzy in the housing market (Wang and Murie, 1996; Cartier, 2001; Lardy, 2007). Owning a house has become a rigid demand (gangxu) and a powerful national discourse of development as housing is articulated with aspiring notions of wealth, personal success, and social status. Those notions work as a market-state apparatus that profoundly shape homeowners outlooks on the desirable life and their everyday lived experiences. However, the process to gain and sustain wealth, success and particular social status is fraught with paradoxes and uncertainties after the total collapse of collectivism in socialist China. Both official and popular discourses gloss over the good life in cosmopolitan China that is incredibly wealthy, confident, and graciously powerful. But accompanied by the rapid social changes and the accumulation of social wealth, the inevitable confrontations with China s growing inequity between households push the ordinary citizens to figure out how to obtain their desirable lives in the most effective and quickest way. For most of them, Feng Shui provides another way to achieve the good life. The primary concerns of Feng Shui practices such as wealth (cai), longevity (shou), elite social status (gui), and new generations of offspring (ding) provide an alternative set of solutions that helps to explain the everyday problems and manipulates their future. In order to cope with anxieties and to control the complex situations of everyday life, I note that ordinary Chinese citizens employ Feng Shui to create their self-care landscapes. Although the socialist state of China is questioning Feng Shui as superstition against the its modernization visions (Needham, 1962; Lai, 1974; Bruun, 1996, 2008), Feng Shui has become popular in many Chinese metropolises where new money turns into the skyscrapers, residential compounds, and interior designs. Feng Shui has its roots in Imperial China. China s Imperial Court had sponsored customs and practices essential to Feng Shui for centuries until the beginning of Republican era when Feng Shui was restrained by consecutive regimes from the Guomindang to the Chinese Communist Party under Mao Zedong (Lai, 1974; Bruun, 2008). Under Mao s Communist rules, attempts to eradicate Feng Shui as feudal superstition were particularly harsh (Bruun, 1996; 2008). In the view of pre-reform socialist authority with an ideology founded in atheism, Feng Shui was regarded as one of the folk-religious beliefs belonging to the Four Olds 1. It had become an outright obstacle to modernization progress (Bruun, 2008, p145) that must be cleared away (Yoon, 1976; Gao, 2014). The smashing feudal superstition movement during the Cultural Revolution was the apex to crack down all religious activities including Feng Shui practices (Gao, 2014). In such a situation, it was dangerous or illegal to practice Feng Shui rituals, which implied the potential to destabilize the existing Communist ideology. Feng Shui practices had disappeared in Chinese metropolises until China s economic reform and opening-up in 1979 (Bruun, 2008). Since the 1980s, Feng Shui has found a new life and a new meaning after the end of the Cultural Revolution. Over the last decade, Feng Shui has become a renewed fashion, closely linked to the booming real estate industry in China. Feng Shui has gradually (re)gained popularity in cities and transformed into a money-spinning industry sitting between superstitious magic and quasi-science (Yoon, 2006; and, in the case of urban Vietnam, see Harms, 2012). Property owners are eager to make sure that the properties they own can bring in positive energy (shengqi), thereby enhancing their great fortune, good health, and the prospect of a better life. Emphasizing everyday security, prosperity, and harmony (Yoon, 2011, Paton, 2015), the resurgence of Feng Shui in contemporary China can be seen as a 1 Four Olds include old customs, old culture, old habits, and old ideas. 5

6 skillful maneuver between the negative label of superstition and the trendy beliefs of modern living. This shift not only indicates a transformation in public attitude that redefines the popularity of Feng Shui, but also signifies a turn in moral and cultural discourse that makes Feng Shui acceptable as it is now potentially approvable by the state. The vitality of the real estate market in turn has become a support for Feng Shui s legitimacy. I selected three cities located in East and Southeast China - Guangzhou, Shanghai, and Ningbo as my multiple field sites. As the pilot areas of the economic reform in China, the prosperous lives in these cities make ordinary people able to afford Feng Shui services and to practice Feng Shui persistently. Meanwhile, due to the rapid socioeconomic changes and urban transformations of theses cities, people are driven by anxieties and fears of being late and are expecting more uncertainties in their everyday life. Based on 22 in-depth interviews with the local Feng Shui consumers 2, the next three parts offer a close look at how self-care landscapes come into being, and how Feng Shui renders mundane everyday spaces significant. SELF-CARE LANDSCAPES: IN-BETWEEN REALITY AND FANTASY By means of Feng Shui practices, how does one make the mundane everyday spaces significant in the service of self-care? Here I focus on the circulation of Feng Shui energy (qi) as the main component of everyday Feng Shui practices through which ordinary Chinese achieve a status of relief, happiness, stability, and self-confidence. According to classical Feng Shui books and records, vital qi is regarded as the central principle of fermenting and giving life to myriad things 3. Qi circulates around and through the body of myriad matters, forming a cohesive and functioning unit. In many ordinary Chinese s everyday lives, the most obvious way to track the circulation of invisible qi is through their observations and interpretations of forms, shapes, layouts, and other visible facets of spatial orderings. The interplay between the visible and the unseen aspects of everyday spaces was well articulated by one of my interviewees, Mr. Chen, a businessman in his mid-fifties. In the early reform years, he used to be one of the first groups of Chinese who jumped into the sea of business and became successful because of his daring to risk his fortune in market. Now he runs a medium-sized food trading company with 130 employees in Guangzhou. After an investment failure in the stock market in early 2016, Chen spent a lot of money to redecorate his office, including reorienting the door and desk, sealing a room opposite to his office, repainting the floor, adding wall lamps on each side of the office door, and placing auspicious Feng Shui symbols in the office. Mr. Chen described to me how these Feng Shui transformations took place: My office was once facing an adjacent pillar of the opposite office. It made me uncomfortable for a while. So I placed a bushy plant on the edge of the pillar to cover it. But I still could feel that there was something wrong. It was disturbing. In early 2016, my business was in financial trouble and I had no time to pay much attention to my office Feng Shui, until I met with another huge investment failure in the stock market. My shrewish wife blamed me for my bold move. A Feng Shui master told me that 2016 was not my lucky year. I redecorated the whole office 2 Feng Shui consumers anonymity is guaranteed by using pseudonyms. 3 For example, in the Classic of Fox s Head (Hu Shou Jing 狐首经 ), the opening line is the landforms halt where qi generates, giving life to one thousand things as a process of unceasing transformation upon transformation ( 形止气蕴, 化生万物 ). 6

7 Now the room is spacious and brighter. We sealed the opposite office to trap the good qi at my office. The layout, the light, and my talisman are powerful. I placed this ox statue on the top of my desk. It's made by Bodhisattva sand and its pointy horns can suppress bad qi When I sit in their surroundings, I do have very active mind and be energetic. Good qi helps me stabilize myself to give a second thought to any decisions. Mr. Chen s narrative reveals that the visualization of qi bridges the landscapes of reality and fantasy. His sense of good or bad Feng Shui energy was generated by spatial arrangements of material settings in reality. Meanwhile his imagery of qi created a space of fantasy in his mind through which he explored his inner world. As Elliott (2003) pointed out, the practices of imagination help people to overcome their fears or uncertainties. In Mr. Chen s case, such practices situated himself in a surrounding environment by invoking a sense of coherence. In other words, Mr. Chen attributed his own changes to Feng Shui transformations at his office. Thus Feng Shui transformations have become an inseparable component from his positive or negative responses in his everyday life. The circulation of qi maintains the human-space relation as a harmonious unity. In terms of self-care, such human-space relation gives the subject a sense of in-betweeness being in reality but at the same time envisioning somewhere else positively or negatively in times of need. Through such practice, Mr. Chen achieved a status of satisfaction as he found an excuse to explain his failure, especially in the changeable market of business and stock. SELF-CARE LANDSCAPES: NOT ONLY LIVE IN BUT ALSO LIVE THROUGH Self-care landscapes express an on-going process for people to realize themselves not only in but also through everyday spaces. In my observation of everyday Feng Shui practices, there are three time-space dimensions to understand this complex process. The first and most straightforward is to understand the changing pattern of real world problems and predict the future based on the fixed classical theories. For example, in Mr. Chen s case, he named the white tiger sitting in his office for causing conflict with his wife (Mrs. Chen also worked in her husband s company). The white tiger sitting is located at the right side of a landform/room, representing female, and it should be lower than the left, where the male azure dragon sitting is. Mr. Chen maintained the azure dragon sitting with the aim to get a balance between yin and yang. In so doing he might avoid to fight with his shrewish wife. In everyday Feng Shui practices, the investigating and predicting everyday problems should strictly follow the classical rules, not vise versa. This fixed principle of Feng Shui practices connects the past and future, in the promise of heading-off problems predicted in the classical Feng Shui books. The second time-space scope is a living logic of self-care. In everyday Feng Shui, most subjects hold a positive attitude to manipulating and expecting their own fortune, along with a negative attitude to wait for what happens next. One of my informants, Xiao Yao, a junior government official of Shanghai Free-trade Zone in her late twenties told me: I cannot afford to purchase a two-bedroom house in Shanghai. My income is stable no matter how hard or bad I work everyday. There are only two chances to change my future. First, marry a rich guy. Second, win a lottery. Both of these two things are out of my control. I set a peach blossom formation in my rented flat. That is the only thing I can do to increase the positive qi. The rest is waiting. 7

8 Xiao Yao s desire for future is common amongst ordinary young urban Chinese in contemporary China. This attitude unveils a special form of social engagements not only in the socio-political background but also along with social forces. This seemingly ties with the ancient Chinese philosophical thought of wuwei ( 无为 ) on cultivating everyday life. On the one hand, wuwei looks like doing nothing but waiting; on the other hand, wuwei accommodates an almost resistant agency to the dominant forces. Xiao Yao s manipulation of qi shows an ambivalent move between advance and retreat in an irresistible social environment. The third dimension is the mutual transformations of good luck and bad luck in Feng Shui practices. Wang Xia, a company manager who is in charge of the management of human resources, is a single father who has to take care of his 15-year-old son alone. He had a lot of conflicts with his teenage rebellious child. After he realized that the missing North corner of his house might be connected to his son s growth, he placed a Feng Shui coin in the North border of his house where the corner was missing. In the original Feng Shui directions, Kan gua ( 坎卦 ) stays in the north. When it goes to the manifestation in the family, Kan gua represents the son. If the house misses the north corner, there are corresponding symptoms happening to the son in this family. Wang Xia pays much attention to keep the North corner clean and tidy, so as to boost the positive energy and keep harmony of the family. His activities showed a sustainable viewpoint that if he keeps on doing certain practices in a right routine, the dysfunction in his house may turn to an advantage, so is his life. Although everyday Feng Shui practices can be seen as the individualized process of living, they still uncover some common characters of the human-space relation. Self-care landscapes are not passive for imagining, but it also becomes an active component of effort to realize the self. FENG SHUI CRAFT: RENDERING BOTH TECHNICAL AND EMOTIONAL I use the term of craft to include Feng Shui procedures, materials and practices originated from Feng Shui authorities, such as classical Feng Shui books and Feng Shui masters proverbs. Feng Shui craft regulates, guides, and shapes Feng Shui consumers behaviors and thoughts. It renders a quasi-scientific, affordable, technical process for people to achieve their desires along recommended lines. Besides, at the level of everyday, it works in an emotional and individualized way that can reconcile problems and improve wellness. Lin, a retired, fifty-year-old mother from Ningbo told me what Feng Shui means to her: I m not sure whether Feng Shui will be helpful to solve my daughter s family problems. But Feng Shui is the last thing I can do for her. Every week I go to my daughter s house to clean her room, change the clean water in the Feng Shui vase and pray. Pray it can enhance my daughter s good luck in marriage. Her husband has no job, gambling day and night. My daughter s life is so miserable. I invited a pair of Feng Shui mandarin ducks. All I want is her husband can return home and take care of the family. Feng Shui craft translates everyday struggles into the deficiency of qi, layouts of the house, timing, and landforms. It uses systematic languages to diagnose, evaluate and prescribe these everyday problems. Furthermore, Feng Shui craft recommends a plan for ordinary city dwellers to follow up, not through the work of compulsion, but through the seductive 8

9 promises of a good future. When people are not capable in solving everyday problems directly, Feng Shui craft provides a set of alternative logics and methods to solve them. Lin s narratives of Feng Shui bring into view materialist concerns of the use of artifacts, tools, and rituals in everyday Feng Shui practices. It also engages with the affective involvements of a mother, her concern, feeling, or emotion. Driven by affection, a certain form of desires and intentions, people actively adopt Feng Shui crafts in regulating, cultivating and enhancing everyday lives for the self-care, and furthermore, for the well-being of their families. CONCLUSIONS This paper draws upon Foucault s technologies of the self and therapeutic landscapes that speak to much wider concerns about interrelations between how individuals realize themselves and their spaces. The empirical study on everyday Feng Shui practices offers concrete examples to understand how Feng Shui makes mundane everyday spaces significant. This paper theoretically and empirically connects the micro-geographies of spatial arrangements and self-care to new ways of living - not only living in but also living through everyday spaces. It examines how self-care landscapes come into being in the particular geohistorical context of contemporary Chinese cities. It also investigates spatial practices of Feng Shui and forms of selfhood associated with emergent understandings of the good life. REFERENCES Anderws, G. L. (2004). (Re)thinking the Dynamics between Healthcare and Place: Therapeutic Geographies in Treatment and Care Practices. Area, 36(3), pp Backhaus, G. & Murungi, J. (2009). Symbolic Landscapes. New York: Springer Bondi, L. & Fewell, J. (2003). Unlocking the Cage Door : The Spatiality of Counseling. Social and Cultural Geography, 4, pp Bruun, O. (1996). The Fengshui Resurgence in China: Conflicting Cosmologies Between States and Peasantry. The China Journal, 36: pp Bruun, O. (2008). An Introduction of Feng Shui. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Callard, F. (2003). The Taming of Psychoanalysis in Geography. Social and Cultural Geography, 4, pp Cartier, C. (2001). Zone Fever, The Arable Land Debate, and Real Estate Speculation: China s Evolving Land Use Regime and Its Geographical Contradictions. Journal of Contemporary China, 10 (28): pp Elliott, H. (2003). Imagework as a Means for Healing and Personal Transformation. Complementary Therapies in Nursing and Midwifery, 9, pp Festa, P. E. (2006). Mahjong Politics in Contemporary China: Civility, Chineseness, and Mass Culture. East Asia Cultures Critique, 14 (1): pp Foucault, M. (1984). The Foucault Reader, Paul Rabinow (ed.), London: Penguin Books Foucault, M. (1985[1984]). The Use of Pleasure: The History of Sexuality, volume 2. Robert Hurley, trans. New York: Random House. 9

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