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- Clare Johns
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1 1 Date: Time to Rewrite the Citizenship Law ET Editorials The time has come for India to tidy up its laws and policies on citizenship, now that the processs of creating the Assam part of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) has focused attention on the subject and also given rise to sectarian notions of citizenship, based on religion. India s citizenship law is a product of transforming British subjects, subjects of erstwhile princely statess in British India, and residents of the Portuguese-held areas annexed in 1961, into Indian citizens, while also allowing those born abroad to Indians to claim citizenship. The 1955 Citizenship Act has been amended a number of times, the last one being in The way out is to go back to a newly articulated conceptionn of citizenship based not on the episodic exigencies but on principle. And what better principle to guide us in this regard than Vasudhaivaa Kutumbakam, the ancient Indiann insight that the world is one family. A proposed amendment in 2016 to the Citizenship Act remains controversial, as it excludes Muslims while offering citizenship to followers of other minority faiths fromneighbouring countries. In the wake of the exercise to update the NRC in Assam leaving out four million people in the first draft, Bharatiya Janata Party leaders have called this lot infiltrators and promised that non-muslims would be taken care of, givingg Indian citizenship a religious flavour, quite removed from the constitutional scheme of things. Indians are indignant that US President Donald Trump seeks to curtail the number of H-1B visas, and the scope to work of H-1B visa-holders spouses. Indians, on the whole, look askance at the Trump administration s anti-immigrant policies. India has refused to take back Indians with irregular documents in the UK. In the globalisingg world, India supportss unrestricted movement of natural people acrosss borders. India should make it easy for anyone born in India or has been resident in India for a reasonable period of time to acquire Indian citizenship, apart from accommodating the genuine difficulties the landless poor have in rustling up documentary evidencee of their Indian lineage.
2 2 Date: The Agriculture Mission How the Modi government is shaping the future of farming and farmers MS Swaminathan, (The writer chaired the National Commission on Farmers) Under then agriculture minister Rajnath Singh, in 2004 for the first time in the history of independent as well as colonial India, a National Commission on Farmers (NCF) was set up by the Government of India for looking into the problems of farm families and suggesting methods for making farming more remunerative as well as attractive to the younger generation. This commission s report in 2006 not only contained suggestions for the advancement of agriculture but also for the economic wellbeing of farming families. An important goal set for farmers welfare by NCF is to improve the economic viability of farming by ensuring that farmers earn a minimum net income and that agricultural progress is measured by the advance made in improving that income. Other significant goals include mainstreaming the human and gender dimension in all farm policies and programmes and giving explicit attention to sustainable rural livelihoods; completing the unfinished agenda in land reforms and initiating comprehensive asset and aquarian reforms; and developing a social security system and support services for farmers. Furthermore, protecting and improving the land, water, biodiversity and climate resources essential for sustained advances in the productivity, profitability and stability of major farming systems by creating an economic stake in conservation. Strengthening the biosecurity of crops, farm animals, fish and forest trees would safeguard the work and income security of farmer families, and the health and trade security of the nation. Likewise fostering community-centred food, water and energy security systems in rural India would help ensure nutrition security at the level of every child, woman and man. In terms of the goal of attracting youth to farming, NCF suggests making it both intellectually stimulating and economically rewarding, by conferring the power and economy of scale to small and marginal farmers both in the production and post-harvest phases of farming. Emphasis is also put on restructuring agricultural curriculums and pedagogic methodologies for enabling every farm and home science graduate to become an entrepreneur and to make agricultural education gender sensitive. Finally there is the goal of making India a global outsourcing hub for the production and supply of inputs needed for sustainable agriculture, and products and processes developed through biotechnology and ICT. But although the NCF report was submitted in 2006 very little action was taken until the present government headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi took office. Fortunately over the last four years, several significant decisions have been taken to improve the status and income of farmers.
3 3 Designation of the agriculture ministry as the agriculture and farmers welfare ministry has stressed keeping farmers welfare as the measure of agriculture progress. Issuance of soil health cards to all farmers has been critical because soil health is basic to plant health and plant health is basic to human health. Both budgetary and non-budgetary resources have been allocated for promoting micro-irrigation through the Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayee Yojana. Conservation and sustainable use of indigenous breeds of cattle is being encouraged through a Rashtriya Gokul Mission. The Prime Minister also inaugurated the first ever International Agrobiodiversity Congress. Promotion of the electronic national agriculture market is helping bring together different agriculture markets. Likewise the creation of Gramin Agriculture Markets will provide scope for direct sales to consumers in both retail and bulk form. Notable in this context is also the introduction of the Agricultural Produce and Livestock Marketing Act, 2017 and Agricultural Produce and Livestock Contract Farming Services Act, 2018 supported by electronic Negotiable Warehouse Receipt system for increased institutional credit to the farm sector. Also notable is the determination of MSP on the basis of NCF recommendations and assured procurement at MSP of more crops. Integration of protein rich pulses and nutri-rich millets into welfare programmes including PDS, mid-day meals and ICDS is important too. Activities like apiculture, mushroom cultivation, bamboo production, agro-forestry, vermicomposting and agro-processing are being promoted to generate additional jobs and income for farm families. The prime minister has also suggested that we should develop methods by which farmers income can be doubled within five years. Plus several corpus funds are being set up to complete ongoing irrigation productions, modernise the infrastructure in dairy cooperatives, and strengthen the adoption of inland and marine aquaculture. Above all, the recent announcement of a remunerative price based essentially on the recommendation of NCF is a very important step to ensure the economic viability of farming. To underline, government has ensured in its notification that from kharif 2018 onwards MSP of the notified crops would be minimum of 150% of the cost of production; it ranges from % for coarse cereals. As for farmers agitations still continuing, a major demand is the waving of loans and the implementation of the NCF recommendations on MSP. Both these problems are now receiving attention and appropriate action. These are only some of the steps being taken to realise the concept of Jai Kisan. If all the above schemes are implemented effectively by the state and central governments, the future of farming and farmers can be shaped to also help India become a leader in both food and nutrition security. In addition the Prime Minister has launched a National Nutrition Mission with a three year budget of Rs 9,000 crore. His emphasis on agriculture as the prime industry of rural India urges doing everything possible to make agriculture both a source of income and the pride of our nation.
4 4 Date: अव ध न ग रक पर अखरत सय सत स जय ग त, (ल खक द नक ज गरण सम ह क स ईओ व प रध न स प दक ह ) असम म स प र म क टर क नद श और उसक नगर न म त य र कए गए र ट र य न ग रक र ज टर य न एनआरस क अ तम मस द क प रक शन क ब द त णम ल क ग र स स हत कई वपक ष र जन तक दल न जस तरह र जन तक ह ग म खड़ कय, वह ह र न करन व ल भ ह और यह बत न व ल भ क र जन तक दल व ट ब क क स त र जन त क लए कस हद तक ज सकत ह असम म अव ध ब ग ल द श घ सप ठय क पहच न क लए न ग रक क र ज टर बन न क प र क रय र ज व ग ध क प रध नम त र रहत समय कए गए एक समझ त क ह स थ इस समझ त क तहत म चर 1971 क ब द ब ग ल द श स आए ल ग क पहच न करन थ यह प र क रय इस समझ त क एक अहम ह स ह न क ब द भ उस पर कस सरक र न य न नह दय असम क एक क ब द एक सरक र क स थ क द र य स त क भ ह ल हव ल क चलत यह म मल स प र म क टर गय उसन असम म र ट र य न ग रकत र ज टर त य र करन क नद श दय 2016 म असम म भ जप सरक र बनन क ब द यह र ज टर त य र करन क प र क रय आग बढ़ सक इसक नगर न स प र म क टर न क वषर 1971 म ब ग ल द श क आज द क लए ह ए य द ध क ब द जब यह म न ज रह थ क वह स घ सप ठ पर वर म लग ज एग, तब वह पहल क तरह क यम रह ब ग ल द श जब प व र प क त न क प म प क त न क ह स थ, तब भ वह स असम और द सर प व तर र य म घ सप ठ ह त थ क यद स ब ग ल द श घ सप ठय क प रव श क क रण असम क जनस ख यक व प म ह रह प रवतर न क ल कर वह क र जन तक दल क क न खड़ ह न च हए थ, ल कन ऐस इस लए नह ह आ, क य क अ धक श र जन तक दल न घ सप ठय क अपन व ट ब क क प म द ख इनम असम म ल ब समय तक श सन करन व ल क ग र स सबस आग रह यह ठ क ह क क ग र स न अपन ख बदलकर यह कह क वह वद श न ग रक क पहच न क पक ष म ह और एनआरस त उसक ह पहल ह, ल कन समझन क ठन ह क च द दन पहल तक वह इस मसल पर सरक र क क य कठघर म खड़ कर रह थ? क य वह यह भ ल गई थ क बत र प रध नम त र इ दर ग ध न कह थ क भ रत प व र प क त न स आए ल ग क ब झ क सहन नह कर सकत और उ ह अपन द श ल टन ह ह ग? क ग र स क यह य द रहन च हए थ क अव ध घ सप ठय क ल कर असम छ त र स गठन न ज य पक आ द लन छ ड़ थ, उसक चलत यह र य कर ब दस स ल तक अश त रह असम क अश त स बच न क लए ह र ज व ग ध न 1985 म असम छ त र स गठन क स थ समझ त कय थ र जन तक ल भ क इर द स प र र भ म क ग र स न एनआरस पर आप त जत कर एक तरह स म स बत ह म ल ल उसक यह म स बत तब नजर भ आई, जब र यसभ म भ जप अ यक ष अ मत श ह न एनआरस पर क ग र स क ख क क रण उस कठघर म खड़ कय च क उस द र न क ग र स स सद क इसक क ई जव ब नह स झ, इस लए उ ह न
5 5 ह ग म खड़ करन ब हतर समझ यह नर श जनक ह क जह क ग र स क यह तय करन म समय लग क एनआरस पर उसक क य रव य ह न च हए, वह प चम ब ग ल क म ख यम त र ममत बनज र न आनन-फ नन उसक खल फ खड़ ह न म ह अपन भल ई समझ उ ह न यह तक कह ड ल क एनआरस भ जप क सय सत क नत ज ह और इसक चलत द श म रक तप त और ग हय द ध ह सकत ह ह ल क ब द म वह अपन इस धमक भर बय न स कन र करत दख, ल कन वह जस तरह इस मसल क त ल द रह ह, उसस यह स फ ह ज त ह क वह द श स य द व ट ब क क खतरन क र जन त क मह व द रह ह यह वह ममत बनज र ह, ज ह न वषर 2005 म ल कसभ म ब ग ल द श स ह न व ल घ सप ठ क म बह त ज र-श र स उठ य थ इस मसल पर जब उ ह ब लन क म क नह मल थ त उ ह न प ठ स न अ धक र पर क गज फ कन क स थ अपन इ त फ क भ घ षण कर द थ तब उ ह न यह आर प लग य थ क व म म च र सरक र ब ग ल द श घ सप ठय क बढ़ व द रह ह य न रह क तब प चम ब ग ल क व म दल पर ऐस आर प लगत ह रहत थ क व ब ग ल द श घ सप ठय क व ट ब क क प म इ त म ल कर रह ह एनआरस पर त णम ल क ग र स सम त क छ अ य दल क रव य त भ जप क र जन तक ल भ ह द ग, क य क आम जनत इस पक ष म नह ह सकत क ब ग ल द श घ सप ठय क प रव क ज ए समझन क ठन ह क क ग र स क ओर स अपन ख प ट करन क ब द त णम ल क ग र स और अ य व दल क य कर ग, ज एनआरस पर ह य-त ब मच रह ह? र जन तक दल यह समझ त ब हतर क असम क स थ-स थ अ य र य म भ ब ग ल द श स अव ध तर क स आए ल ग क पहच न ह न च हए यह इस लए ज र ह, क य क ब त च र दशक म तम म ब ग ल द शय न असम और प चम ब ग ल म त घ सप ठ क ह ह, स थ ह स थ व ध र -ध र द श क द सर ह स म भ ज बस ह व झ रख ड, बह र, उ तर प रद श क स थ-स थ द ल, र ज थ न और मह र ट र म भ फ ल गए ह एनआरस पर व ट ब क क र जन त कर रह र जन तक दल इसक अनद ख नह कर सकत क ब ग ल द श घ सप ठय पर भ रत क यह थ पत न त रह ह क ग रक न न ढ ग स आए ल ग क द श स ब हर ज न ह ह ग ऐस ल ग शरण थ र नह कह ज सकत शरण थ र क ज प रभ ष स य क त र ट र न क ह, उसक हस ब स ब ग ल द श स आए य ल ग घ सप ठए ह कह ज ए ग ब ग ल द श स ल ख ल ग अव ध प स भ रत क स म म घ स आए ह, इस द न द श क सरक र अ छ तरह ज नत ह और इसक तम म प रम ण भ ह र जन तक दल क यह समझन म द र नह करन च हए क भ रत सर ख वश ल आब द व ल द श अपन स स धन द सर द श स अव ध प स आए ल ग क म ह य करन क थ त म नह ह एनआरस क अ तम मस द म जन 40 ल ख ल ग क असम क न ग रक नह म न गय ह, उनक खल फ फलह ल क ई क रर व ई नह ह न ज रह ह इस असम क स थ क द र सरक र न भ प ट कय ह और स प र म क टर न भ ब वज द इसक ऐस म ह ल बन य ज रह ह, ज स 40 ल ख ल ग क नक लन क त य र कर ल गई ह यह भ एक द प रच र ह क 40 ल ख ल ग म क वल म सलम न ह सच यह ह क इनम ह द भ ह इन सभ क अपन न ग रकत स बत करन क अवसर दय ज एग एनआरस म प वर र ट रप त फख न अल अहमद क प रजन क न म भ नह ह च क क छ प वर स नक, प लसक मर य और यह तक क एनआरस त य र करन क प र क रय म श मल रह ल ग क भ न म एनआरस क अ तम मस द म नह ह, इस लए ऐस लगत ह क कह क ई च क भ ह ई ह ज भ ह, र जन तक दल क ह य-त ब मच न क ज रत बलक ल भ नह ह
6 6 Date: सबस य द अ ल ल ह भ र ट च र म हन ग व म भ र ट च र भ रत म ब तच त क एक पस द द वषय ह इस पर चच र करन हम पस द करत ह और इसक सभ वक तय क र न र त ह हम इसम मह रत ह सल ह और हम सभ न कस न कस प म इस अन भव कय ह यह कस एक सहज प रभ ष क नक रत ह, ल कन यह ह क य, हम सभ समझत ह अ ल लत क स दभर म अम रक स प र म क टर क ज टस प टर टवटर क कथन ह - म इस ज नत ह जब इस द खत ह - यह कथन प र तरह भ र ट च र क स थ ल ग ह त ह. भ र ट च र तम म अ ल लत ओ म सबस य द अ ल ल ह, ल कन एक स म य ब त ह अथर श त र जब भ र ट च र क ब त करत ह, त इसक लए एक भ न श द आ थर क खर च (इक न मक र ट) क तरज ह द त ह अ तरर ट र य म द र क ष क प रभ ष क म त बक, यह कस य क त क म नव य चत र ई क चलत स मत कस उपय ग व त क लए द गय अ त रक त र श ह त ह स फ ह क इस प रभ ष म न तक आय म नद रद ह ल कन, तब सम य और ज टल ह ज त ह, जब हम प त ह क न तक आय म बह त लच ल और व वधर ग ह प वर प रध नम त र मनम हन स ह र यसभ क सद य ह. वह हत वर स कय क कर य द र ह, असम म ग व ह ट नव स ह. ल कन हम ज नत ह क यह स य नह ह, और यह क व नय द ल म रहत आय ह एलक आडव ण भ रमणश ल रह ह एक ब र र यसभ स ट क लए उ ह न ख द क उ ज न नव स घ षत कय थ अभ व अहमद ब द क नव स ह इस तरह अ ण ज टल द ल व ल ह, ल कन स ल 2014 म व अम तसर गय और घर खर दकर बसन क घ षण क थ अम तसर क ल ग न उ ह पस द नह कय, अत अब व अहमद ब द नव स ह ल कन, अगर आप और म न, म न ल क प सप टर क लए, इन न त ओ क तरह पत क घ षण क ह त, त हम ज ल म ह त आ थर क खर च अ य प ग रहण कर ल त ह, ज स म यत व त पर अ धक ट क स लग त ह मसलन, ऊ च आय त कर क अथर व तव म आय त र कन, क मत बढ़ न तथ घर ल नम र त ओ क ल भ पह च न ह ह द त न अ ब डर अपन नम र त ओ एव कमर च रय क जतन स ख द त ह, उतन ह द ख इन क र क म लक और चल न व ल क द त ह क य आपन य न दय ह क सभ क र ट यर क क मत लगभग वह ह त ह? एडम मथ न इसक ब हतर य ख य क ह क, सम न य प र करन व ल ल ग कभ -कभ र आम द-प रम द य भटक व स ख क लए मलत ह, ल कन ब तच त क अ त जनत क व द ध कस स जश स ह त ह य स जश र जन त ओ व न करश ह क बन स क रय सहय ग क क मय ब नह ह सकत हम र स सद म एमप एलएड (स सद क थ न य क ष त र वक स य जन ) जग न क लए क ड मनम हन स ह क प र त ध यव द क भ व ह
7 7 ल कन, त क ल न व त म त र न श यद ह कभ स क ष मह र ज ज स प य क ब र म स च ह, ज ह न य जन क नज वक स य जन म बदल दय जब एक प लसव ल प र थ मक दजर करन क लए अथव बन कस त कर क क रण क प स ल त ह, तब यह एक भ न वगर स स ब धत ह त ह और हम सच म ग स ह त ह. हमम स जन ल ग न द ल म बन अ धक रय क अन म दनन क मक न बन य य उनम बदल व कय, यह ज नत ह ए क यह नयम क व द ध ह, त इसक क लए उसन भ गत न कय यह स म य ब त थ,, ज इस ब क ल ज यज ठहर त प रत त ह ई. ल कन, जब उ च य य लय न उ ह ह व त करन क आद श दय तब हम आक र शत थ य द वह उ च य य लयय आद श द त ह क अपन नव स थ न क ल कर गलत ववरण द न व ल स सद क ख ल कर द न च हए, क य तब भ हम आक र शत ह ग? हम प रस न ह सकत ह, ल कन आक र शत नह प टत यह ऐस वषय ह, जस पर य पक वच र- वमशर और चच र क आव यकत ह इसम स सद आ म व ल षण क ज रय बह त क छ कर सकत ह अन क ह भ, ज इस वषय क वश षज ञ ह कई मत सव क षण दख त ह क क छ ऐस प श ह, ज ह ह हम लगभगग प र तरह भ र ट म नत ह र जन त और प लस क ल ग इस स च म शखर पर ह. सव क षण म मत द न व ल 99 फ सद न उ ह ध तर ह न म न ह र जमर र क ज वन म हम प र य जस भ र ट च र क गव ह बनत ह, य उनक ग रज र क शश क नत ज ह ऐस नह ह क द सर स म जक और र जन तक यव थ ओ म भ र ट च र नह ह त भ र ट च र प र तरह य त एक व व य प प रघटन ह यह प रक त क स थ अ त नर हत ह त ह ज स ज नवर एक-द सर स भ जन च र त ह, मन य व स ह द सर स प स ऐ ठत ह. ल कन मन य स ग ठत सम ज म रहत ह और सम ज नयम पर आध रत एक यव थ ह क न न क क म करन क लए प ट ह न च हए क य द पकड़ गय, त त ज स नव ई ह ग और द ष प य ज न पर सज मल ग यह पर, हम र प स ग भ र सम य ए ह क न न क न बन त ह? र जन नत बन त ह क न न ल ग क न करत ह? प लस ल ग करत ह पर द न ह अ य धक भ र ट समझ ज त ह Date: मल स व ध नक दरज स प दक य र ट र य अ य पछड़ वगर आय ग क स व ध नक दरज द न स स ब धत स वध न स श धन वध यक क ल क सभ म प रत ह न क फ मह वप णर ह व त त: यह वध यक पहल भ ल क सभ स प रत ह आ थ, ल कन र य सभ म वपक ष न बह मत क क रण इसम स श धन प र त व प रत कर लय इसक अन स र आय ग म एक अ पस ख यक एव एक म हल सद य श मल ह ग पछड़ वगर आय ग म अ पस ख यक सद य क अ नव यर त क क ई मतलब नह ह यह हम र र जन त व र हर वषय म व ट क प ख त करन क दयन यत क प रम ण थ इस ब र इस स श धन क हट कर वध यक प रत कय गय ह और जस क ग र स न पछल ब र स श धन प रत कर य थ, उसन भ इस म पर ज र
8 8 नह दय क ग र स क स थ सम य यह ह क भ जप उस पर पछड़ वगर वर ध ह न क आर प लग कर कठघर म खड़ कर रह थ च न व क प वर वह इस आर प स अपन क म क त करन च हत थ उस यह भ य न आय क अन स चत ज त-जनज त आय ग म भ अ पस ख यक य म हल सद य ह न क प र वध न नह ह, जसक गठन क ग र स क श सनक ल म ह ह आ थ इस लए उसन अपन प र ख चन म न सब समझ ह आय ग क स व ध नक दरज दए ज न क स थ ह यह अन स चत ज त-अन जनज त आय ग क समकक ष ह ज एग इसक मतलब यह ह क अब वह क वल वच र और स झ व द न व ल स थ नह रह ज एग उस नणर य ल न क अ धक र ह ग वह अ य पछड़ ज तय क स च म और ज तय क ज ड़ सकत ह, कस ज त क पछड़ ज त स ब हर कर सकत ह ह ल क उसक भ मक क द र य तर पर ह ह ग र य म यह क यर र य पछड़ वगर आय ग क प स ह ग वह अब कस क द ड तक द सकत ह पछड़ ज त क वक स क दश म आय ग अपन भ मक भ नभ सकत ह पहल वह क वल ऐस कदम क स झ व द सकत थ अब वह न तय बन न म मदद कर ग ब शक, भ जप इस आग म च न व म म बन न क क शश कर ग वह यह कह ग ज क म पछड़ वगर क लए वष नह ह आ वह हमन कर दय जनत इस कस तरह ल ग यह अलग ब त ह क त ऐस कय ज न ज र थ पछड़ वगर क लए आरक षण क यव थ ह न क स थ ह ऐस कर दय ज न च हए थ य भच र पर वच र Date: स प दक य कस वव हत क स थ सहम त स श र रक स ब ध बन न अब य भच र नह म न ज एग च फ ज टस द पक म क अ यक षत व ल स वध न प ठ न कह क श द क प वत रत क लए प त व प न द न सम न प स ज म द र ह यह स नव ई, क रल नव स ज स फ शन क जन हत य चक म ध र -497 क नर त करन क अप ल पर चल रह ह सव च अद लत न य भच र क अपर ध क ण स हट न क प ट स क त दए य भच र अब महज तल क क आध र रह ज एग प ठ न आ चय जत य क अगर श द श द त र प त क अल व कस अ य श द श द प ष स द हक स ब ध बन त ह त सफर प ष पर ह अपर ध क य बनत ह, जब क त र भ अपर ध क लए बर बर ज म द र ह? ह ल क प ठ यह प ट कर च क ह क वह य भच र क ल ग वभ दह न (ज डर य ट रल) क न न बन न पर वच र नह कर ग वह इसक पर क षण कर ग क य भच र क अपर ध क ण म रख ज ए य नह प ठ न आ चय जत य क प त क सहम त स य द त र ग र मदर क स थ द हक स ब ध बन त ह त वह अपर ध नह ह! यह मनम न और भ दभ वप णर ह प ट ह क यह प र वध न य हत क प त क ज ग र म नत ह प त च ह त उस वव ह तर स ब ध क लए ढक ल सकत ह प ठ क म नन क म ज द क न न मनम न ह व सम नत क अ धक र क उ ल घन करत ह प ठ क सद य ज टस ड व ई च द रच ड़ न कह क यह कहन उ चत नह ह क त र वव ह ब धन स ब हर नह ज सकत क य यह त र क स म न क खल फ नह ह? जब क सरक र क कथन स प रत त ह त ह क वह
9 9 वव ह स थ क बच न क आड़ म कस प रक र क बदल व क त य र नह ह सरक र क दल ल ह क श द क श चत बन ए रखन क लए य भच र क अपर ध क ह ण म रखन ह ग च फज टस न यह भ कह क अगर हम यह कहत ह क य न व य तत व भ वक अ धक र ह, त य भच र तल क क आध र नह रह ज एग समय बदलन क स थ प र न क न न म स ध र ल न क ज रत स इनक र नह कय ज सकत यह तय ह क सम ज म हर तर पर त र क लए सम नत क महत आव यकत ह वह ढ़ ह रह ह व उसक क इर द मजब त ह ल कन यह य त यय ह क य भच रण य हत क य गन क स र अ धक र अभ भ प त क प स स र क षत ह प ष क उक त ध र म अपर ध ठहर य ज सकत ह पर त र क प ष कभ भ, कस भ थ त म अपर ध ठहर न क आज द ह Date: Accountable & adventurous State must be both to tackle both corruption and poverty. Political parties must stop fightingg yesterday s wars Manish Sabharwal, (The writer is with Teamlease Services) Indians are exasperated with corruption and exhausted by poverty. But therein lies the tension: Ending poverty needs a more adventurous state while ending corruption needs a more accountable one. India has been stuck in a low-level equilibrium of low productivity whose destruction needs more risk-taking; Margaret Thatcher told a cabinet colleague who appointed committees but never got anything done Your brain is not attached to your backbone. There is huge public appetite for blood accountability for large frauds in telecom, coal, land, and banks. However, every doctor knows that post mortems have a certainty that prescriptions don t; any state will freeze if our corruption investigators do not learn how to distinguish between fraud, incompetence, bad luck, and poor judgement. Recent amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act will protect honest risk-takers but these changes are not enough. The only sustainable solutions for accountability and risk-taking to co-exist in our state are Rationalisation, Institutionalisation and Specialisation. Let s look at each in more detail. Rationalisation means thatt the Indian state must do less, so it can do more. We don t need 50 plus central ministries, 200 plus peoplee with the rank of secretary to Government of India, and 300 plus central Public Sector Units. Governing organisationss that take large commercial risks with long tails is difficult without active shareholders even in the private sector but almost impossible with the government as shareholder. The diet coke approach to governance the taste without the calories has been expensive in
10 10 government commercial organisations; the potential bad loan write-offs of our public-sector banks exceed 10 years of central government allocation to primary education and Air India s cumulative losses could double our spending on courts for the next four years. A modern state must focus on healthcare, education, roads and police and this needs doing less; only 25 central ministries and 25 PSUs. Secondly, Nobel Laureate Douglas North insightfully suggested that the difference between poor and rich countries is institutions. This hardly means that bureaucrats, technocrats and judges should protect a country from its politicians; a wonderful new book, Unelected Power, by Paul Tucker meditates on the consequences of big decisions being made by people who don t face elections. But institutions balance myopia (short-sightedness) and hypermetropia (long-sightedness). The key is how institutions work in practice rather than theory; over the last few decades massive informal employment mocked honest employers, money laundering shell companies mocked tax payers, banks making big loans they knew they wouldn t recover mocked honest small borrowers, and bad loan accounting mocked common sense. Purposeful action over the last few years in ending our sense of humour about the rule of law demonetisation, GST, RERA, shell company evisceration, Bankruptcy Code, Fugitive Bill, bad loan accounting, Provident Fund enforcement, etc is only a start. The third solution is specialisation. Politicians agree on the wisdom in the quip that they campaign in poetry but govern in prose but disagree on their relative importance. This echoes a debate in leadership between generalists and specialists that will never be resolved because any healthy organisation needs both. But Indian policy-making already has many generalists; they are called politicians. Politicians need assistance by technocrats not bureaucrats because fixing the state failure in education, healthcare, public finance, urbanisation, banking, etc needs the inch-wide mile-deep human capital (networks, intuition, knowledge, research familiarity, judgement, experience, etc) that comes from marinating in something for decades rather than the mile-wide inch-deep perspective that comes from switching thought worlds every 24 months. This also applies to investigating agencies with 3 per cent conviction rates, spray-and-pray chargesheets, and questionable arrests (like bankers by Maharashtra state police recently). We could start with applying this framework to banking. The case for rationalisation is clear; banks make loans, some will always go bad, and stupidity is not illegal. But public-sector banks are more accident prone, taxpayers pay for their mistakes, and 21 is too many. The case for institutionalisation is clear; governance even in private sector banks places where there is skin in the game and capital has a voice lately has been regrettably complicated and delayed but a healing process set off by shareholder action, board churn and regulatory action create important precedents. The current Department of Financial Services has successfully ended Delhi phone banking, but the current nationalised bank ecosystem is inadequate for creating the right governance, culture and consequences. We need another layer of institutionalisation; the RBI is atoning for decades of invertebrate mimicking by fixing bad loan handling with its bankruptcy advocacy and the February 12 circular. But it must be allowed to stay the course rather than be blunted by dangerous stuff like power sector court submissions recommending forbearance this corrodes IBC principles and distracting stuff like a committee whose terms of reference explicitly include exploring fudging bad loan accounting. Bureaucrats either look up at technocrats or down on them; never straight across. This results in caricatures that impede getting a clearer look but areas like banking need specialisation. Government bank ownership must shift to a specially staffed, continuously trained, autonomous, independently governed holding company that holds banks to high performance standards (growth and credit quality) and commits to a 24-month
11 11 deadline of ending access to government money that is desperately needed in education, apprenticeships, and health care. Political parties stuck in the rhetoric of left and right are exhausted and no longer have answers because they fight yesterday s wars rather than address today s inter-disciplinary challenges of surplus food production, gridlocked cities, civil service performance management, learning outcomes, health care, and living wages. Corruption probably knocks off 2 per cent of our GDP and poverty stunts the lives of 300 million Indians; solving both problems needs an accountable and adventurous state. Getting there involves being different, not bigger, better or smaller. To paraphrase philosopher J Saul, our citizens deserve a massive restructuring of the state because they are not customers of bureaucrats but their employers.
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