Ndebele Verbal Art with Special Reference to Praise Poetry

Transcription

1 Ndebele Verbal Art with Special Reference to Praise Poetry by Hermanus Christoffel Groenewald Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Doctor Litterarum et Philosophiae in African Languages in the Faculty of Arts at the Rand Afrikaans University Promotor: Prof LC Posthumus May 1998

2 Acknowledgements If it were not for Philemon Ntuli of Allemansdrift C, I doubt whether this study would have got off the ground. He accompanied me on most of the field trips and his company was not only welcome and pleasant on long journeys, but his skill in communicating with people was invaluable. Since he knew the area we could move around easily. Without this knowledge I would probably have given up. When a performance started becoming animated and many things were happening simultaneously, it was convenient to have someone to do the recordings while I took photographs or vice versa. His assistance was also invaluable in the transcribing and translating of texts. Kuwe ngithi ngithokoza khulu - ukwanda kwa/iwa m/oyi. Ngikufisela itjhudu epahveni yakho yoke uthokoze nabantwana bakho boke. Khumbula bona umsebenzi lo awukapheli. Ungadinwa nangomuso. Kungaba kuhle nange siragela phambill ngokuyokurhubulula isikhethu. MhIalukwana! I am also indebted to the following people for help in the transcribing and translating of texts: Stefaans Skhosana (Unisa), Staupitz Makopo of RAU (for the Northern Sotho praise poems), and PB (Bhuti) Skhosana of the Department of African Languages, University of Pretoria who assisted me a lot in verifying texts: Jan, ngithokoza khulu! I am most grateful to Professor Lionel Posthumus for seeing me through this study. Although errors still existing remain mine, his meticulous scrutiny of the material and his many suggestions were most useful: Okuhle kodwa mhlobo! Thanks to Craig MacKenzie who edited the manuscript at very short notice: Ungadinwa nangomuso, mlingani! I express my gratitude and respect to Professor Paul von Staden, colleague and friend, who drew me into the wonders of the African languages: Wena owakhu/a To Mrs Sane van der Poll of the office.of the Surveyor General in the Department of Land Affairs: many thanks for supplying me with a detailed map of the former KwaNdebele.

3 Karien Brink of RAU Graphics prepared the maps reproduced in addendum 1, and I thank her for them. I gratefully acknowledge the research grant I received from the African Language Association of Southern Africa (ALASA). To family members, friends and colleagues: thank you so much for your encouragement. En ek dank u, die Here, wat alles moontlik maak. Soke simbone osiphilisayo! Enymveni bakwethu uma ngiphosisile emazwini ami!

4 Vi,r al. my mei,friek: A miacite., Lea,vvv, A ma,d,ecti Darticie. Marylce.. 111

5 Summary Approaches to folklore/oral forms have evolved from an interest in things (texts are included here) to an interest in process, of which performance studies is a prime example. A performance orientation seeks to restore an activity (or a text as part of an activity) to its proper place - not as an extracted, reified entity, but as discourse created by performers in particular circumstances. These circumstances, or context, are detail-rich and have influences on a text, and, in turn, a text is a detail that influences other aspects of the total performance. These theoretical issues are dealt with in chapter I. Ndebele praise poetry manifests itself in many situations as it forms part of a larger oral culture, as can be seen in many regular and ad hoc Ndebele ceremonies. The extent of the oral culture is illustrated in chapter 2. Gunner and Gwala (1991: 7) have remarked that praise poetry 'has been and still is extremely open to appropriation by those who had or wished to have access to political power and influence'. This was particularly evident in the way praise poetry was performed during 1988 at political campaigns. This year was part of the period of political unrest in Ndebele history which started in 1985 when central government announced that Moutse would be incorporated into the former Kw'aNdebele and that KwaNdebele would become independent on 11 December At the 6 political meetings, during which the anti-independent royalists campaigned against independence, praise poetry was utilised extensively. This background is dealt with in chapter 3. At these meetings praise poetry functioned not only to amuse the crowd, but to introduce speakers, underscore their legitimacy and to lend authority to what speakers were saying. Needless to say, while some iimbongo were 'context ready', others were recontextualised to have something to say about the issues prevailing at the time. The praises that grew from contemporary circumstances were those of the `ama-radicals', as they were called, namely, the princes, sons of Mabhoko, the Ndzundza-Ndebele chief (Ingwenyama) at that time. The praises of Mabhoko himself were largely those of Mabhoko I, who lived between 1800 and But although these iimbongo originated at that time, they were highly relevant to the circumstances prevailing at the time so that the iv

6 process of recontextualisation was quite natural. Contextual issues such as these are described in chapter 4. The value of the performance approach is that, while a text is seen as part of a process, it is also recognised as language on display, language presented for enjoyment and as a display of communicative competence. Bauman and Briggs (1990) refer to this process as entextualisation. Language as display, or artistic language use, is characterised by numerous devices. In the Ndebele praise poems the metaphor can be seen to be the privileged trope, occurring more frequently than any other device. Contemporary Ndebele praise poets operate at a time when orality is being replaced by literacy. Very often praise poets document their own poetry, thus allowing for others to learn these praises through the medium of the written word. How does this affect creativity? These issues are addressed in chapter 5. Jimbongo as instances of 'master creative discourse' are meant to influence listeners and achieve practical ends in a time when there are so many other contending types of discourse and means of communication. The study concludes by briefly considering the role of this oral art form in contemporary Ndebele society.

7 Opsomming Benaderings tot volkslcuns/mondelinge vorme het gegroei vanaf 'n belangstelling in voorwerpe of 'clinge' (die begrip sluit tekste in) tot 'n belangstelling in prosesse, waarvan die opvoer- of 'performance'-benadering 'n goeie voorbeeld is. 'n Performatiewe uitkyk het ten doel die plasing van 'n aktiwiteit (of 'n teks as deel van 'n aktiwiteit) in sy gepaste konteks - nie as ge-ekstraheerde, ge-reffieerde entiteit nie, maar as diskoers geskep deur opvoerders onder spesifieke omstandighede. Hierdie omstandighede, of konteks, is detailryk en beinvloed 'n teks. Op sy beurt is 'n teks 'n aspek wat invloed uitoefen op ander aspekte van die totale uitvoering. Teoretiese aspekte soos hierdie word in hoofstuk I behandel. Ndebele prysgedigte kom voor in bale situasies as deel van die groter mondelinge kultuur, soos gesien kan word in die gereelde en ad hoc Ndebele seremonies. Die omvang van die mondelinge kultuur kom ter sprake in hoofstuk 2. Gunner (in Gunner en Gwala 1991: 7) stel dit dat die prysgedig 'n uiters bruikbare instrument is vir mense wat politieke mag wil he. Hierdie aspek is baie duidelik in die wyse waarop prysgedigte uitgevoer is gedurende 1988 tydens politieke vergaderings. Hierdie jaar was deel van die periode van politieke onrus in die Ndebele-geslciedenis wat in 1985 begin het met die aankondiging deur die sentrale regering dat Moutse by die voormalige KwaNdebele ingelyf sou word en dat KwaNdebele op 11 Desember 1986 onafhanklik sou word. By die ses politieke vergaderings, waartydens die anti-onafhanklike koninklikes onafhartklikheid teengestaan het, is prysgedigte intensief benut. Hierdie agtergrond word in hoofstuk 3 beslcryf. Tydens hierdie vergaderings het prysgedigte nie alleen gedien om die mense te trakteer nie, maar ook om sprekers voor te stel, hulle legithniteit te bevestig en om in die algemeen gewigtigheid te verleen aan dit wat sprekers wou oordra. Nodeloos om te se dat terwyl sommige iimbongo as't ware konteksgereed was, ander geherkontektualiseer is om lets te kan s8 oor die omstandighede van die tyd. Die prysgedigte wat gegroei het uit kontemporere omstandighede was die van die 'ama-radicals', soos hulk genoem is, naamlik die prinse, seuns van Mabhoko, die Ndzundza-Ndebele hoof (Ingwenyama) van vi

8 die tyd. Die prysgedigte van Mabhoko self was grotendeels die van Mabhoko I wat tussen 1800 en 1865 geleef het. Hoewel sy iimbongo in daardie tyd ontstaan het, was hulk steeds hoogs relevant vir die omstandighede wat toe geheers het sodat die proses van herkontekstualisering natuurlik voorgekom het. Aan kontekstualisering word in hoofstuk 4 aandag gegee. Die waarde van vertoning/die opvoerbenadering le daarin dat, hoewel 'n teks deel is van 'n proses, dieselfde teks ook erken word as taal-as-vertoon, wat aangebied word vir genot en as 'n vertoon van kommunikatiewe vaardigheid. Bauman en Briggs (1990) verwys na hierdie verskynsel as entekstualisering. Taal-as-vertoon, of artistieke taalgebruik, word uiteraard gekenmerk deur vele kunsgrepe. In Ndebele-prysgedigte is die metafoor die begunstigde troop en dit realiseer in vele vorms. Dit kom ook meer dikwels as enige ander kenmerk voor. Ndebele prysdigters tree op in 'n tyd wanneer oraliteit deur geletterdheid oorvleuel word. Hedendaagse prysdigters dokumenteer dikwels hulle eie werk, gereed as't ware vir ander opkomende prysdigters om te memoriseer deur middel van die geskrewe woord. Hoe raak dit kreatiwiteit? Hierdie vraagstuk word ondermeer in hoofstuk 5 behandel. limbongo as voorbeelde van `meester kreatiewe diskoers' word aangewend om houdings te vorm en om praktiese resultate te verkry in 'n tyd wanneer daar so baie ander kompeterende vorme van diskoers en wyses van kommunikasie is. Die studie word afgesluit met 'n bondige besinning oor die rol van hierdie mondelinge lcunsvorm in die kontemporere Ndebele gemeenskap. vii

9 Table of Contents Acknowledgements Summary Opsomming iv vi 'Chapter 1: Approaches to Folklore Folklore as discipline Terminology Definitions, scope, and suppositions Alan Dundes Dan Ben-Amos Roger Abrahams Richard Bauman Recent studies Conclusion A Brief History of Folklore Studies The pre-modern era: early folkloristic activity Popular antiquities Literary folkloristics The Aryan thesis Comparative mythology The anthropological approach 15 African material and survivalism Symbolism Conclusion The modern era: folklore as scientific enterprise Psychological approaches Diffusionism Functionalism Formalism/Structuralism Marxism The Oral Theory Conclusion The postmodern era: the era of textuality Feminism Deconstruction Popular arts Praxis Conclusion Performance theory Orientation The emergence of a performance approach Concepts in performance theory Evaluation of performance theory Performance theory and culture Performance theory and scientific practice Performance theory and the nature of oral texts Performance theory and the function of oral texts Conclusion General conclusion 48 viii

10 Chapter 2: The Oral Context Context: the literary environment Studies on and collections of Ndebele verbal art Performed verbal art Regular ceremonies 53 Ichude/iqhude - girls' initiation 53 Izangoma performances 65 Umtjhado wekosi, kwamabhena - marriage of Mabhena, KwaMabhena 76 Ingoma - boys initiation 80 Umnyanya wesitjhaba - national ceremony Ad hoc ceremonies 105 Ukumatjha - political gathering 105 Ukunika iporiyana - giving of the poriyana 106 Umnyanya wokubonga ukuthula, ekosini - ceremony to thank for the peace, ekosini 107 Other performances Conclusion 108 Chapter 3: The Political Context The Ndebele context The period of unrest Nature of the performances Performers Audience Performances Political rhetoric and its discoursees Chieftaincy Polarity The elections and other topics History and culture Moral issues Religious rhetoric Artistic rhetoric Ukuthamba Amahubo Songs Praise poetry A typical performance Conclusion 142 Chapter 4: Contextualisation and Recontextualisation Functions of oral art and of iimbongo in particular Contextualisation Solly Mahlangu Prince Cornelius Prince James Mabhoko 159 ix

11 4.2.5 Nyabela Recontextualisation Mabhoko Nyabela Conclusion 176 Chapter 5: Entextualisation Approaches to poetic language Literary/aesthetic views Linguistic views Orality Anthropological views Evaluation and synthesis Analysis Repetition Repetition of the `gijimani' motif Word order Imagery Composition Register Opening metaphors Other images, satire, bawdy language Peculiar grammar Elision of initial vowels of nouns Elision of class prefixes of nouns, Elision of associative particle, identifying particle Elision of agreement markers, part of the negative marker Use of nominal structures ko-, no-, etc Phrase/sentence-like nominal structures Agreement discrepancies Noun plus imperative The short form of the past tense Creativity Conclusion 225 Chapter 6: Conclusion 229 References 233 Addendum 1: Maps of research area 243 Addendum 2: Genealogy Ndzundza amakhosi and regents 245 Addendum 3: Photos 246 x

12 Chapter 1 Approaches to Folklore It is no longer possible to undertake an innocent, unproblematic study of folklore. What was once simplistically regarded as the 'lore' (i.e. 'knowledge') residing in an idealised `folk' has become a contentious field of study. This chapter serves to lay the basis for a description of Ndebele verbal art and praise poetry in particular. It is often mentioned in studies on the Ndebele people that they were one of the first groups to settle in the north-eastern part of South Africa. (One has to add the proviso, in the light of recent archaeological findings at Thulamela in the northern part of the Kruger National Park, that the Ndebele were the first to enter the area in recent times - 'recent' times meaning since 1500.) Whatever the case may be, a study of one of the most precious 'artefacts', namely verbal art, of a people with both a proud history - see Pienaar's remarks on their highly successful material culture (Pienaar 1991: 21 et seq.) - and also one of the most woeful in southern Africa, is long overdue. Ndebele verbal art is still the centre piece of many occasions among the amandebele, occasions during which vital sodal processes are mediated. My aim, therefore, is to provide a synchronic overview of verbal art in Ndebele and, in so-doing, to illustrate to what extent Ndebele people still engage in performances of verbal art. Praise poetry has always been regarded as 'special', 'unique', and so on. Note just some of the few pronouncements in this regard: Ruth Finnegan: G.P. Lestrade: Raymond Kunene: The praise poems of the Bantu peoples of South Africa are one of the most specialised and complex forms of poetry to be found in Africa (1976: 121). The Bantu-speaking peoples of Southern Africa possess in their praise poems... a literary genre which has no exact counterpart in the literatures of more sophisticated peoples... these primitive productions would appear to be unique in the literature of the world (1935: 1). The Zulu eulogies are the highest products of ancient literary genius (1962: 13).

13 B.W. Vilakazi: One thing noteworthy about the whole poem is the height of its lyric quality (1993: 68). Since praise poetry has been regarded as one of the most sophisticated forms of verbal art and has been studied intensively, special attention will be given to it. Chapter one will lay the theoretical basis for the study. In the second chapter the aim is to show that Ndebele praise poetry is part of a (largely) oral culture. Important aspects of context are the socio-political sphere and the specific situations in which Ndebele iimbongo (praise poetry) were performed. These aspects will be examined in chapter three. In chapter four the intention is to show how Ndebele iimbongo were contextualised and recontextualised to serve a political purpose. To illustrate this purpose. the focus will be on one of the aspects the audience enjoyed tremendously, namely the motifs in praise poetry. By contemplating the concept of entextualisation - in chapter five - an equally popular aspect of praise poetry, namely language use, will be studied. Due to their oral nature, performances never reoccur in the same way, even if 'the same' praise poetry is performed. In order to illustrate this aspect of orality, some performances will be compared so as to illustrate the extent of creativity in certain performances. The conclusions are made in the sixth and final chapter. This study is a culmination of ten years of fieldwork. The first recordings of Ndebele iimbongo were made at a Nyabela Day commemoration in 1986, and the last recordings, for present purposes, were made on the same occasion, namely Nyabela Day During all this time I was usually accompanied by fellow-fieldworker Philemon Ntuli, who resides in Allemansdrift C. The map in addendum 1 gives an idea of where the fieldwork was conducted. Since the Ndebele people were taught through the medium of Zulu in their schools until 1996, Zulu influence is apparent in the language and obviously in their verbal art. It is for this reason that one encounters the term izibongo and many other Zulu-isms in the field. Ndebele spokespeople also used the term iibongo, probably a variant of iimbongo. Mother language which has strongly influenced Ndebele is Northern Sotho, with which 2

14 the Ndebele people have been in contact for centuries. No attempt was made to edit and rectify the language use as I heard it in my recordings to adhere to present-day language `rules'. 1.1 Folklore as discipline If cultural eras can be crudely divided into the pre-modern, modern, and postmodern (see Victor Turner 1986: 72), the performance approach, which has become the mode of description for much of the performing arts, and especially for extant verbal art, can be placed in the last of these cultural eras. Reviewing the recent theoretical shifts in Anthropology, Turner (1986: 21) notices that structure has given way to process. The same can be said of folkloristics. In order to show how the performance approach differs from other approaches, and why it is preferred as a descriptive model for Ndebele iimbotzgo, an overview of folkloristics will be given. Before embarking on this, terminology used in folklore studies as well as some suppositions will be investigated Terminology Although it may be more precise to distinguish between folkloristics (the science of folklore) and folklore (the primary material), the term 'folklore' will be used to refer to both notions in this study. The materials of folklore - 'primary literature' - have been referred to using different terms. traditional literature (popularised by Ruth Finnegan, 1970), oral art, verbal art, orature, folklore (the oldest of them all), aural art, performance, etc. Of all these, performance and verbal art, in my view, pose the least problems (however, see Bronner's reservations (1988) on the notion of performance in paragraph ). One of the most frequently used terms in South Africa, 'traditional literature', probably poses more problems than most of the other terms for the simple reason that verbal art is not always traditional (see more details on p. 5). The literary notion linked to `traditional literature' in the past is just as problematic with its connotations of 'written text', 'canon', and something that can be 'assessed for literary merit'. Even so, in South Africa as is the case elsewhere, it has been argued that verbal art can be studied as 3

15 literature. (See Oosthuizen 1977 and Cope 1978.) Yet there are also problems with 'oral art' and 'verbal art'. What folklorists call oral/verbal art, is not always called art by the communities we study. Many folklorists have discovered what Turner (1986: 26) maintains: Interestingly, as I have written in various publications, in many societies ritual, described as 'work'... is The same can be said of 'verbal art' since it is often the means by which ritual is performed. What folklorists regard as 'art', or 'literature', is all too often seen as obligatory routine by the performers. `Aural art' refers to reception, namely that verbal art is heard (not read, in the first instance). `Orature' is devoid of the problems mentioned above, but has not been generally accepted in South Africa; it has been adopted by Afrikaans academics who speak of coratuur. 'Performance' appreciates the fact that verbal art is not only verbal or aural, but that it involves a total experience.of sound and movement in context. On the other hand, this term tends to ignore forms that are not performed or occur in some or other `ceremony'. Lately, many Africanists prefer to speak in terms of 'popular culture' to indicate that much of African art (including verbal art) is a vehicle for ordinary people as they struggle against oppresive forces and as they define themselves in environments other than the rural hinterland. See examples of African popular art in Barber As mentioned earlier, 'folklore' is the most enduring of the terms. It is the term most widely used, albeit often negatively. Using the term folklore as a point of departure, I would like to show briefly how the discipline has become problematised. 1.3 Definitions, scope and suppositions Alan Dundes In the wake of the re-evaluation of folklore from the 60s onwards, Man Dundes in the collection of essays, The Study of Folklore (1965: 1-3), points out the difficulties of a definition that is based on the oral element, an element that has ruled uncontested in definitions of folklore since the inception of serious folklore study, that is since the days of 4

16 the Grimm brothers (see paragraph ). For Dundes the problem is that in a preliterate society every kind of lore is transmitted orally, for instance language, laws of the community, etc. Thus not all that is orally transmitted can be called folklore. The second problem is that many forms that exist only in written form may be disqualified from a definition based on the oral aspect, forms such as book marginalia, epitaphs, etc. Thirdly, forms that consist of movement, such as dance, games, and gestures, would be disqualified. Dundes prefers to base his definition on the folk and their lore (although he does not say what folklore as such is). Because his book is intended for beginners, he opts for an enumerative definition, and he enumerates about 55 items, ranging from myths to latrinalia Dan Ben-Amos Dan Ben-Amos (in Paredes and Bauman 1972: 3) shows that despite the fact that there are so many definitions of folklore, scholars have still not succeeded in identifying the unifying thread that joins all folklore. He singles out three types of definitions for illustration: a) the enumerative definition that simply enumerates the items of folklore (proverbs, stories, etc.) when defining folklore; b) the intuitive definition, and c) the operational definition of Utley. Ben-Amos (op. cit.: 4). points out that the difficulty of defining folklore largely arises from the very nature of folklore: I quote him at length in this regard: Subsequent attempts to construct a definition that would hold together all these apparently diversified phenomena encountered a difficulty inherent in the nature of folklore. On the one hand, folklore forms - like mentifacts and artefacts - are superorganic in the sense that, once created, their indigenous environment and cultural context are not required for their continuous existence. Background information may be essential for the analytical interpretation of the materials, but none of it is crucial for the sheer existence of the folklore forms. Tales and songs can shift media, cross language boundaries, pass from one culture to another, and still retain sufficient traces of similarity to enable us to recognize a core of sameness in their versions. Folk art objects can outlive their users, even exist when their culture as a whole has become extinct, so that they are literally survivals of ancient times. A folk musician nowadays can perform for millions of people on a television network, in a style and manner that approximate his own singing and playing in the midst of his own small group, thus extending his art far beyond his social circle. In sum, the materials of folklore are mobile, manipulative, and transcultural. 5

17 Summarising the often conflicting perspectives of folklore, Ben-Amos (op. cit.: 5) isolates three basic conceptions/parameters (indicated by A, B, and C) underlying many definitions. The first of these sees folklore as a body of knowledge, a mode of thought, and a kind of art. Since these categories are very broad, they need to be qualified, and Ben-Amos (op. cit.: 5) points out that this has been done in terms of social context, time depth, and medium of transmission. The first of these, social context, points to the inevitable requirement that folklore exists in a group, 'which may be either a geographic, linguistic, ethnic, or occupational grouping' (op. cit.: 5). The time depth qualification requires that folklore has to have some or other traditional aspect, or as Ben-Amos puts it: 'Folklore may be "old wine in new bottles" and also "new wine in old bottles" but rarely has it been conceived of as new wine in new bottles.' The medium of transmission requires that folklore, in some or other way, exists/originates in the oral mode. The various relations between A and B account for most of the definitions of folklore. Yet, further qualifications are possible. The knowledge of the group (Aa and Ba) can and has been expressed in terms of possession, representation, and (re)creation. Ben-Amos (op. cit: 6) points out the following with regard to possession: Accordingly, folklore is "the learning of the people," or more fully, "the lore, erudition, knowledge or teaching of a folk." This view of folklore as the lore shared by the whole group communally applies, in practice and theory, to different degrees of public possession. First, folklore can be the sum total of knowledge in a society. Since no single member of the community has a complete command of all its facets, folklore in this sense must be an abstract construct based upon the collective information as it is stored with many individuals, "the whole body of people's traditional beliefs and customs." Secondly, and in contrast, folklore has been considered only as that knowledge shared by every member of the group. This definition excludes any 6

18 esoteric information to which only selected experts in the community have access, since it restricts folklore to "popular knowledge" alone. In that case, folklore is the real "common property" of the community. Thirdly, this real communal lore can be expressed by the group at large in "collective actions of the multitude," as Frazer defines it, including public festivities, rituals, and ceremonies in which every member of the group partakes. Lastly, folklore can be restricted to customs and observances that each individual adheres to in the privacy of his home, though all the people in the society abide by them. Although this last interpretation is theoretically possible, no definition has limited the scope of folklore so narrowly. The relationship between group and folklore as mode of thought has mainly negative connotations and needs not be explained in detail. Ben-Amos (op. cit.: 6) says: 'First it refers to the average, unexceptional thought that lacks any marks of individuality... Secondly, it implies the particular thinking patterns of primitive man...' The relationship group and form of art has given rise to controversies surrounding the question of communal creation, which, as Ben-Amos (op. cit.: 7) points out, has been discarded in favour of the notion of re-creation. This does not rule out individual creation, but combines it with communal performing of that which has been created by an individual or individuals. As Ben-Amos (op. cit: 7) points out, the question of re-creation leads to the time depth aspect, since it has been taken for granted in many a view of folklore that we are dealing with materials 'bequeathed from generation to generation' (op. cit.: 8). The notion of tradition has been a central one in many views of folklore. This is quite acceptable as long as the notion does not exclude innovation. Even more persistent in definitions of folklore, and rightly so, is the aspect of oral transmission. This is probably the only aspect that separates folklore from literature. (Nevertheless, Ben-Amos has problems with this very aspect, because the oral mode does not tell us what circulates orally. The question is of course irrelevant, as Ben-Amos (op. cit.: 9) shows, because it brings one back to the very old notion of folklore as things, which was prevalent since the time of popular antiquities.) When Ben-Amos starts to discern the uniqueness of folklore, he first points out that often an aspect of methodology, namely the collecting of material, influences our view of the material itself He explains (ibid.): 7

19 The collection of things requires a methodological abstraction of objects from their actual context... any definition of folklore on the basis of these abstracted things is bound to mistake the part for the whole. To define folklore, it is necessary to examine the phenomena as they exist. In its cultural context, folklore is not an aggregate of things, but a process - a communicative process, to be exact. Ben-Amos (op. cit.: 10) believes that the ever-increasing importance of context that developed since Malinowski (see ), enables one to define folklore in its context. Thus for Ben-Amos Vile telling is the tale; therefore the narrator, his story, and his audience are all related to each other as components of a single continuum, which is the communicative event'. The traits of folklore are thus not to be sought in texts only: 'The focus of the conventions marking the boundaries between folklore and non-folklore is in the text, texture, and context (emphasis added) of the forms...' (ibid.). Folkloric entities characterising the first of these, namely text, would for instance be 'the opening and closing formulas of tales and songs and the structure of actions that happen in-between' (ibid.). The second, texture, relates, as it were, to the 'supra- segmental' entities: rhythm, melody, etc. The contextual dimension circumscribes folklore with regard to conventions such as socio-political environment, time, place, event. Ben-Amos finds it necessary, however, to add a peculiar qualification to the contextual or social dimension, a qualification that nonetheless seems to make good sense. He (op. cit: 12) maintains that folklore operates in the small group: 'folklore communication takes place in a situation in which people confront each other face to face and relate to each other directly' (op. cit: 13). It is not difficult to observe how folkloric communication is impaired in many of today's performances where large crowds are involved. Prime examples are the gatherings on national days (Nyabela Day of the Ndebele, and Shaka Day of the Zulu). On these occasions performers are expected to use microphones in order to reach the crowd. Often it is possible to divide the crowd into two zones. The first of these is that which includes people who can maintain some sort of eye- contact with the performer; these people offer the most lively response. The people further away are less involved in the performance and they show less interest. Secondly, there is the zone where the performer is out of sight; this part of the crowd is often more interested in selling and buying than in the proceedings. The oral communicative event thus thrives when the performer is able to communicate to a relatively small group without 8

20 the interference of, for instance, electronic mediation, and where eye-contact can be maintained. Eye-contact is an important factor for successful folkloric communication. Not only should the group be relatively small, but, according to Ben-Amos (op. cit.: 12), there are two other conditions: 'both the performers and the audience have to be in the same situation and be part of the same reference group' (ibid.). When people are not in the same location, for instance when a performer is performing over the radio or television while the 'audience' is busy with all kinds of activities that do not relate to what the performer is doing, then such a performance becomes another type of folkloric act. In the same vein, when the performer belongs to one reference group and the audience or part thereof to another, the folkloric act is also impaired. This type of situation is often encountered when performers are, for instance, requested to perform for tourists or conference delegates. In these abnormal situations 'something must give' - either the performer is listless, or the text mutates. For Ben-Amos (op. cit.: 13) tradition is not a necessary parameter in the definition of folklore: 'the traditional character of folklore is an accidental quality, associated with it in some cases, rather than an objectively intrinsic feature of it'. It is clear that he doesn't reject tradition totally. He adapts the saying 'all folklore is traditional, but not all traditions are folklore' to read: 'some traditions are folklore, but not all folklore is traditional' (op. cit.: 14). The traditional aspect of verbal art is important. In my view, innovation in verbal art always proceeds from some form of tradition. Finally, Ben-Amos also does not insist on folklore being purely oral. He opts for a mixed mode view when he says: 'oral texts cross into the domain of written literature and the plastic and musical arts; conversely, the oral circulation of songs and tales has been affected by print' (ibid.) Roger Abrahams In his contribution to Paredes and Bauman (1972), 'Personal power and social restraint in the definition of folklore', Roger Abrahams shows how the definition of folklore has been influenced by field workers' preoccupation with the ideal peasant group. Key items 9

21 of folklore are seen as 'immutable and essential, therefore echoing the tradition-oriented.world view and integrative social system of the groups' (op. cit.: 25). Whereas Ben-Amos is orientated toward communication, Abrahams is orientated toward performmice. `Folklore is folklore only when performed', with special emphasis on the performer. He says (op. cit.: 28): If folklore is the embodiment of the wisdom of the group and, therefore, key to its value system, self-conceptions, and anxieties,.then the ones who know and perform items of traditional expression have the group's most powerful weapons at their disposal. The fact that the performer knows the lore, can perform it effectively, and is permitted to perform it gives him a status and a power role in the community that would be unavailable to him through any other channel. Thus folklore is not so much the rhetoric of the community, but rather the 'persuasive device at the service of the individual performer' (op. cit.: 29). Persuasive devices are for Abrahams 'attention-getting' devices that are not necessarily value laden (op. cit: 30). Like Ben-Amos, Abrahams retains the artistic element in folklore Richard Bauman The artistic aspect is in fact Richard Bauman's focal point when he defines folklore in his contribution to Paredes and Bauman. Rejecting the notion of the unified group and illustrating his point from such aspects as ethnicity, religion, region, occupation, age, and kinship affiliation, Bauman argues that 'As long as folklore is conceptualised as a self-contained realm of cultural products abstractly connected with some homogenous body of people identified as a folk and participating in it collectively, the use of folklore in situations involving differential identity will be obscured from view'. He elaborates (op. cit.: 38): Once the necessary reorientation is made, it becomes apparent that folklore may be found in both symmetrical and asymmetrical relationships; members of particular groups or social categories may exchange folklore with each other, on the basis of shared identity, or with others, on the basis of differential identity. The point is that folklore performance does not require that the lore be a collective representation of the participants, pertaining and belonging equally to all of them. It may be so, but it may also be differentially distributed, differentially performed, differentially perceived, and differentially understood. I0

22 Bauman (op. cit: 39) sees folklore as artistic verbal performance. His view of artistic language is the conventional one (op. cit: 37): By the artistic use of spoken language, artistic verbal performance, is meant language usage which takes on special significance above and beyond its referential, informational dimension through the systematic elaboration of any component of verbal behavior in such a way that this component calls attention to itself and is perceived as uncommon or special in a particular context. It may validly be argued that all speech has an esthetic dimension, but it is the point at which awareness of the esthetic dimension is achieved, at which the esthetic is invoked and the speech is intended or recognized as special, which holds the key to artistic verbal performance and responses thereto Recent studies In their review of current issues pertaining to gender, genre, and tradition, Appadurai et at (1991: 4) confirm the fact that the whole realm of folkloristics has been problematised. They say folklore scholarship... has become transformed from a rather conservationist exercise in collecting traditions to a radical enterprise which explores the dynamics of a folk reproduction in the study of a variety of expressive forms. Folkloristic scholarship has developed to such an extent that the meanings of the components of the term 'folklore' (namely 'folk' and 'lore') have become weak instruments to describe the rich, complex, and varied aspects of the discipline (1991: 467 et seq.). 1.4 Conclusion Theorising about the nature of folklore can be confusing and almost frivolous as folklore is defined on the basis of different suppositions. There seems to be a perpetual shifting of premises when it comes to the defining of folklore. Perhaps for this reason, the operational definition of Francis Lee Utley, whose essay is reprinted in Dundes (1965: 7-24), is important. After reviewing the premises of definitions and judging them as a priori, Utley argues for an operational definition. By this he means a definition arrived at after rigorous and precise fieldwork on a specific aspect of folklore. Theoretical consensus may then be arrived at after combining such operational definitions. 11

23 Since a performed folklore belonging to an identifiable group is described in this study, the oral aspect is important and is seen as the raison d'être for the performance approach, the approach according to which Ndebele praise poetry will be studied. 1.5 A Brief History of Folklore Studies The chronological exposition presented below may be misleading if one does not keep in mind that approaches often co-exist. The dates used to demarcate approaches refer mostly to the first and last important publication respectively and do not signal the tentative beginning and ending of that movement. When the researcher is faced with the difficulties of a performance, a model of description must be found to account for all aspects of the performance. Performed verbal art (illustrated in chapter 2) increases the information available to the researcher exponentially, so to speak. As it is, the information load in a text-centred approach is daunting: the researcher is confronted with motifs (items of content referring to action units) in various configurations; numerous patterns of repetition present themselves; on the semantic level the researcher has to deal with intricate images, and so on. In a performance this text is shaped by yet more features: performer idiosyncrasies, audience participation, contextual influence, etc. The overview that follows must be seen as a search for an appropriate model of description for the phenomenon performance The pre-modem era: early folkloristic activity Popular antiquities ( ) This movement was the prime example of interest in objects. In the words of Dorson (1968: 2), popular antiquities entailed the physical, visible remains of the historic past in England. A strong interest in Roman ruins and relics characterized this learning... 12

24 Even in those early days scholars exhibited some of the fears suffered today by many a folklorist. John Aubrey ( ) who, according to Dorson (op. cit.: 4), is a typical seventeenth-century antiquarian, had the following to say about changes in society: Before Printing, Old-wives Tales were ingeniose, and since Printing came in fashion, till a little before the Civill-warres, the ordinary sort of People were not taught to reade. Now-a-dayes Bookes are common, and most of the poor people understand letters; and the many good Bookes, and variety of Turnes of Affaires, have putt all the old Fables out of doors: and the divine art of Printing and Gunpowder have frighted away Robin-goodfellow and the Fayries. One of the great antiquary-folklorists was William John Thoms ( ), the antiquarian who would give the science a new name. Thoms, a fellow of The Society of Antiquaries and similar organisations, was, according to Dorson (op. 'cit.: 75), first and foremost an editor. But it was he who 'devised a short, crisp, suggestive, and all-irclusive' term to replace all the slippery synonyms that were used by him and others to denote the material they were interested in. According to Dorson (op. cit: 80) this happened in a letter printed on 22 August 1846 in the Athenaem, a leading weekly review of literature, science and the arts. Dorson (op. cit.: 81) describes the event, quoting Thoms as follows: Thoms-Merton (a pseudonym - own addition) had selected his medium carefully. `Your pages have so often given evidence,' he began, 'of the interest which you take in what we in England designate as Popular Antiquities, or Popular Literature...' He then drew a breath and in a parenthetical aside unveiled his brain child: `(though by-the-bye it is more a Lore than a Literature, and would be most aptly described by a good Saxon compound, Folk-Lore, - The Lore of the People).' Literary folkloristics ( present) Dorson (op. cit.:91 and 92) describes the influence of Romanticism on folklore study as follows: For the science of folklore this romantic interlude between the tenets of rationalism and the methods of positivism brought dangers. It interrupted the sober search for the raw materials of folklore, and diverted attention to the evocation of atmosphere and the tenderer emotions. From the point of view of the literary craftsman there was no problem; he turned to the humble people of the village and their own poetry and legends for the inspiration of his muse. But from the point of view of the folklorist the results were unfortunate: the presentation of folk traditions was blurred and diluted with literary mannerisms. The end product may have been literature but was not folklore. 13

25 One of the most glaring examples of literary meddling is found, according to Dorson (op. cit.: 92), in later editions of the Grimms' Kinder- and Haustnorchen (1812). As later editions appeared, the orally told tales were amplified with additional stylistica, characters were developed, and the story line made clearer The Aryan thesis, or the mythological approach ( ) Jacob Grimm's Aryan thesis proposes that a superior race he called the Aryans, dispersed from India causing, in turn, the dispersion of their language and folktales to Europe. Reviewing the work of the Grimm brothers, C.W. von Sydow (in Dundes 1965: ) summarises their value as follows (op. cit.: 221): The great and definitive discovery of the Grimm brothers was the international spread of folktales and the great antiquity that must often be ascribed to them. These two weighty facts, which have been thoroughly borne out by later discoveries, made a closer examination of them an important and significant task even by itself.... When the Grimm brothers tried to account for these remarkable facts, they introduced the hypothesis that these folktales had been handed down from a remote Indo-European past, and that they were relics of a common mythology of the Indo-European peoples. However, von Sydow (ibid.) points out that these hypotheses should not be accepted without reservations. Stories may be invented all the time. They are not created and passed on once and for all, so that the Grimm's dating of the material is not without fault. Secondly, there is the question of resistance to loans, and thirdly, apart from adopting stories from India, the Indo-Europeans most probably had their own treasure of folktales, so that in principle, it would be difficult to ascertain which are of Indian stock. These reservations then, together with others not mentioned here, refute the notion of a mass emigration of folktales from the East (Dorson 1968: 226) Comparative mythology or solarism ( ) Max Muller was the protagonist of solarism in England where most of the scholarship in this field took place roughly between 1856 to Muller arrested the attention of Europe's intellectuals by offering a key to the understanding of Aryan traditions. His 14

26 thesis, in brief, is that certain motifs in folkloric material were obscure references, due to the 'decease of language' to the sun. How Muller related mythological elements to mutations of references to the sun is illustrated in his own words (Dorson 1968: 163 and 164): What we call the Morning, the ancient Aryans called the Sun or the Dawn... What we call Noon, and Evening, and Night, what we call Spring and Winter, what we call Year, and Time, and Life, and Eternity - all this the ancient Aryans called Sun. And yet wise people wonder and say, How curious that the ancient Aryans should have had so many solar myths. Why, every time we say 'Good morning,' we commit a solar myth... "Is everything the Dawn? Is everything the Sun?" This question I had asked myself many times before it was addressed to me by others... but I am bound to say that my own researches lead me again and again to the dawn and the sun as the chief burden of the myths of the Aryan race." The Reverend A.S. Palmer would deliver one of the last solarist works in 1913 in a book in which he saw Samson as a sun hero, while Delilah who shears his locks is the night. The story is thus a drama of sunset (op. cit.: 185) The anthropological approach, survivalism, or evolutionism ( ) The anthropological strand of folklore, sparked off by Charles Darwin's work On the Origin of Species (1859), was great, as Dorson (op. cit.: 187) points out: In the history of the idea of folklore in England, the first scholar whose fame still lives is Sir Edward Burnet Tylor, the father of anthropology and godfather of the anthropological school of folklorists. The conventional view sees before Tylor a darkness conveniently cloaking forgotten antiquaries and mythologists and, after him, a modem group, bold in the theory and rigorous in technique, springing up in response to his seminal works. Tylor's views do not represent a radical break, since, as Dorson (op. cit.: 187 and 188) shows, he slavishly follows Max Muller. The difference was that he, as anthropologist, saw in the nature of his mythology the philosophic expression of savages, or primitive people. In the folklore of the peasants of his time Taylor saw the remnants of savage myths (op. cit.: 141). Thus his theory is known as the doctrine of survivals. 15

27 African material and survivalism I single out the following texts as reviewed by Dorson (op. cll.: 349 et seq.): One of the first books published by the Church Missionary House in 1854 in London on African folklore was by a German missionary in Sierra Leone, the Reverend Sigismund Wilhelm Koelle. The title of the book is African Native Literature, Proverbs, Tales, Fables, & Historical Fragments in the Kanuri or Bornu Language. The Christian influence shines through on many a page of this book. In 1864 another German philologist, Dr Wilhelm Heinrich Immanuel Bleek, published a book called Reynard the Fox in South Africa; or, Hottentot Fables or Tales, chiefly translated from original manuscripts in the Library of His Excellency Sir George Grey, KGB. It is a compilation of materials he had requested (at the suggestion. of Sir George Grey) from missionaries in South Africa. Even better known than this book was one on Zulu folklore that appeared four years later compiled by the Reverend Canon Callaway who arrived in Natal in The book, intended to be supplemented by another volume, was titled Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the Zulus in their own words, with a translation into English, and Notes (1868). For the time, Callaway's accurate method is commendable. He explains it as follows: A native is requested to tell a tale; and to tell it exactly as he would tell it to a child or a friend; and what he says is faithfully written down. We have thus placed before us the language as nearly as possible such as it is spoken by the natives in their intercourse with each other. And, further, what has been thus written can be read to the native who dictated it; corrections be made; explanations be obtained; doubtful points be submitted to other natives; and it can be subjected to any amount of analysis the writer may think fit to make. Callaway's second book in 1871 was on the religious beliefs of the Zulu. It was called Izinyanga Zokubhula; or Divination as Existing among the AmaZulu in Their Own Words. The Folk-Lore Society was so impressed with this book - because of its potential to uphold survivalism - that it published a reprint in 1884 as The Religious System of the A mazulu. 16.

28 In the year of his death in 1875 Bleek, fervently assisted by the sister of his wife Lucy Catherine Lloyd ( ), published a booklet with the title Brief Account of Bushmen Folk-Lore and other Texts. The interest in folklore in South Africa led to the formation of a folklore society in 1879 'only one year after the founding of the Folk-Lore SoCiety in London, and Miss Lloyd served as its secretary' (op. cit: 388). The next title to appear was on Xhosa folklore. George McCall Theal who had published folktales in periodicals published them in 1882 under the title Kaffir Folk-Lore. For Dorson (op. cit.: 358) the value of the book lies in the anthropological explanation Theal provides. Bleek's initiatives were to be rewarded in the magnum opus compiled after his death by Miss Lloyd and introduced by Theal in 1911 under the title Specimens of Bushmen Folklore. These were also survivalist days for South African folklore and Theal in his introduction saw the Bushmen as 'one of the most interesting savage races of the earth' (op. cit.: 359). Dorson (op. cit.: 360) describes the collegial co-operative relationship between the British and the South African folklorists as follows: The pioneer collectors, notably Bleek and Callaway, furnished raw materials which were eagerly digested by comparative mythologists and folklorists such as Max Muller, Tylor, Farrer, and Lang. In the 1890's firm bonds developed between the collectors in the bush and the theorists in London, and the ensuing publications became more of a collaborative undertaking Symbolism Okpewho (1983: 26) points out that symbolism dates back at least to the eighteenth century, but although there are as many angles to the movement as there are scholars, there is some agreement that 'a symbol is a perceptible object used in reflecting or representing an abstract idea or less perceptible object' (op. cit.: 27). Symbolism is obviously a vast terrain and in the act of interpreting language and language use, scholars over the centuries have indulged in symbolism to a greater or lesser degree. And so, although it touches on folklore, not much will be said here. 17

29 1.5.2 Conclusion While scholars during the time of Popular Antiquities were interested in cultural items and neglected the folklore text, literary folklorists took an overt interest in it, so much so that they felt obliged to make a neat (literary) text out of collected material, a practice that continues to the present day. In contrast to the grave mistakes of literary folkloristics, folklorists today try to present texts as they recorded them, a practice that is maintained in this study. A severe reductionism is also apparent in the other theories of this time: The Aryan thesis was content to describe the origin of a part of Europe's folklore. Solarism saw folklore only as celestial references, while survivalism upheld folklore as primitive relics. Symbolism introduces a speculative approach to folklore material The modern era: folklore as scientific enterprise The nineteenth century ushered in formidable, influential movements, most of which can be described as modern, rigorous and self-consciously scientific Psychological approaches ( present) This direction in folklore studies emanates largely from the impact of Sigmund Freud's psychoanalysis. The link with folklore was firstly brought about by Freud's interpretation of Sophocles' play Oedipus Rex which he saw as 'the fulfilment of the wish of our childhood' (Okpewho 1983: 9). Secondly, Freud drew comparisons between traditional tales and dreams. Followers of Freud engaged in extensive analyses on various aspects of his theory. A few lines from Ernest Jones' essay 'Psychoanalysis and Folklore' in Dundes (1965: ) will show the main thrust of this approach in its orthodox phase. Jones (Dundes 1965: 96) writes as follows: It will be seen that the unconscious ideas are not only more concrete but also cruder than the ideas represented in metaphorical processes, and this crudity and simplicity of unconscious ideas is a matter on which it is necessary to insist. In the 18

30 allied, but now obsolescent, custom of throwing an old slipper or shoe after the departing couple, a custom which has more than one meaning in different layers of the mind, one would regard the object thrown as a symbol for the (fruitful) male organ itself, an interpretation that may be supported by quoting the decidedly broad saying that used to accompany it - "May you fit her as well as my foot fits this old shoe"... One of Freud's most gifted students, Carl Gustav Jung, like many colleagues at that time, rejected Freud's libido-centric theory, and set about revising and reframing the view of man's unconscious, expounding the idea of the collective unconscious (as opposed to Freud's personal unconscious). Jung's work is commonly known as depth psychology, and its application to literature/folklore is referred to as the mythological or archetypal approach (Guerin et al 1966: 134). Jung's excursion into mythology is neatly summarised by Okpewho (1983: 12) as follows: The racialist tenor of Jung's discussion of mythology is particularly audible in his Introduction to a Science of Mythology. The myths of primitive man, like dreams and neuroses generally, are the products of a reduced intensity of consciousness and absence of concentration and attention. The myths are made up of primordial symbols or archetypes (otherwise called mythologems), which are not whole tales but the nuclear concepts around which tales are built: such is the child archetype or the return to the origins which may be found in a variety of heroic lore across the world. In reaction to criticism Jung later changed his views and saw myth as the most mature product of early man (Okpewho op. cit.: 14). Poststructuralist continuations of psychoanalysis - in Jacques Lacan and others - explore in an interesting way some of the concepts of classical psychoanalysis. Whereas Freud worked with a dreaming subject, so to speak, Lacan works with a speaking or signifying subject, who through language enters into power relations with others (male/ female, etc.) governed by the unconscious (of which the driving force remains desire). (This inadequate summary of Lacan and others' work must suffice, since it does not find large-scale application in verbal art.) Not many studies in South Africa are devoted to psychological analyses. However, the following are two examples: In n Diepte -sielkundige ontleding van 'n aantal Bantoeverhale Elize Grobler (1978) applies depth psychology (Jung) to folktales, and Nina Mollema (1996) applies psychoanalysis to folktales. 19

31 Diffusionism ( s) Although Diffusionism (also known as the Finnish Method, the Historic Method, or the Historical-geographical Method) was first formulated in part by Antti Aarne, a student of Kaarle Krohn, in 1913, this method evolved from the interest of Julius Leopold Krohn (Kaarle's father) in his native Finnish folklore. He was born in the year 1835 when Elias LOnnrot published the renowned text, the Kalevala. Krohn's desire to understand all the details of the songs in the Kalevala led him to seek other variants. The comparison of these variants led to unexpected discoveries and to the Finnish Method. In comparing Lonnrot's manuscripts and the printed versions in the Kalevala, Krohn found that there were numerous differences and this completely shook his faith in the reliability of the printed text as evidence (Krohn 1971: 13). He also noted (ibid.) that the variants he was studying stood in a geographic relationship to one another, so that one had to be mindful of which variants could be compared. Explaining his method to a colleague, Krohn said it involved 'arranging and observing various versions chronologically and topographically before I draw final conclusions...' (ibid.). Only in this way could Krohn distinguish between the original components and later additions. The goal of the diffusionist is to establish the migration routes of narratives - the Finns worked mainly with narratives - and to eventually find their place of origin. In order to establish this, the difussionists follow 14 steps. These will not be presented here. This method has been applied by Lotz (1959) to Zulu animal stories Functionalism (1940s - 50s) This approach is investigated from an article by Malinowski (1948), who is seen as an innovator of great magnitude and who is regarded as one of the founders of modem Anthropology. He was one of the first anthropologists to gather data through fieldwork and to engage in participant observation. After studying a Melanesian culture, Malinowski (1948: 96) proposes that 'an intimate connection exists between the word, the mythos, the sacred tales of a tribe, on the 20

32 one hand, and their ritual acts, their moral deeds, their social organization and even their practical activities, on the other.' He calls his approach a sociological theory of myth (op. cit.: 98). Malinowski established that among the Melanesians myth expresses and enhances religious belief, enforces morality, ensures that ritual is performed correctly and also spells out practical guidelines. He proposes (op. cit:101) that myth is a 'pragmatic charter of primitive faith and moral wisdom'. Due to the emphasis he lays on the social function of myth, Malinowski is known as a functionalist; In order to show that the different stories of a Melanesian culture are functional, Malinowski pays much attention to context. The point that Malinowski wants to stress by describing the context, is that the stories themselves are understood correctly only in the light of the context. In this way one will not misjudge the content of these stories. Malinowski (op. cit.: 104) elaborates as follows: The text, of course, is extremely important, but without the context it remains lifeless. As we have seen, the interest of the story is vastly enhanced and it is given its proper character by the manner in which it is told. The whole nature of the performance, the voice and the mimicry, the stimulus and the response of the audience mean as much to the natives as the text; and the sociologist should take his cue from the natives. The performance, again, has to be placed in its proper time setting - the hour of the day, and the season, with the background of the sprouting gardens awaiting future work, and slightly influenced by the magic of the fairy tales. We must also bear in mind the sociological context of private ownership, the sociable function and the cultural role of amusing fiction. MI these elements are equally relevant; all must be studied as well as the text. The stories live in native life and not on paper, and when a scholar jots them down without being able to evoke the atmosphere in which they flourish he has given us but a mutilated bit of reality. His analyses of the different types of stories will not be given here. Elaborating on the pioneering work of Malinowski, William Bascom has identified four main functions of folklore. (His article is dealt with in chapter 4.) Formalism/Structuralism ( present) The structuralist phase brings the era of the narrative, that commenced with German dedication in the work of the Grimms, to its summit. Since structuralism was practised intensely in many countries, it stands to reason that more than one strand have manifested themselves. These can be summarised as follows: 21

33 Proppian formalism/structuralism - Vladimir Propp Applications of Prague structuralism - Claude Levi-Strauss Semiotics - Denise Paulme Adaptations of especially a) has led to other strands as well: Propp > Greimas > Jason, and others Africa Propp > Dundes > {Cope & Oosthuizen} > Canonici and others in South Propp and Levi-Strauss > Msimang The central achievement in Propp's influential text, Morphology of the folktale, originally published in 1928 (references in this section are to the 1968 edition), is. the identifying of the function as the central term to denote the constant motifs or 'basic components' in a narrative. Propp (1968: 21) established, furthermore, that the functions known to the fairy tale are limited (p. 21), and that their sequence is identical (op. cit.: 22). For the 100 Russian fairy tales (= folktale) Propp studied, he identifies 31 functions (excluding the initial situation). If Propp's work is more formalist than structuralist, that of Claude Levi-Strauss, the French anthropologist, is profoundly structuralist, i.e., it has to do with relationships that are expressed in some or other significant pattern. (tatternism' would not be an inappropriate term to describe structuralism.) Levi-Strauss's analytical procedures are summarised here from two of his most important texts on myth analysis, namely. Levi-Strauss 1964 and 1967, of which the latter is the most explicit structural analysis. References in the following paragraphs pertain to this text, namely 'The story of Asdiwal', in Leach (1967). It must constantly be borne in mind that Levi-Strauss is occupied with myth as an anthropologist, so that there is always the people and their culture in the background - myth must say something about the people. Whereas Propp is primarily interested in constituent parts (`morphology') which form a sequence or chronological order of events (i.e. syntactic structure), for Levi- Strauss sequence forms only the 'apparent content'. The organisation of various layers in 22

34 the narrative according to schemata is more important. Schemata, pertaining very much to the culture of the people concerned, are the various content levels in the text, be they geographic, economic, sociological, cosmological, and so on. When separating the schemata, Levi-Strauss scrutinises them for significant oppositions. (These can be called binary oppositions, but Levi-Strauss does not use this term.) Separating the codes (schemata) only gives an indication of the 'structure of the message' (1967: 21); the meaning hidden in this structure needs to be deciphered. For tevi-strauss, the key to interpretation lies in the notion of transformations. This term refers to those differences, with regard to crucial points in other variants of the myth among other tribes. Levi-Strauss uses these transformations to provide vital information for the eventual understanding of the myth. Having gone through this process of the structuring of entities, Levi-Strauss concludes that in the story of Asdiwal 'all the natives are able to conceptualize the duality Nass/Skeena (these are two rivers) as an opposition which correlates with that of candlefish/salmon' (op. cit.: 42). Arriving at an answer relating to livelihood, Levi-Strauss's analysis is clearly materialist. Some of the best South African structuralist studies are those by Hammond-Tooke (1977 and 1988). Louw (1988) and Msimang (1986) have also attempted structuralist studies. The semiotic strand in structuralism is represented by the work of Denise Paulme (1976). After reviewing Propp and Levi-Strauss, Paulme attempts a typology of narrative plots. She identifies seven basic plot types. Alan Dundes's adaptations of Propp are generally considered the most useful for the analysis of African folktales. In The Morphology of North American Indian Folktales (1964), Alan Dundes, very much aware of method, attempts a truly scientific study. Dundes has great admiration for the work of Propp, but since his term, 'function', has not been generally accepted (that is, according to Dundes), Dundes reverts to linguistic theory (that of Kenneth Pike) and coins the term 'ethic motif, or motifeme, which corresponds to Propp's function. As this term is derived from an established linguistic term, namely morpheme, parallels for other terms in linguistics are created, for instance allomotif, which refers to the examples or variants that make up a motifeme. The 23

35 latter term is derived from 'allomorph' which refers to an alternative form of a morpheme. Motifeme sequence refers to the sequence of motifemes as found in North American Indian folktales. Motifemic depth refers to the amount of motifemes in a sequence. For South African studies based on Propp and/or other formalists/structuralists see among others Marivate (1973), Oosthuizen (1977), Cope (1978), Neethling (1979), Canonici (1986 and 1988), and Msimang (1986) Marxism ( present) In the early thirties, as the Russian revolution began to permeate all spheres of social activity, there arose a fierce attack against what the social realists scathingly called formalism. Propp's work, especially his Morphology, with its emphasis on structure, was quickly drawn into the controversy. Propp had no choice but to enter into the `discussion', giving him the opportunity to state his position. I quote part of his defence from Liberman (1984: xiv, xv): While I was writing and when I finished my latest book Historical Roots of the Wondertale, I was happily convinced that I had created a genuine Marxist work, because I explain spiritual phenomena by referring to the social-economic base. But disappointment came soon. My book lacks the chief element, namely, the people. The question of the people, their ideology and struggle is not as much as posed in it, though Belinskij, Dobrojubov, Gorky, and Lenin insisted on just such an approach. Unable to do a-historical, structuralist research, Propp turned to what seems the most appropriate genre under those circumstances, namely the bylinas. Lieberman (ibid.) notes that this research issued in his third major book, Russian Heroic Epic Poetry in In more recent research the basic Marxist assumptions have been subjected to revision, but the contextualisation of material remains, specifically linking literature to the struggle against oppressive forces, and this has become a major trend in recent Marxist activity. Some of the work that has been published in South Africa within this framework is the following: Cronin (1988) gives his impressions of insurgent South African poetry as he experienced it 'from the more than one hundred... political rallies, funerals, protest meetings, and vigils in black ghettos all over South Africa' (Cronin 1989: 13). On 24

36 southern African praise poetry, see among others Leroy Vail and Landeg White (1984) and Russel Kaschula (1991) The Oral Theory ( present) The Oral Theory is probably the most formidable folkloristic endeavour today, if one judges from the infrastructure: it boasts a journal (Oral Tradition) dedicated to the approach and extensive bibliographies. The work done in the twenties and thirties by Milman Parry and Albert Bates Lord on the Greek and the Serbo-Croation epics that would become a theory with one of the greatest followings in our times, arose from the age-old Homeric question - did Homer record (from oral sources) or compose (write) the Odyssey and the Iliad? According to Foley (1988) this question led to Parry's particular view that the Odyssey and the Iliad are formulaic in structure and that they are traditional texts. Later Parry would go further and propose an oral Homer (see Foley 1988: 10). This later orientation came from Vasilii V. Radlov who did fieldwork among the Turkish people of Central Asia in 1885 and made references to the question of improvisation versus memorisation in the performances he studied. Working on a particular structure, namely the so-called noun-epithets, Parry proposes one of the most central terms in Oral Theory, namely the formula, which he defines as 'an expression regularly used, under the same metrical conditions, to express an essential idea' (op. cit.: 24). Challenged by scholars who had gained firsthand experience through fieldwork, Parry would direct his attention to a living oral tradition of South Slavic epic singers in Yugoslavia, to change his focus from a textual Homer to a traditional and oral Homer. Although Parry wrote some preliminary findings it was left to Lord to establish the Oral Theory. This was effected primarily through his 1949 dissertation, published in 1960 as the classic The Singer of Tales. It was this publication that, according to Foley (op. cit.: 36), made Oral-Formulaic Theory a discipline of its own. In addition to the concept of formula and formulaic expression, the notion of themes as the ideas regularly used in telling a tale in the formulaic style of traditional song, is important: 25

37 Each performance is the specific song, and at the same time it is the generic song. The song we are listening to is 'the song'; for each performance is more than a performance; it is a re-creation. Lord (1960: 42) shows that he has broken through the psychological barrier of the fixed, `original', written text. In his chapter on 'Writing and Oral Tradition' Lord initiates the debate on the oral-written interface or the orality-literacy issue. Always at the heart of his writings is the notion that the oral poet makes use of both memorisation and improvisation through the use of tradition-dependent formula, formulaic expressions and themes. These are the so-called mnemonic devices according to which the poet produces songs. But the oral poet is not a slave to tradition; he is at liberty to re-create a poem guided by many factors, inter alia the audience's reaction. Needless to say, Oral Theory is not without its detractors. Foley (op. cit.: 61) shows, for instance, that in The Songs of Homer, Kirk, by looking at 'the difference in metrical strictness', contends that the Homeric texts are primarily creative (in other words not as traditional as Lord would have them) but that the Yugoslav guslari were reproductive - they relied on memory rather than improvisation. Opland propounds the same argument in a recent article on the izibongo of the Xhosa poet Yali-Manisi. He believes in 'the improvised line', as opposed to 'the traditional line'. See his article of Opland distinguishes between general improvising, memorising, refined improvising of the tribal poet, and literate composition. Not as impressive as the work of Opland, but also important is a dissertation by Mkhize, Oral-Formulaic Language in King Zwelithini's Izibongo (1989) in which some of the central concepts of the theory are applied Conclusion The question that hangs over psychological approaches and folklore is whether, in focusing on the largely hidden processes of the individual, they do not disqualify themselves for communal Africa. Diffusionism was one of the most influential and probably the greatest folkloristic enterprise to date - great in terms of the vast amounts of material that was collected. 26

38 Diffusionism can be called pure folkloristic activity, since the scholars of this movement were not anthropologists or psychologists in the first place. Thus the terms they used were intrinsic. The diffusionists can also be complimented for their rigorous methodology. Diffusionists believed in absolute objective truth and felt that they had found that truth. This is where the difficulty with the movement starts. Verbal art is characterised by conflicting paradigms: openness/closure, tradition/innovation, etc. Verbal art is open in that it thrives on non-fixity of form. It is closed in that its messages can all but be deferred (see on this issue). When dealing with living performers and their audience, subjectivity must form part of a theory, as will be argued later when dealing with the performance approach. This is in fact the major difficulty with diffusionism, namely that the notion of performance has played no part in it. It is a theory devised to work with abstracted versions. Issues pertaining to creativity were also neglected. See Von Sydow (in Dundes 1965: ) for some of the problems of this theory. In Functionalism the concept of context is of great value, and, as will be shown later, would feature prominently in the performance approach. Some of the difficulties mentioned above also apply to structuralism. From the present perspective, a perspective that is permeated with poststructuralist sentiment, the objectivist view of Propp is clearly not acceptable. Present-day thinking allows and assumes a fair measure of subjectivity in the humanities; the specific is favoured above the general, the local above the universal. Although the approaches of both Propp and Dundes are characterised by a deductive method, their models are textual, although some contextual aspects are drawn in. In the case of Levi-Strauss, the conclusions arrived at rest more heavily on context. Even so, performative matters are not part of the theory. Marxist views create an awareness of oppressed groups in their historical contexts, and often unearth emergent forms. A historicaupolitical view is relevant to praise poetry, as will be evident in the discussion of Ndebele praise poetry. The Oral Theory has become one of the major theories of our day and probably has a better infrastructure (in the form of a journal, bibliographies, study centres) than any other theory. It boasts a sound theoretical basis, much fieldwork is done, and it cannot be typified as a text-centred approach. Orality studies are being conducted in many 27

39 disciplines: Biblical studies, the mass communication media, ancient and modern literatures, etc. There has been much debate around the term 'formula', but by and large the term has withstood the test of time The postmodern era: the era of textuality It can be argued, of course, that some of the previous approaches also 'belong' to this era, if only for the reason that they persist to the present. However, 1 will concentrate on those that originated in postmodern times or have been linked closely with postmodernism Feminism (1980s - present) According to Driver (in Ryan & Van Zyl 1982: 203) feminist literary criticism initially brought discriminatory matters to the fore showing the 'political, economic and social oppression to which women were subjected...', while it also attempted `... to bring about new standards against which women would be measured and of dispensing with the old standards' (op. cit.: 203). With regard to verbal art Finnegan (1992: 46) shows that feminist studies have explored gender biases in folklore, role models in fairy tales, etc. In South African folklore, feminism has been explored with revealing results in a few studies, such as Mtuze's female stereotyping in Xhosa fiction and folktales (1991). Neethling has explored physical 'abuse (1991) and women's protest (1996) Deconstruction (1980s - present) Although the deconstructivist orientation has been well established since its inception not too long after Jacques Derrida's epoch-making lecture in the sixties, not much is available when it comes to the deconstruction of folklore. This is perhaps understandable because the most obvious hindrance is the opposing media on which deconstructive reading and folklore respectively rest. The opposing media are of course writing and oral performances. Reacting to the bias towards the spoken word (the auditory part of speech) 28

40 on the part of Ferdinand de Saussure, Derrida reserved deconstruction for the written text. By contrast, folklorists, by and large, work with oral forms. Since oral forms are certain types of text, they will share some of the, properties of textuality. Karin Barber (1984: 503) has skilfully pointed this out, coming to the conclusion that 'Yoruba oriki... are one of the kinds of literature that deconstructive criticism seems almost to have been made for'. She has commented on the instability of the text - how it is constantly 'remade', how it lacks boundaries and unity (formal closure). And then there is also the absence of a single authorial voice. But then she suddenly turns about and remarks that 'the appropriateness of this criticism to oral texts turns out to be superficial' (op. cit: 513), and she correctly implies that in verbal art it is not advisable to erase the people involved from the text/performance. It is also not advisable, or perhaps even pdssible, to erase other contextual features, such as time and place of performance. Even more important is the 'agenda' of verbal art. Although this agenda or message, indicating specific interests, is at times obscure, the message of verbal art is all but deferrable. Barber concludes by saying that deconstructive criticism 'could only have been entertained in a culture where texts are divorced from both producer and consumer and can therefore appear to exist as a vast system in their own right, pushing human participants into the margins. In other words, a literate culture' (op. cit: 514) Popular arts ( present) Barber's (1987) reference to a pioneering study in the field of popular arts by Ranger in 1975 is taken as the commencement date given above. Whereas deconstruction offers little prospect of capturing the true essence of verbal art, the concept of popular arts opens up a vast field in a more hopeful and dynamic way of studying many forms of art in Africa. Popular arts offer to the people what deconstruction tends to deny them - namely, a voice. This Barber (1987: 2 and 3) confirms when she states that the most important attribute of popular arts is to communicate. In fact, for many people in Africa 'the arts are the only channel of public communication at their disposal' (op. cit: 2). 29

41 Atteinpting to define popular African arts and establish.a locus for them, Barber (op. ca.: 5-9) often mentions their inclusiveness and shows that they boast a vast array of art forms. Because they are located largely in cities but still have links with the rural, they are elusive and difficult to define. Popular arts are immensely flexible, transcending boundaries. They thrive on novelty, syncretism and change, and, most importantly, they emanate from and further the cause of the people. Viewing popular arts against other positions, namely that of traditional and elite art, she shows that they constantly elude definition. The fact that they depart from recognised artistic categories reveal their true character: they constitute unofficial art (op. cit: 11). Whereas traditional art can be described as 'belonging primarily to the rural-based predominantly oral peasant cultures inherited, with continuous modification, from the pre-colonial era', popular arts are by contrast 'essentially modern and urban-oriented and represent a new culture' (op. cit.: 12 and 13) Praxis ( present) In opposition to a preoccupation with performance, which will be discussed hereafter, folklore scholars have started to explore, since the late 1980s, productive activities of individuals (rather than of communities). In explaining this field, Bronner (1988) sees praxis as the outcome of an evolution in folkloric thinking in terms of folklore as art, folklore as performance, and finally, folklore as praxis. Bronner and other scholars reject performance because its base is dramaturgical especial performances'), implying that people are `acting' in the context of the small group. Scholars of Praxis want to be sensitive to 'the ways in which men are what they do...' (Bronner 1988: 95 and 96) in the context of larger social systems and historical movements. This approach takes account of power relations, which performance, according to Bronner (op. cit: 97), tends to obscure in social structures. Praxis is about people making things in order to find their place in a social structure and to comment on the social system, often inadvertently. Bronner himself made a study in 1985 of carvers who cut chains out of wood finding the reassurance in this act that they could be 'cut into society' (op. cit: 93). 30

42 1.5.6 Conclusion Showalter et al (as summarised by Driver in Ryan and Van Zyl 1982: 208) sketch feminism as follows: 'From imitation to internalisation of the standards of the dominant tradition, woman's literature moves into protest against these standards and advocates alternative ones, with the final stage culminating in self-discovery and liberation from the dependency of opposition.' In this way new perspectives emerge as is evident in the articles by Mtuze (1991) and Neethling (1991 and 1996). Although it is claimed that deconstruction is the discourse to deal with -texts of postmodern times, there seems to be an ideological impasse - messages from the folk are not readily deconstructed by the intellectuals in their ivory towers. Some of the difficulties of the concept of popular arts have been mentioned by Barber herself. The danger here is to make too large a claim for the field, and it is not as if it constitutes a brand new area of enquiry. Barber has shown that so-called traditional cultures have always had their own unofficial forms. Secondly, drawing boundaries between 'traditional' and popular arts is not an easy task. But in the end, in the words of Barber (1987: 19): 'What we are looking at, then, is not a bounded category but a field whose edges are indeterminate but whose center is clearly recognizable'. Although the comment would in some ways be unfair to those who study praxis, it is tempting to say that with praxis, folklore has come full circle: praxis once again represents an interest in things. Admittedly, the redeeming differences outweigh the preoccupation with objects as in the days of popular antiquities. All, in all, the history of folklore reveals an evolution from seeing folklore as artefacts to seeing folklore as meaningful experience. Although the reservations about performance by scholars of praxis are justified, there is reason enough to embark on a fairly extensive discussion of the performance approach and to apply it to Ndebele material. The criticism levelled against the performance approach concerning its neglect of power relations may be historically true. Performance, because of its emphasis on context, does not have an inherent inability to incorporate political issues. As the Ndebele material will prove, however, political issues 31

43 can be brought in with ease. Moreover, certain scholars see performance as the praxis of everyday social life Performance theory Orientation Although the performance theory is a fully-fledged theory with its suppositions, definitions, terminology and suggestions for analytic procedures, it is often referred to as a/the 'Performance Approach' or 'Performance Studies'. This is probably because it is followed in different disciplines, for instance Theatre Studies, anthropology, folklore, and so on. Accordingly, the movement will also be referred to in different ways in this section. The following two descriptions of performance afford one an insight into what is regarded as a performance, and, more importantly, reveal some of the concepts in current performance theory. Drewal (1991: I) describes performance as follows: In the broadest sense, performance is the praxis of everyday social life; indeed, it is the practical application of embodied skill and knowledge to the task of taking action. Performance is thus a fundamental dimension of culture as well as the production of knowledge about culture. It might include anything from individual agents' negotiations of everyday life, to the stories people tell each other, popular entertainments, political oratory, guerrilla warfare, to bounded events such as theatre, ritual, festivals, parades, and more. Bauman and Briggs (1990: 73) highlight the poetic aspect of performance in this way: Performance, the enactment of the poetic function, is a highly reflexive mode of communication. As the concept of performance has been developed in linguistic anthropology, performance is seen as a specially marked, artful way of speaking that sets up or represents a special interpretive frame within which the act of speaking is to be understood. Performance puts the act of speaking on display - objectifies it, lifts it to a degree from its interactional setting and opens it to scrutiny by an audience. Performance heightens awareness of the act of speaking and licenses the audience to evaluate the skill and effectiveness of the performer's accomplishment The emergence of the performance approach The potential for performance studies has, in principle, existed ever since performances took place in the presence of observers, but as performance theorists will argue, Western 32

44 epistemology with its emphasis on inter alia products, disciplines and categories, has stood in the way of a truly integrative performance theory and practice. Performances were not seen as such because they were studied in a fragmentary way. In accordance with text-centred theories, the focus was largely on one aspect: the text. The potential for a performance approach was in principle also present in linguistic theory since the early 1900s when Ferdinand de Saussure postulated the difference between!coigne (language system) and parole (language use). These two concepts were termed much more descriptively (although they were imbued with new content) by Noam Chomsky in 1957 when he distinguished between competence and performance. Although Chomsky even envisaged a theory of performance, Bauman and Briggs (1990: 78) are quick to point out that the performance theory in the realm of folklore did not arise as a spin-off from Transformational Generative Grammar, since TGG excluded natural speech from its abstract, idealised system of rules. More relevant for folkloristic studies were the endeavours of Bronislav Malinowski who argued that text must be seen in its proper context. Barbara Kirshenblatt- Gimblett (in Ben-Amos, 1975: 105) remarks that Malinowski 'sounded a strikingly modern' note as early as 1925 when he made mention of performance and context. A paragraph from his essay 'Myth in Primitive Psychology' is worth quoting (from the 1948 publication): The text, of course, is extremely important, but without the context it remains lifeless. As we have seen, the interest of the story is vastly enhanced and it is given its proper character by the manner in which it is told. The whole nature of the performance, the voice and the mimicry, the stimulus and the response of the audience mean as much to the natives as the text; and the sociologist should take his cue from the natives. The performance, again, has to be placed in its proper time setting - the hour of the day, and the season, with the background of the sprouting gardens awaiting future work, and slightly influenced by the magic of the fairy tales. Alan Dundes expounded the notion of context further in 'Texture, Text, and Context' (1964). In her review article Drewal (op. cit.: 5) points out that since the mid-forties scholars in many disciplines have been describing social phenomena according to `dramaturgical paradigms and metaphors'. For instance, Victor Turner's idea of the 'social 33

45 drama', in which he sees rituals as dramas that develop according to phases reminiscent of the Greek tragedy, is well known. Patrick MacAllister (1986) uses the concept of social dramas when he describes Xhosa beer drinks. Although the performance theory is of relatively recent origin, the word `performance' has been used since the early 1900s to refer to 'enacted' folklore. In this way researchers were calling attention to the 'enacted' event. There is, for instance, William Hugh Jansen's plea (1957: 112) that 'there should be more consideration of the manner of folklore, of that dual but inseparable process of performance and reception.' (However, he still sees content as the most important object of study.) But it was the Speech Act Theory of Austin and Searle, and especially the Ethnography of Speaking (Dell Hymes 1962 and other publications), that were the most formative factors in the conceptualisation of a performance theory. In fact, the coming closer together of Folklore, Anthropology and Linguistics proved to be one of the most significant stages in the development of folklore. Fine (1984:17) is of the opinion that 'If these two branches [i.e. Anthropology and Folklore] had remained separate, the holistic,- interdisciplinary performance approach might never have emerged.' Some of the first texts calling for a performance approach in folklore were those in Ben-Amos and Goldstein. Describing this new view, Dan Ben-Amos (in Ben-Amos and Goldstein 1975: 3) says performance 'releases folklore from the literary bonds imposed upon it in archives and libraries and views it as human verbal symbolic interaction of a performing kind.' Bauman's Verbal An as Performance (1978) could be considered the first outline of a performance theory in the realm of folklore. (This text is dealt with on p. 40.) In the 70s, the early years of performance theory, the texts of performances were rather loosely related to the context. Drewal (1991: 23) comments as follows on these early studies: The text/context field establishes a perspectival view reflecting the objectivist gaze of the folklorist. This perspectival view is akin to foreground and background in realist painting; it sets the text off as a singular object of study against a background delimited by the folklorist. By omission, it conceals intertextual relations between performances, between different social groups, between genres, 34

46 and between the genre and what is outside its frame. Once again, product gets foregrounded; production is absented. Before turning to the conceptual basis of performance theory, folklore research in Africa will be described briefly. Drewal (op. cit.: 11 and 23) points out that oral performance in Africa has been viewed as literature or as folklore; moreover performances have not only been studied according to these and other disciplines, but they have also been forced into other categories, namely that of dance, music, etc. Rather than being viewed as forms or genres or texts, Drewal constantly draws attention to the notion that performances are integrative events (integrating arts and day-to-day life), that separate elements should not be objectified, and that the focus should rather be on the 'web of multiple and simultaneous discursive practices' (op. cit.: 16). Her (op. cit.: 12 et seq.) long discussion on objectivism (reification) can be summarised by saying that it is a stance taken according to which a social phenomenon is set up and viewed as a separate entity, as an object as it were, viewed from a distance, that is to say 'free' of a personal bias. In this way a power base is set up whereby the researcher assumes authority over the viewed object. Fabian (in Drewal op. cit.: 14) notes that The ruler's subject and the scientist's object have, in the case of anthropology (but also sociology and psychology), an intertwined history. In summarising folkloristics in Africa, one can say that the study of oral forms firstly went through the stage of viewing these forms as a piece of indigenous literature/folklore or mythology by missionaries and other pioneering observers. Then followed the scholarly phase of form/function/meaning studies. While South African scholars have just begun to explore the notion of performance, scholars from abroad have treated indigenous performances from a performance point of view, albeit implicitly, see Scheub Concepts in performance theory When the notion of context was accepted, and, more importantly, when the text was seen as enacted communication, the performance perspective was established in folklore studies in the 1970s. This orientation paved the way for the move from a 'traditionalist 35

47 view of folklore as reified, persistent cultural items - texts, artefacts, mentifacts - to a conception of folklore as a mode of communicative action' (Bauman and Briggs 1990: 79). Understandably, performance theory has been formed as much from the very nature of performances as from the theoretical insights from various disciplines. The fact that performances are events incorporating different kinds of interactive actions and discourses in different kinds of contexts, necessitates an approach that views the whole phenomenon as a process - this notion is emphasised over and over again by theorists. Performance theorists, far from seeing performances as something peripheral, regard them as central to the social lives of people, especially in Africa. Drewal (1991: 2) expresses some of these issues as follows: In Africa performance is a primary site for the production of knowledge, where philosophy is enacted, and where multiple and often simultaneous discourses are employed... Not only that, but performance is a means by which people reflect on their current conditions, define and/or re-invent themselves and their social world, and either re-enforce, resist, or subvert prevailing social orders. Drewal (op. cit.: 3) neatly summarises the conceptual and methodological shifts that she deems necessary to invoke a reorientation in performance studies in Africa as follows: from structure to process (from an essentially spatialised, distanced, objectivist view to a temporal, participatory, interactive research practice); from the normative to the particular and historically situated (from the timeless to the time-centred); and from the collective to the agency of named individuals in the continuous flow of social interactions. Since text and context are major issues in performance studies, a lot of ideas have been expressed on these matters. Underlying the consideration of these matters is the fear that text and context can be reified and also that they can be described disjunctively as products of performances. Specifically with regard to context, Bauman and Briggs (op. cit: 68) have also identified the issue of inclusivity. In the process of describing context, researchers have tried to identify and describe every possible type of context, ranging from institutional context to the context of situation. Because of the seemingly infinite array of contextual features, the researcher has to become the judge of what should be included, and this, according to Bauman and Briggs (ibid.), leads to false objectivity. One of the 36

48 consequences of the researcher deciding what should be included is the possibility of excluding contextual aspects implicated by the performers themselves. The researcher may also lose sight of the shaping effect of speech forms on setting. To counter disjunctive and excessive attention to context, scholars have suggested the concept of contextualization, a concept that carries with it the all-important idea of process. In using this term, theorists argue that communicative contexts are not dictated by the social and physical environment but emerge in negotiations between participants in social interactions. And this process is studied by attending to the "contextualization cues" that signal which features of the settings are used by interactants in producing interpretive frameworks. (Bauman and Briggs op. cit.: 68) The notion of performance as put forward by theorists does not call for text and context studies, but rather for an approach in which one searches for 'poetically patterned contextualization cues' in performances (Bauman and Briggs op. cit.: 69). This process implies that the researcher will never lose sight of the performer. Bauman and Briggs (ibid.) in fact argue for an agent-centred performance approach. In pondering the question on what grounds it has been possible to decenter or decontextualise texts, Bauman and Briggs (op. cit.: 72 et seq.) have presented an interesting argument, leading to the concept of entextualisation. They describe it as follows: 'the process of rendering discourse extractable, of making a stretch of linguistic production into a unit - a text - that can be lifted out of its interactional setting' (op. cit.: 73). Basic to the concept of entextualisation is the fact that performance is reflexive in nature - it reflects on and draws attention to its own processes, and in so-doing performers are constantly redefining issues (ethnicity, etc.) related to performance. This metafunction of performance is a widely studied aspect. The very fact that performances contain and highlight heightened language use, gives rise to the potential for decontextualisation (Bauman and Briggs op. cit.: 73). This in turn leads inadvertently to textual analyses that draw attention to the textual features we are so familiar with. Bauman and Briggs (ibid.) say: 'Performance puts the act of speaking on display'. Drewal 37

49 (op. cit.: 6) puts it this way: 'Discourse analyses have shown performance to be rhetorical'. The features that potentiate decontextualisation are well known to 'literary' folklorists. At the heart of such features is repetition. Bauman called these features 'keys to performance' in his 1978 text. In performance study, however, the emphasis is placed on how performers engage in the process of entextualisation, decontextualisation, and recontextualisation (Bauman and Briggs op. cit.: 74). The contemplating of textual features inevitably lead literary scholars to the question of genre, which is mostly seen as 'bundles of formal features' (Bauman and Briggs op. cit.: 63). However, genre should not be seen as merely a textual concern. It plays 'a crucial role in shaping illocutionary force' (Bauman and Briggs ibid.). This force depends not only on meanings in texts. The relationship of texts to each other and to contextual factors are also important. In plotting the decontextualisation and subsequent recontextualisation of performance, some of the well-known concepts that have been appropriated by performance theory can be used as parameters. (See Bauman and Briggs op. cit.: 75 el seq.) These include framing (`the metacommunicative management of the... text') according to which one tries to establish, mainly from the situation, what status or meaning is attributed to the performance. One may also ask what happens to form (referring mostly to the intra-textual dimensions, but also to the from or structure of the performance itself - Bauman and Briggs call the latter emergent structure), and function in this process. In addition one'may plot the change of `deictic' features: who performs, when, where? Bauman and Briggs (op. cit.: 76) also mention the question of translation: does a text get translated from one language or medium to another in a performance, and what is the meaning of the transformation? Many other questions can be asked, such as: What are the implications in terms of tradition, for instance, and how is it evaluated by the performers? Last but not least is the political dimensions of decontextualisation and recontextualisation, and indeed of performance and performance studies themselves. The decentering of a text becomes an act of control over texts (Bauman and Briggs op. cit.: 76). Issues pertaining to who has access to and authority over texts and whether texts are legitimately decentered also have to do with control. The 'politics of performance' has 38

50 much to do with the researcher, who in the past, has postulated a natural performance situation devoid of foreign influences. Current performance theory acknowledges, however, that not only does the researcher shape performances to some degree, but that researchers and their research practices should be shaped by performers, who should be seen as intellectual partners (Bauman and Briggs op. cit.: 61). On this point, Drewal (op. cit.: 47) concludes her paper by intimating that our understanding of performance will be enriched when studying them on the performers' terms (how they frame them, etc.). We as researchers, then, not only have to become co-participants in them, but to be transformed by them, to enrich the academic discourse on them, ultimately to revise academia itself to accommodate alternative modes of discourse that transcend the constraints of our disciplinary tradition and objectivist metaphysics. Needless to say, some researchers have raised objections to aspects of performance theory. One of these is the issue of historical perspective, namely of linking series of performance events to history. Drewal (op. cit.: 37) presents a solution to this difficulty by adopting a temporal perspective, the implication of which is, among other things, `following repeated performances of the same kind by the same people and between different groups of people'. Since current performance theory and its practical implications grew from early texts, it is appropriate to discuss one of these. The outline that follows is from one of the standard texts, namely Bauman From the outset Bauman used the term 'performance' in its integrative sense. The implication of this is that the communicative event determines the meaning of the text. It seems to say 'interpret what I say in some special sense; do not take it to mean what the words alone, taken literally, would convey' (op. cit.: 9). This brings Bauman to the notion of the frame, a notion he borrows from Erving Goffinan who adopted it from Gregory Bateson. The term denotes a defined interpretative sign, primarily in the form of the situation, according to which the performance must be read. It stands to reason that a praise poem in the context of a wedding and 'the same' praise poem in the context of a crowning ceremony must be interpreted differently. SO the frame is a certain situation within a certain context that provides clues for the interpretation of the texts connected to 39

51 that situation. Performance would then set up or constitute an `interpretive frame within which the messages being communicated are to be understood...' (op. cit.: 9). The frame may also denote an attitude in the performance. The examples of frames Bauman (op. cit: 10) mentions, pertain to the latter aspect. These are for instance insinuation, joking, imitation, etc. One of the first and major steps in the study of a performance is to ascertain what kind of interpretative frame a performance represents, and subsequently, how a performance is to be interpreted in the light of the particular frame set up by the performance, which consists basically of the integration of performer(s), text, audience/co-performers, context and situation, which are temporally and spatially determined, and also includes what happens, namely the event. To these basic parameters one can add ones that relate to the type of text, of which there are three: residual, emergent, and dominant, terms coined by Raymond Williams' (1981: 204). 'Residual' refers to those remnants of a culture, artefacts or whatever that were once prominent and productive in an earlier stage or 'version' of that culture. Williams (ibid.) explains `emergent' as 'work of various new kinds' - this implies the emerging of new forms in new contexts. 'Dominant' speaks of extrinsic structures that 'overpower' and take the place of intrinsic ones. The main parameters of performance can now be illustrated as follows: Frame Situation = time, place, event Performer Text Audience [ Context = socio, political, economic The constituents of performance It must be noted that frame in this diagram can, on occasion, imply the same phenomena as situation. 40

52 Bauman's view (1978: 11) of performance implies artistry, that a performer has certain abilities and duties and is accountable to an audience and is also subject to evaluation both with regard to what he/she communicates and how it is done: performance as a mode of spoken verbal communication consists in the assumption of responsibility to an audience for a display of communicative competence. Bauman does not say as much, but if communication is the issue, then message must be important. This view is acceptable in the light of the universally accepted notion of the social relevance of oral tradition. How the message is enacted is also important, since a performance is always 'marked as available for the enhancement of experience' (ibid.) - the aim of performance is also enjoyment. Thus performance calls forth special attention to and heightened awareness of the act of expression and gives license to the audience to regard the act of expression and the performer with special intensity. (ibid.) Bauman (op. cit: 15) shows that the frame is established by certain keys, which can be seen as codes or signs enabling one to study the performance. The examples of keys Bauman provides are: special codes, figurative language, parallelism, special paralinguistic features, special formulae, appeal to tradition, and disclaimer of performance. These conventions, then, together with others there may be, say 'here is a performance' and consequently 'fixes the attention of the audience more strongly on the performer, binds the audience to the performer in a relationship of dependence that keeps them caught up in his display' (op. cit.: 16). Since communication is not only dependent on grammar, Bauman is correct in mentioning paralinguistic features such as pitch, intonation, loudness, etc. Appeal to tradition refers to the fact that performers will often validate a performance by stating that it is in accordance with tradition. Disclaimer of performance refers to the fact that a performer will deny that he/she is a performer when in fact the opposite is true. Under the heading 'The patterning of performance', Bauman (op. cii.: 27) refers to the typology of texts, and he makes the point that members of a community may often `conceptualize speech activity in terms of acts rather than genres'. 41

53 More important is the question of performance as situated behaviour. Bauman mentions settings - 'the culturally defined places where performance occurs' (ibid) - and institutions, such as religion, education, politics. It seems justifiable to distinguish two aspects of the total situatedness of performance, namely situation, which can be seen as the immediate setting of a performance, and context, which is the broader socio-political climate (see the figure on,p. 41). One of the most important keys of a performance is the event which can be seen as part of situation. A well-known type of event has been called the cultural performance by Milton Singer (in MacAloon 1984: 4), who sees it as 'a particularization of the structure of tradition complementary to its social organization. These particular instances of cultural organization, e.g. weddings, temple festivals, recitations, plays, dances, musical concerts, etc., I have called "cultural performances He explains further: Indians, and perhaps all peoples, think of their culture as encapsulated in such discrete performances, which they can exhibit to outsiders as well as to themselves. For the outsider these can conveniently be taken as the most concrete observable units of the cultural structure, for each performance has a definitely limited time span, a beginning and end, an organized program of activity, a set of performers, an audience, and a place and occasion of performance. Although cultural performances are most popular with researchers, Bauman (op. cit.: 28) states that the most challenging job facing researchers is to 'establish the continuity between the noticeable and public performance of cultural performances, and the spontaneous, unscheduled, optional performance contexts of everyday life' (op. cit: 28). Performance roles are important aspects of performance. These will include role players such as the performer(s) and audience, also the specific roles the role players perform in the course of a performance. How a performer becomes eligible and is trained for performance, are matters that may also be studied in this regard. An analysis of the relationship between the various roles of the performer(s) during or apart from performance, may also yield interesting results.. It is clear that performance yields an abundance of parameters, any of which 'may be used as a point of departure or point of entry into the description and analysis of the performance system of a community' (Bauman op. cit: 31). As always, the relationship 42

54 between these entities is important. Equally important is the relationship between (various types of) performances, and the changes performances may undergo. The latter pertains to the emergent quality of performance (op. cit.: 37). Since performances differ according to circumstances, the studying of performances according to their emergent qualities is vital. Emergent folklore not only refers to variations in the rendition of the 'same' text caused by its oral nature, it also involves changes of a more fundamental nature. Performances are emergent as a result of changes in context, resulting in changes to the keys of performance. In short, emergence involves the reframing of performance. It is exactly the changeability and the emergent nature of oral art that, according to Bauman (op. cit: 40), promise to 'bring about a major reconceptualization of the nature of the text, freeing it from the apparent fixity it assumes when abstracted from performance and placed on the written page...' An indispensable entity in the communication process is the receiver(s). The relational aspect Bauman likes to emphasise in this regard is the power given to the performer(s) by the audience via his/her/their competence. Bauman (op. cit.: 43 and 44) explains this aspect as follows: Through his performance, the performer elicits the participative attention and energy of his audience, and to the extent that they value his performance, they will allow themselves to be caught up in it. When this happens, the performer gains a measure of prestige and control over the audience - prestige because of the demonstrated competence he has displayed, control because the determination of the flow of the interaction is in his hands. This general rhetorical power of performance and its potential for social control has been widely documented Evaluation of performance theory Bauman's evaluation (op. cit.: 47 and 48) of the performance approach/performance theory is evident from the following passage: At best, though, folklore as the discipline of residual culture looks backward to the past for its frame of reference, disqualifying itself from the study of the creations of contemporary culture until they too may become residual'. Contrasted with residual culture in Williams' provocative formulation is "emergent culture", in which "new meanings and values, new practices, new significances and experiences are continually being created"... Emergent culture, though a basic 43

55 element in human social life, has always lain outside the charter of folklore, perhaps in i part for lack of a unified point of departure or frame of reference able to comprehend residual forms and items, contemporary practice, and emergent structures. Performance, I would offer, constitutes just such a point of departure, the nexus of tradition, practice, and emergence in verbal art. Performance may thus be the cornerstone of a new folkloristics, liberated from its backward-facing perspective and able to comprehend much more of the totality of human experience Performance theory and culture Commenting on Ferdinand de Saussure's concept of parole (as opposed to longue), Thornton (1988: 9) points to an important principle when he says that the concept is no longer seen as the 'imperfect instance(s) of globally transcendent "perfect" languages nor is it seen as fragments of coherent meaning systems that "exist" in the group mind, conscience collectiff, or Cultures. Rather, what is observed is taken to be all that is the case... with its lies, contradictions, flawed logic and foolishness integral to the human reality.' The point is that parole has validity in itself; it need not only be valid for the establishment of longue. The view of culture that Thornton is trying to put across is its non-uniform nature. Within this view one is less likely to see cultures as uniform wholes, and one is less likely to impose undifferentiated nationalistic concepts on a collection of groups/communities. Commenting on a study by David Coplan on songs of Sotho migrant workers, Thornton illustrates this point by saying: Even though we might. speak of it as "Sotho poetry", we must recognise its specific focus on the historical experience of a particular group of people (male Sotho-speaking migrant mine-workers, and some Sotho-speaking women associated with the migrant workers). We do not then fall into the stereotype of supposing that all Sotho-speakers are poets or migrant mine-workers, but instead have a basis for understanding and describing the history of southern African culture as it grows and changes. As parts of a whole, 'Culture is controlled, distributed, owned, restricted, given and taken' (Thornton 1989: 11). Performance theory is essentially an enquiry into 'how things actually get done rather than (a concern) with the larger conceptual wholes that we have so far been calling "society" and "culture"' (op. cit.: 4). The focus is on candid specificity as opposed to universalism. Thornton (ibid.) situates this tendency in postmodernist thinking and says: 44

56 New emphasis is placed on the diversity, internal-contradictoryness, and uncertainty of cultural knowledge, while refocussing on the central place of time, process, social power, representation, and reproduction in the effort to understand the nature of human culture. The non-universalistic view of culture is expressed by Newman (1985: 20) as follows: We are all suckers for statements about culture - which is not surprising when the culture, at first glance, seems so balefully homogeneous, but upon closer inspection, is so unappealingly atomized. To underscore performance theory's affinity with poststructuralism, mention can be made of Drewal's (1991: 36) term inter-discursivity, which she prefers to inter-textuality, a term that has been biased towards writing. Performances, by nature, are inter-discursive Performance theory and scientific practice Performance theory, it would seem, is a graceful way of retreating from the elusive concept of objectivity. It is an appropriate way of imposing some scientific order on unique, even enigmatic experiences with 'facts'. It is a way of admitting one's presence and influence on the facts. Whereas researchers previously went to great pains to show how personal detachment was observed in the research, researchers now admit more openly that their presence has some bearing on the facts observed, that they are part of the audience and as such have some influence on the performer(s). Total detachment is not possible, since it is recognised that 'the study of culture is always inevitably conducted from within culture' (Thornton 1989: 6). The dynamics of the interaction between researcher and performance cannot be elucidated here, but Drewal has suggested that scholars, like ritual participants 'continually move between experience and the analysis of that experience' (1988: 29). In contrast to Structuralism where the quest was for abstract universal patterns, performance theory is content to work with the etic units (the specific) of cultures instead of with the emit (the abstracted constructs). Etic units are unique, and are studied in performance theory for their own sake, and not necessarily to lead to a higher degree of abstraction. Working with etic units counteracts rigidity. Social scientists point out that 45

57 the discrepancies and paradoxes that underlie human experience refute a canonical, rigid interpretation of that experience. Dell Hymes (1981: 86) says: 'There is no more an "Urperformance" than there is an "Ur-text"', or as Finnegan (1977: 65) put: 'each performance is "an" original, there is no correct text, no idea that one version is more "authentic" than another: each performance is a unique and original creation with its own validity.' Performance theory and the nature of oral texts The non-fixity of form and genre suggests that the performative genres are susceptible to change, which is expressed as the ephemeral and emergent quality of performance. These are key words in this approach. Two things are meant here: the one is that the performance is a passing, unstable, never-to-be-repeated occasion. Finnegan (1977: 28) feels so strongly about the fluidity in verbal art that she elevates it to a condition of existence when she says: `... an oral poem is an essentially ephemeral work of art, and has no existence or continuity apart from its performance.' The ephemeral/emergent quality of performance is the inevitable result of its oral nature. The ephemera/emergent nature of a performative event has some methodological implications for its description. One of these is illustrated by Lord (1960: 13): For the oral poet the moment of composition is the performance. In the case of a literary poem there is a gap in time between composition and reading or performance; in the case of the oral poem this gap does not exist, because composition and performance are two aspects of the same moment. Hence the question "when would such and such an oral poem be performed?" has no meaning; the question should be "when was the oral poem performed?" A Performance approach necessitates fieldwork to witness authentic performances, which are described historically and not prescriptively Performance theory and the function of oral texts Whether speaking of literature in general and verbal art in particular, the functional aspect cannot be ignored. A performance is a communicative act; it functions as an instrument for the sending/receiving of messages. In particular, a performance is an opportunity for the 46

58 assertion/revision of values/practices, as Roberts (1988: 123) says: People reflect upon the way life is and how it works in moments of performance.' The dynamics between various functions must be borne in mind. From the performances experienced it would seem that the soul-searching function (i.e. assertion of values/practices) and the entertainment function (i.e. aesthetics) can alternate rather rapidly in the same performance, so that it is impossible to relegate the two to different disciplines, say to Anthropology and Folklore. Traditionally, Anthropology has paid attention to the value system of groups, while folklore has been interested in the entertainment forms. The integrated view performance theory takes does not merit such a division. In concluding this evaluation it can be said that performance theory addresses the anti-humanism of structuralism. Culler (1986: 28) says of the latter: 'The human sciences, which begin by making man an object of knowledge, find, as their work advances, that "man" disappears under structural analysis.' Levi-Strauss, one of the great structuralists, said (see Culler ibid.) The goal of the human sciences is not to constitute man but to dissolve him.' Interest in folklore/oral art has moved from an interest in items to an interest (and even involvement) in elaborate processes; from seeing the phenomenon as folksy to seeing it as 'a domain in which individuals in a variety of social roles articulate a commentary upon power relations (own emphasis) in society...' (Furniss and Gunner 1995: 1); from noticing peculiar actions and' words to grappling with the issues of orality and texuality; from taking note of fragmented aspects of communication to involvement in `the whole communication process (own emphasis) in which there may at any one time be a number of different media and processes' (Finnegan in Furniss and Gunner 1995: 2 and 3). Appadurai et al (1991: 4) summarise the shift in verbal art scholarship as a movement from a 'conservationist exercise in collection of traditions to a radical enterprise which explores the dynamics of folk production in the study of a variety of expressive forms. In this revitalized form of folkloristics, key terms such as the folk, genre, text, performance, and tradition itself, have become problematized.' 47

59 Conclusion From this discussion it should be clear that performance theory is preferred as a model of description for verbal art. Performance theory is clearly intrinsic (or inductive) since it flows from the observation of verbal art in practice. 1.6 General conclusion The discipline broadly known to many researchers as 'Folklore' has developed through a few stages: from a relatively unproblematic documentation and preservation phase to a problematised discipline. Furthermore, as certain theories were developed in disciplines other than verbal art and transferred to verbal art, it passed through a phase when these extrinsic theories yielded seemingly less gratifying results. Structuralism, for instance, with its anti-humanistic and universalistic philosophy, resulted in structural and formal studies. Useful as they no doubt were - for instance, for purely textual analyses - they neglected a core feature of verbal art, namely the performer(s). However, some 'commendable' intrinsic theories, such as Diffitsionism, suffered from the same problem. Other influences were truly beneficial to verbal art. It was. noted on p. 34 that the influence of Anthropology in Folklore resulted in (various strands of) the performance approach. Drewal's summary (1991: 3) of the development of folklore is worth repeating here: from structure to process (from an essentially spatialised, distanced, objectivist view to a temporal, participatory, interactive research practice); from the normative to the particular and historically situated (from the timeless to the time-centred); and from the collective to the agency of named individuals in the continuous flow of social interactions. As regards the performance approach one can say that it hardly suffers from reductiveness. On the contrary, its commendable, but somewhat idealistic inclusivity, makes it difficult to apply to the full. 48

60 Chapter 2 The Oral Context In the realm of performance studies context is probably the raison d'etre. As illustrated in the previous chapter, context can be broken down into various sub-divisions. Under macro-context we understand aspects that are not directly bound to the performance as such, but nevertheless serve as the inextricable 'milieu' within which the performance takes place. The macro-context is the socio-political environment, or put simply, the culture, in the broadest sense of the meaning, within which specific performances take place. Aspects of the macro-culture that are important for this study are the political set-up, and the literary context. There should be no doubt about the fact that the praise poem (especially praise poetry linked to people of high rank) is, in a sense, a 'political text'. On the other hand, the praise poem also belongs to a certain literary environment. The second aspect of the context can be called the micro-context or the situation (in Bauman's terminology this is the frame, see p. 40 of the previous chapter). The situation is directly linked to the performance and has to do with aspects such as the time, place, and nature of the performance (event). The performer(s) and the audience could be regarded as the agents who constitute the situation which allows for a performance to take place. Before attending to the socio-political environment, it is necessary to examine the kind of 'literary' environment to which the Ndebele praise poem belongs. 2.1 Context: the literary environment What will be presented here is an overview of living Ndebele oral art so as to illustrate the point that Ndebele praise poetry finds itself in an environment of verbal art, or an environment of orality, which manifests itself in various forms: rituals, rites, games, ceremonies and festivals. The aim is not so much the categorising of an activity as a ritual, feast, etc., since events often 'transgress their boundaries' and combine aspects of ritual, feasting, etc., in one event. My aim is to illustrate, rather, the extent of the verbal art as 50

61 manifested in various events. Although performance theory argues increasingly for a historicised and diachronic view, a synchronic description of the oral performances is preferred here because the focus is on various events and not on the historical development of one or two events. A diachronic perspective is, however, alluded to when reviewing previous studies on Ndebele oral art. When presenting the different types of performances, only selected examples of the oral art performed will be given. It is impossible to present all the texts of songs performed: performances are invariably elaborate. The result is that most performances yield vast amounts of songs and other forms of verbal art, too much to deal with adequately in an overview study such as the present one Studies on and collections of Ndebele verbal art On occasion, aspects of Ndebele cultural practices have been commented on in popular magazines, such as Die Huisgenoot, and Informa. Since the contributions in these magazines are of a general and popular nature and since they hardly ever make mention of the verbal arts - invariably it is the material culture that is highlighted - these publications will not be dealt with. Scientific studies by ethnographers and other scholars on Ndebele performance or oral art are conspicuously few. Still one of the most useful early studies on the verbal art of the Ndebele is that by HCM Fourie entitled Amandebele van Fene Mahlangu en hun religieus-sociaal Leven. Completed in 1921, it is a study of the Ndzundza section of the Ndebele. Fourie's information on the praise poetry is useful, especially the texts and their translations. However, when it comes to other forms of verbal culture, the descriptions are typical of older anthropological descriptions in that only events are described and not texts. Fourie only supplies the social background with hardly any information on the verbal forms. The same can be said of the study of NJ van Warmelo whose Transvaal Ndebele Texts, which covers the Manala section of the Ndebele, was published in The brief ethnographic notes on the social organisation are followed by a section on texts, of which the most elaborate is that of iimbongo and nnolwana (folktales). There are also a few lines 51

62 of men's songs and of proverbs. Apart from the contextual remarks on iimbongo, no analysis of the oral forms is given. Extensive reference will be made to the doctoral study by Chris Jansen Van Vuuren (1992) in the next chapter; he is one of the most knowledgeable persons on the Ndebele today. Enkele Volksverhale van die Ndzundza van Transvaal by EF Potgieter, published in 1958, is a collection of texts - three stories with their translations appear there. Almost thirty years after this publication the first analysis of an aspect of Ndebele verbal art appeared - the honours study of DM Mahlangu (1985) who wrote on imiraro (riddles). He follows a conventional textual approach and provides a classification of 105 riddles. Of the papers by Groenewald (1990, 1992, 1994, 1996, 1997, 1998), five deal with limbo. ngo. The material and views presented in these papers are incorporated into this study. In his studies on Ndebele history, Van Jaarsveld (1985, 1990) mentions verbal arts. The 1990 paper briefly looks at 'praise lyrics' and tales as oral traditions Coral history'). Like many other researchers he finds that the former has 'a function other than that of relating historical events' (p. 18). The first of a growing number of commercial texts in Ndebele on culture (including verbal art) appeared in the 90s. The undated self-produced booklet by JJ Mahlangu, Izibongo Zamabinastimbili has to be mentioned before coming to the commercial publications, dealt with in the following paragraphs. The 29 page booklet contains the genealogy, history, and praise poetry of the. Skhosana, Masombuka, Mabona, and Matyiga clans. Seenyosi Sabobamkhulu by JN Malobola appeared in It contains folktales (iitzotwani), riddles (iinrarejo), proverbs (iinyema), sayings (izitjho), lullabies (imidunduzelo), and the praise poetry (iimbongo) of 11 patriarchs. NE Skosana's Dzubhula Ngesilulwini (1992) is a curious collection of word lists, sayings, proverbs, and customs. 52

63 The collection by DM Jiyane, Siditjhile (1993), resembles the collection of Malobola without the praise poetry. Ifa Lethu Lemangweni (1993) by NS Ntuli is a collection of animal short stories and anecdotes. PB Skhosana's Isigiyani appeared in Apart from folktales, etc., it contains a discussion of the various folklore forms found in the book. The author did not include the most prolific genre, namely song. Although praise poetry is still performed among the Ndebele, it too does not appear in the book. Recent books similar to the ones mentioned above will not be elaborated on Performed verbal art The focus of this chapter is the extent of the oral culture in Ndebele communities. This will be examined in order to support the argument that Ndebele people utilise to an appreciable extent oral forms, of which iimbongo are only one form; moreover, iimbongo do not exist in isolation - they are often, if not always, surrounded by song (and where one finds song, dance is invariably also present). Various types of ceremonies and activities were witnessed during field trips, mainly between 1986 and 1993, the most active research year being 1988 when most of the material was collected. I distinguish between regular ceremonies and ad hoc ceremonies Regular ceremonies Regular ceremonies are those that form the core of a Ndebele ethnic identity. lchude/ighude - girls' initiation Since it is cumbersome to speak of 'a head of cattle' and since 'beast' invokes connotations other than that of 'head of cattle', I will speak of a 'cow' when referring to a head of cattle. 53

64 The ichude, or initiation ceremony for girls, is probably the most frequently held `traditional' ceremony among Ndebele people today. Most Ndebele girls partake in this ceremony when they reach puberty. As marriages are announced over Ikwekwezi FM (the former Radio Ndebele), so also are amachude. Since men are not allowed at these ceremonies, let alone a white man, the ceremony can only be described in broad outline. I will briefly describe the main events of an ichude, and then concentrate on the ichude we witnessed on 5/3/88 at the house of the late Jim Ntuli, who was the representative of the chief of Thabana, Johannes Mahlangu. The first event some families may observe is the umchaso. It is a feast held to announce that a girl has become physically mature and to rejoice in this fact. It is an optional event and only wealthy families hold such a feast. (The umchaso may well be seen as an ad hoc feast because few people observe it these days; I place it here since it is narrowly bound to iqhude.) We attended the umchaso of a ikosana (chief) of Kwaggafontein, a relative of Sovetjheza Mahlangu, the praise poet whose art is dealt with in this study, on 16/11/85. At about 08:00, just prior to slaughtering a cow, Sovetjheza praised. Since Kosana Mahlangu was from the royal Mahlangus (the Mgwezane line), he praised Mabhoko, the name used to refer both to the Ingwenyama (tribal chief) Mabhoko ruling at that time (otherwise known as David Mabusabesala Mahlangu) and Mabhoko who ruled in the first half of About an hour later a group of men commenced a song that was to last the rest of the day with different participants, including the teenage girl (and her group) who was the centre of this feast. The consisted of but one line that was repeated unceasingly. Only a few dance paces separated each repetition: Ulibambe lingatjhoni. (Catch hold of it (the sun) so that it doesn't set.) The dynamics of verbal art as experienced by many researchers are illustrated in this song. The question is: is this an authentic Ndebele song belonging to this feast or was it imported from another sphere of experience (political?) or another culture? The fact that this was the only song sung (unceasingly) for most of the day suggests that this feast did 54

65 not have its own corpus of songs and that one had to be imported to authenticate the ceremony. The dancing resembled that of a slow toyi-toyi. (I liken it to toyi-toyi since many people are familiar with it.) When the initiate and accompanying girls came to join the group, they held their ceremonial axes (izigiyo) up; these axes always form part of an ichude. After a while the initiate and her helpers left, and the singing was continued by other participants. The lead line was at times interspersed with the response inkonyane yomntungwa (young calf of Mntungwa - the clan praise name for the Mahlangu). Later in the morning the father's group assembled and performed ukuthamba (to perform mock fights - see extensive discussion on p. 57) towards the singing group. After the praise poet praised, the group of men dispersed. As groups arrived they sang their own songs and they danced. Shortly after 12:00 two groups moved out of the premises; the group with the initiate was led by the praise poet praising. These groups competed in singing until about 15:00 - still singing the same song - until it was announced that the group of the initiate 'won' the competition. The people were given food while some started leaving. The first significant event after the girl has menstruated for the first time is the secluding of the girl. According to Van Vuuren (1992: 380 et seq.) the initiate is secluded on a Friday morning while another girl, a specially chosen instructor, and her helpers will start preparing for the drum beating ceremony (ukubetha ichude) that evening. Towards late afternoon the girls of the area will assemble and sing and dance through the night. I was told (10/3/94) by Peter Rich, Department of Architecture, University of the Witwatersrand, of an emergent feature at these nightly meetings: at one of the meetings the spitkops (note: not speedcops, although that is what the women mean) will arrive. These are a group of women who arrive singing, with a goat as gift to the initiate and who `fine' the men in the vicinity. This event has added a new dimension to ichude. Early the following morning the girls will move to a river to perform a ceremonial washing (ukugeza emlanjeni) while the initiate is hidden in their midst. The girls wear the ceremonial Ndebele blanket. When they return later that morning, they will be met at the gate by the mothers who will praise the girl with extracts of the family praises. They arrive 55

66 singing (but a man is not allowed to approach them). There will be feasting as guests arrive throughout the day. Groups of guests who arrive, especially the women, enter a room that has been cleared of all furniture and in a circle they announce themselves (ukuthokoza). They may also sing after which they join the rest of the people. The next day (Sunday) was spent to `notisa' the initiate, that is, to present her with gifts. After singing and dancing (also by the men assembled there) the people will feast. After a period of 30 days of seclusion the ukuhlubula ceremony will take place. It signifies the taking off of the old blanket to induct the girl into adult life. It takes the form of the ceremony described already: washing early in the morning. On returning there will be dancing and singing by the guests. It was this part of the ichude we attended at the place of Jim Ntuli. The ceremony was held in honour of his granddaughter. As mentioned _ before, the ichude is an important Ndebele occasion. For many Ndebele people it is the vital stepping stone to adult life. Without it marriage cannot take place. Its importance can be seen in the way Jim Ntuli addressed his granddaughter when the girls returned from their ceremonial washing. Part of his long address included reference to the status of the girl; he addressed her as follows as the girls stood at the gate (see the photographs in addendum 3). Notice how her adulthood is expressed in the metaphor `sewuyindoda njengami' - you are a `man' like me': Ngiyakubingelela! Ngibingelela wena, mntanomntanami namhlanje ukhulile; ngibingelele ukuthi namhlanje sewuyindoda njengami. Ngibingelele mntanami namhlanje ungumfazi njengogogo lowo - own recording. (I greet you! I greet you, my grandchild, today you are grown up; and I must greet (you) because today you are now a man like me. And I must greet (you) you my child, today you are a woman like that grandmother...) Having gone through the ceremony, the girl has now acquired the status of a mature person. I will now briefly describe specific aspects of the ichude that we were allowed to witness. When we arrived on the Saturday morning of 5/3/88, Ntuli and other male relatives were spending the time leisurely drinking beer. From time to time one of the senior men would stand up and giya (perform a men's dance), and from time to time they sang songs. 56

67 Often, after a song, the thamba was performed. This is a 'mock fight dance' performed with an isihlangu (shield) and sticks (amaswahla). The Mamba was invariably followed by a `combat formula', which has no special name since it forms part of the thamba. It consists of a praise line, unique to each individual, part of which is always repeated by the audience. The thamba, in turn, often led to another song. A song was also sometimes interrupted by ukuthamba or short bursts of discourse resembling praise poetry. (Ntuli was not particularly gifted when it came to praising.) Often the ukuthamba praise line was introduced by the formula 'Nang' owam ' (Here is mine). The songs that were sung could simply be called iingoma zabobaba - men's songs. There was also a popular religious song. It must be mentioned that one spokesperson referred to these songs as amasino. These are sung during social gatherings of men-folk when they drink beer and sing and dance. Mother spokesperson denied that such a term existed and suggested the term given earlier. The discrepancy could possibly be explained by the fact that amasino in the `traditional' sense are hardly performed anymore. The popular religious song was `UJesu uyeza emnqamlazweni' (Jesus is coming from heaven). We also heard this song on many other occasions (as described in chapter 4). Some songs are accompanied by hand clapping. The initiate, her helpers and/or family members of her own age, had left early in the morning to perform the washing ritual at the river (ukugeza emlanjeni). Later in the morning the group of girls arrived at the home singing. The girls, having arrived at the gate of the homestead after washing at the river with the initiate hidden.among them, remained standing outside the gate and then each girl took her turn to move away from the group while performing a song dancing. There were three groups of performers at that stage: that of the girls, the mother and other women (these two groups were standing at the gate), and the father and other men. The first two stood relatively close to each other, but the men were further away. The women interacted with the girls, but the men were not allowed to approach them. After this cattle and goats were displayed (in order to select those for slaughter), the men performed thamba, and the cattle and goats were then herded back to the kraal. During all this time the men thamba-ed and Ntuli performed the clan's iinanazelo (clan praises). Some men also praised him when he presented them with 57

68 beer. By now the proceedings had attracted much attention and the yard was quite crowded with visitors - visitors from the neighbourhood are all welcome. It was from one such a visitor, a man of about 80 that we taped what seemed to be unique songs. They were of a narrative nature and had a lamenting ring. They were performed while the singer slowly walked to and fro in the yard flanked by the other senior men. It was clearly a moving experience for all present to hear these songs. There were also many children and we also recorded a play song that was performed by a group of girls of about 7 to 10 years old. 'Since it was not possible to record the songs of the girls accompanying the initiate who had to remain concealed, my co-fieldworker, Philemon Ntuli requested the girls to sing a few songs once the initiate was secluded. The performances subsided when the people settled down to feast. At nightfall the girls who had accompanied the initiate, together with the woman-folk, again commenced a night of song and dance. It should be clear from this description alone that texts of an oral nature were relatively abundant; a few samples will be presented below. The songs follow the wellknown pattern of call and response, and in some songs the call and response overlap, as Rycroft (1981) has stated for Nguni polyphony. My orthographic conventions are as follows: The response following the call is underlined. Double underlining indicates those sections where the responders extend their response into the call. (In other wordy, where the caller and responders simply sing together for longer stretches.) Where overlapping occurs in the call and response it is presented in bold. More than the normal length is represented by a colon or double colon, or sometimes with double vowels in words without meaning. X stands for clapping (this is not indicated with each and every song). Since a caller invariably commenced a new song from a different point from where I was recording last, the first line or so of a song is sometimes missing; this is indicated by... Itnibino, ukuthamba, and iinanazelo Shortly after we arrived the men sang this song: x xx x x Angikhaleli ngiyabalabala: wo woo Angikhaleli ngiyabalabala: wo woo 58

69 Wolele wolele le: Etc. (I am not complaining, I am fretting. Wo woo. Etc.) Despite its negative message it is a pleasant song, sung with great enjoyment and repeated. for quite some time. Although the claps seem unevenly spaced on paper, they must of course be evenly spaced auditively so as to perform a proper rhythmic function. To achieve this rhythm, words are often 'compressed', for instance ngiyabalabala sounds like ngya:labala:. This manipulating of words to fit the song's rhythm happens in almost all songs. In most songs (imibino) the clap rate is doubled after a while by a double clap where previously one clap was given. There were two other calls to this song (but it was not possible to decipher what was sung) so that the song has a three-part structure. The call can be repeated any number of times before the refrain (Wolele wolele le) is sung, after which another call can be used. The response of the participating men (represented as wo woo) is simply a soft hum oh the same pitch. The caller, Jim.Ntuli in this case, stands while he sings. After 42 lines Ntuli ends by shouting `Okay!', and he utters his thamba formula: Nang' owam', nang' owam', nang' owam', Masinda- Masindakulu akoselephi! Masindakulu akoselephi! Masindakulu akoselephi! (Here is mine (repeated) Masindakulu of Selephi's place.) It must be noted that akoselephi sounds much closer to aboselephi when performed, but I was assured by Bhuti Skhosana that the former is correct. While Ntuli subsequently performs his mock charges the other men repeat the thamba lines. He then announces, as it were, this feast, both to those present and to the ancestors. Notice how he includes sections of his iinanazelo (clan praises - underlined): Wena weko:si! KukwaNtuli lapha, kukwantuli zimbundelana nelanga. Lapha sikhona lapha kwantuli zimbundelana nelanga SikwaMphemb' owaphemb' umlilo 5 Enkundleni kwampisi. 0 baba siyarabhela namhla sinomkhandlo lapha ekhaya, siyathaba, umtwana. ukhona lapha ekhaya 59

70 KuMasindakulu akoselephi Manje uyise lakhe (sic - should be wakhe) ngukom'bovu vakobafikisa::phi. Etc. (Some parts of the two lines that conclude the announcement are not clearly audible.) (You of the chief! This is Ntuli's place, at Ntuli's place who is aligned to the sun. Here we are at Ntuli's place who is aligned to the sun We are at Mphemba's place who made fire 5 At the place of the hyena (= where it is dangerous) Oh father we plead, today we have a feast here at home; we are glad, the child is here at home At Masindakulu of Selephi's place Now, her father is Kom'bovu (red cow) of Bafikisaphi's place.) The next song, sung by the younger men, was deliberately sung in an inaudible fashion since it was probably learnt at the ingoma (initiation of young men) and not meant for outsiders to follow. After the song the older men encouraged the song leader: Thamba, nas' isihlangu! - Thamba, here is a shield! They chat and drink before the next sequence of songs (often followed by thambaing). The next song started with a relatively slow 4 claps to the line which doubled after a few lines: Yele ubaba uyangibiza Ubaba uyangibiza Yelele Wangibiza ngidlula Yelele Wangibiza ngidlula Yelele Wangibiza ngi... (he concentrates on giya-ing) 0 yelele wangibiza ngidlula Yelele Yelele. Yelele baba Yelele Etc. (Yele my father calls me My father calls me Yelele My father called me while I was passing Etc.) This song illustrates so well how obscure verbal art can be. This is because songs often refer to private, enigmatic experiences. Later the caller stops singing and only giyas while the response is kept up to maintain the rhythm. The next song was even slower but with about 4 claps to the line. 60

71 Amabele waleza: nkomo Umba: Aa umbala waleza: nkomo: Amabele waleza nkomo ngalamba Umba: umbala waleza nkomo Amabele 5 waleza nkomo ngalamba A umba: Aa to mbala walezaao o n Amabele waleza nkomo ngalamba Umba:. Aa. I othalla_t n nkomo Amabele waleza nkomo ngalamba Umba: 10 Aan _pilbakyraleza nkomo Amabele waleza nkomo ngalamba Umba: Aa to mbala waleza nkomo Amabele waleza nkomo ngalamba Umba Aa to mbala waleza nkomo Amabele 15 waleza nkomo ngalamba Umba: Nang' umfowethu oyazi umbala waleza nkomo Amabele Etc. (The udders of those cattle Umba: Aa the colour of those cattle The udders of those cattle made me hungry Umba: Etc.) As can be seen, the song is made up of couplets in which two ideas are expressed (the udder of those cattle. The colour of those cattle) culminating in the effect the udders and the colour has on the beholder. Notice how the song is led by the response: the line following takes its cue from the previous response. This song was terminated with what appears to be a well-accepted closing formula for men's songs. It was heard a number of times: `Ayisele, bakomabhoko!' - Let it (cow) drink, you of Mabhoko's place. The word in bold is the regular formula. Various other formulaic phrases may follow. Apart from just chatting between songs while the younger men were cooking in the background and the occasional thamba performances, Ntuli was often heard saying something about the Ntuli clan or speaking to the 'fathers' (ancestors), proving that an ichude not only provides an opportunity for socialising, but that it is a religious affair as well. The song recorded next was one of the most popular, judging from the time spent on it and judging from the enthusiastic participation. It was sung by the younger men who were busy cooking umrata (porridge) nearby. This song, as mentioned before, was heard on many other occasions, also during the political performances. The song began with the 61

72 basic line that also served as the response. The caller made use of other calls, as summarised after the basic line: x x x x Emnqamlazweni ujes' uye:za emnqamlazweni Emnqamlazweni ujes' uye:za x x emnqamlazweni Subsequent calls: Etc. Nang' uyez' ujesu Simbonil' uyeza Simbonile china Ye simbonil' ubaba Simbonil' UJesu Haleluya Usemafin' ujesu UJes' uyeza nangu (From the cross, Jesus is coming from the cross. From the cross, Jesus is coming from the cross. Subsequent calls: Here Jesus is coming. We have seen Him coming. We have seen Him. Etc.) The response follows the call - in other words, there is no overlapping. This allows for the caller to join in fully with the rest of the singers, but on occasion the caller interjected with 'Haleluya' while the actual response was sung. Some of the responders also interjected with, for instance, `Khuluma ngaye ndroda.' (Speak about him man.) This song was sung for a stretch of about 5 minutes, which was longer than some of the other songs (except for the play song by the girls). The rhythm of the song is such that it prompts the men to giya vigorously. The rhythm is aided by the clapping of hands; the number of claps per response have. been indicated by the xs. However, as mentioned previously, in many Ndebele songs there is a primary and a secondary clap in quick succession. This is effected by two.sets of clappers, the second set clapping immediately after the first, effectively doubling the claps per line. The first clap sounds louder than the second one. As mentioned, this is a popular song for giya-ing. The Ndebele way is to kick with a straight leg about shoulder height on roughly every second primary clap and bringing the leg down without stamping it. Older men will simply lift the knee waist height. It was at this point - after this song with the usual thamba performance - that a man shouted `Abantwana asibabone!' (The children, let us see them!) signalling the 62

73 appearance of the initiate and her helpers. The men stood up to face the gate where the girls would enter - the distance to the gate was about meters - while the older women assembled at the gate. The oratory exchanged between the various groups was relatively extensive, especially that between Ntuli and the rest. Ntuli's oratory had the following elements: salutation references to the ancestors: Nampa bekhethu - Here are our people, etc. This developed into the following element, namely clan praise poetry. Then followed the naming of (6) cattle. The women responded with the Ntuli clan address (isithakazelo) Ee Mhlalukwana!, while one called Aya ematjhanganeni! This call was reiterated by Ntuli. He then went on to give a short account of his family history, namely how it came about that he came to live at Thabana. After another response by the women the discourse was ended With Ntuli's thamba line: Wusa! Kom' boy' wakofuzile! (Wusa! Red. cow of Fuzile's place!) It needs to be mentioned that this thamba line bears the mark of a true formula in the sense that it is used with little or no change at all, to the point of perpetuating grammatical error: the 'possessive' wa- is clearly pronounced as va-. It is meant to represent a noun in class 2/2a. Kom' boy' can only be in class la or 9. The v(a-) is probably the Northern Sotho bilabial fricative. The initiate and her group entered the house. The men settled down to more drinking and singing, and cattle were then slaughtered. As said before, Jim Ntuli was not a very able performer of the Ntuli clan praises. Only one or two lines were uttered after a song. We recorded longer stretches of his intanazeto on 25/2/88 at his office - he was at that stage the paramount chief's induna for Thabana. Here follow the praises we recorded: Mina nginguntuli, zimbundelana nelanga. NgingowalcwaSomakhala-mredo NgingowakwaMcaba-congo Ntuli. Ikosi yekhethu yakwantuli 5 U- u- ikosi yekhethu yakwantuli Ee- ubani lo? USihluku. 63

74 NgingowakwaSihluku mina NgingowakwaKom'bov' bakofuzile NgingowakwaNtuma wakophisi 10 NgingowakwaTjhika ziyaphalaza. Ubamkhulu wumbala wemliy' yamadoda UMcaba-congo Ntuli Ngiyakubingelela u- Mabhok' wasindeni Owasinda ngamhla kunothuli 15 Ikosi yekhethu ukom' boy' wakomalanga. UMabhok' wasindeni Owasinda ngamhla kunothuli Nguye ikosi es'phethe lapha esithjabeni emoutse esihlezi kiyo. (Pause) (I am Ntuli, they who are aligned with the sun. I am the one from the place of Somakhala-redo I am the one from the place of Mcaba-congo Ntuli The chief of the Ntuli's place 5 Is - is - the chief of the Ntuli's place Ee- who is it? Sihlulcu. I am the one of Sihluku's place I am the one of the place of Red Cow of Fuzile's place I am the one of Ntuma of Phisi's place 10 I am the one of Tjhika's place, the ones who take in medicine and vomit Grandfather is the colour of the imliya (archaic) of the men Mcaba-congo Ntuli I greet you Mabhoko of Sindeni Who escaped on the day it was dusty (= when there was turmoil) 15 Our chief Red Cow of the place of Malanga. Mabhoko of Sindeni Who escaped on the day it was dusty He is the chief who reigns over us here in Moutse where we live.) (Pause) At this point Philemon asked Ntuli whether he had finished and Ntuli seemed glad to confirm. It is quite understandable that Ntuli momentarily forgets parts of the iinanazelo, as in lines 5 and 6 - he was already quite old. It is also clear that what is supposed to be the Ntuli iinanazelo is an odd mixture of `I am' phrases, true iinanazelo, and some lines of Mabhoko's iimbongo (lines 16 and 17). Fittingly, the next song had to do with the initiate. The song consists of the line Intombi iyakusal' ekhaya. (The girl will stay at home.) After the normal thamba sequence the men sing what seemed to be a few 'narrative' songs. They were sung slowly with vibration of the voice at the end of the call. The caller was someone other than Ntuli this time and there was no clapping. Instead the men occasionally struck the ground with their sticks. Here is an example: 64

75 Othand' ikomo ngowayitjikitja Othand' ikomo ngowayitjikitia watihona phasi I:ya inko:mo inko:mo I:ya inko::mo inkomo ikhishwe kalikhuni. Ilizwe laphenduk' (He who likes the cow is the one who stroked it He who liked the cow is the one who stroked it and it succumbed The cow is going the cow The cow is going the cow is taken out (of the kraal) with difficulty. The land has changed.) Then the sequence is repeated. The second time round there are minor changes, probably to make the song more interesting. There is an interjection just after kalikhuni (Eyi!), while phasi is pronounced with some emphasis. The song probably laments changes to lobola practices. Izangoma performances - -. Performances connected to izangoma (diviners) are relatively abundant, although for understandable reasons not as regular as the amachude. Initiation ceremonies connected to ubungoma occur mostly once a year while amachude can be found every weekend. For the purpose of this chapter, the performances connected to the initiation of amathwasa - (apprentices) will be singled out. Izangoma, at least those of the areas we worked in, divide themselves into two groups, namely the amandawe (or isindawe when referring to aspects other than that of the people) and the abenguni (or isinguni). These divisions do not have much to do with language or ethnic groupings, but have to do with smaller differences in performance style and power (the amandawe are believed to be strong). The performances we witnessed between 17/6/88 and 24/9/88 were those of isindawe. Among the izangoma two main sets of activities can be distinguished, namely those prior to and inclusive of initiation - the ukwethwasa stage, and then those after initiation when the ithwasa has become an isangoma or an inyanga - the occupational stage. I will concentrate on some aspects of the first stage. Only the initiation proper will be discussed. Again, this stage can be divided into two sections, namely the 'graduation' 65

76 ceremony - ukudla intwaso - which comes after the training period, and the ceremony directed at presenting the new isangoma to his/her ancestors, which takes place at the home where the isangoma 's forefathers are believed to be present (usually where the isangoma grew up). Only after this last ceremony has been performed does the ithwasa become independent. The ukudla intwaso - eating/enjoying the intwaso ceremony This performance was attended on 17 and 18/6/88, at the house of Mbonani, the izangoma teacher, in Allemansdrift C. (See photos in addendum 3.) Before the performance he told us how he became a isangoma. His story echoes the experience of every isangoma. He started having strange dreams about being among izangoma; in his dream he was sent to emkhayane in the district emagazini in Swaziland where he grew up. He started his training in 1960 and it lasted for 20 months. About his training he said: tigafilndiswa izilwane, amafufunyane. Uma umuntu uloyiwe ngikwazi ukuyicosha, nokuthiya imizi nokubamba utokoloshi nemimoya emibi. (I was taught (the use of) animals, insanity. If a person has been bewitched I am able to chase it out; also to mix medicines and to catch the tokoloshi and bad spirits.) At the time of our visit he had been training others for six years. People started arriving as from sunset, but it was only at about 21:00 that the drums started beating and shortly after that the amathwasa (2 men, 5 women, of varying ages) entered the rondavel, which was lit by some candles. They entered on their knees and sat in a half circle around the drums. Inside the but the participants consisted mainly. of women, among them a few izangoma, while the men were around a fire outside. (Most of the people inside were merely onlookers, while the participation of mainly the older women took the form of clapping and responding to the songs.) The routine of the amathwasa, as soon as they were seated, consisted mainly of vibrating their bodies as they sat with crossed legs, with their hands (in which they held a stick or an cow tail, itjhoba) on their knees. Their faces resembled that of a person in pain. Occasionally one would shuffle toward the drums and back. When the drums stopped beating it was the sign for the amathwasa to assume a kneeling position at which time they could come into contact 66

77 with the amadlozi, which was characterised by shouts of YAWUU! and shooting upright on the knees. At the commencement of the drums they sat again, while the more prominent amathwasa, or, as the evening wore on, other participants, would commence a song, which, after some time, was drowned by the drums. After this basic sequence, the amathwasa left for the but opposite to rest. During these intervals participants sang a song and danced. This is the basic routine that repeats itself. The drums determine the atmosphere, tempo, etc., of this gathering to a very large extent. They consist of tins, ranging from about 20 cm in diameter to about 50, covered at the open ends with cow hide. At about 22:45 an isangoma showed signs of entering into trance. It commenced with a shout, then followed heavy breathing and groaning through clenched teeth, while her eyes were closed. She then stood up to dance on her own. After a while she stopped and did the thokoza discourse. It is a text that resembles the praise poem, which is uttered to another participant who assumes a kneeling position. When the drums started to beat she stood up. Then the same happened to one of the drummers, and since she was not an lisangoma, Mbonani, the trainer isangoma, said: `Thokozani! Nimbhathiseni! (Be glad!, or: Say the Thokoza lines.. Dress her!). She was fitted with amahlwayi (goat skin bracers) and the isangoma skirt, and was handed an itjhoba after which a thokoza discourse took place between her and the trainer. She then danced. This process can repeat itself with any of the participants. Otherwise, there is song and the participants dance just for pleasure. The trainer himself will also take part, as though he were an ordinary participant. At this stage he was not yet adorned in izangoma dress. Later in the evening he came in adorned and danced alone. Gradually his dance became more intense until he showed signs of entering into a trance rubbing his hands together with heavy, grunty breathing. He was then also adorned with amahlwayi. He was joined by a woman. Then the leader did the thokoza discourse with various participants. After another discourse interaction he was dressed with a sheepskin around his waist; he then chose three small girls from the participants as his 'wives' (amidst criticising remarks from some participants) to dance as well. He was also handed an assegai. When he kneeled for another thokoza discourse, his 67

78 amathwasa bent forwards on their knees. After the discourse he walked around speaking with a croaky voice and then commenced the song `Angikhathali mina, shayani bangoma'. There seemed to be songs some of the participants had forgotten, since often it happened that the participants did not join in, and at other times they rejected a song by saying `Asifuni leyor As from about 02:30 neither the izangoma nor the leader appeared any longer and only the participants sang and danced. (We left at about 03:00.) The next day after dawn, at about 08:00, the leader and the amathwasa gathered and divined by means of amathambo (bones) to determine what should be slaughtered for the amathwasa. Each one threw for him-/herself, as many times as was necessary to get an answer. The bones were gathered in the hands or in a bag, shaken and then whispered/spoken to before thrown. A problem arose with the second ithwasa - after many an attempt no answer came. A short discussion followed so as to determine in whose name the bones should be thrown. After still more unsuccessful attempts, the leader threw. His style differed somewhat in that he made a cross through the bones before he threw. There was a commotion when the bones indicated that a cow should be slaughtered (and not a goat). The bones were thrown yet another time to determine the truth. The answer did not appear to be the same. The leader mentioned that the relatives would have to pay for the cow, but they seemed reluctant. While the animals were being prepared (the cow was tied up), the amathwasa danced and sang the song that has featured regularly `Ye ilanga lami na?' (Is this my day?). When the animal was immobilised (the cow was stabbed behind the horns and then the throat was pierced), the ithwasa was brought to the half-alive animal and he took a mouth-full of the animal's blood. The ithwasa, showing signs of entering into a trance, was smeared with blood and then ran to the room to which they usually retreat. Three goats and a cow were slaughtered. The animals were then skinned and gutted while' an isangoma dug a furrow outside the court yard. The leader cut small pieces of flesh that still showed signs of nerve spasms (inyama edikizako) from each animal; this was cooked and mixed with water from a big pot that seemed to contain herbs and intestines. This was thrown in a shallow basket while the water drained away. Mbonani then tied a string to the basket and dragged it around the yard while the amathwasa crawled behind it to take a 68

79 piece of meat with their mouths. They were then led to the furrow where they sang 'Ye ilanga lami na?' They then knelt in front of the furrow and were given bowls of the ugwabha (the mixture referred to previously) to drink. After each bowl they made themselves hlanza - the literal meaning of the word explains this routine: it means to wash inwardly, i.e. to vomit. As one of the amathwasa explained: the blood of the animal should not stay inside. After they had hlanza-ed many times, they were washed with the ugwabha. The amathwasa then retired to the rondavel. The leader continued to supervise the cutting up of the meat and paid special attention to the intestines. The izangoma, as they were now called, washed themselves. It seemed as if some time would lapse while the meat was being cooked, and I decided to go and conduct an interview with an imbongi. On returning I was just in time to see two izangoma dragging the cow skin from the veld. What happened was that, since they were now qualified and had to prove their skills, various objects were hidden, including the skin, and through their divining power they had to bhula where these objects had been hidden. One bhula routine with one of the isangoma will be described to present the picture: (While she was busy with the bhula routine, the others performed the thokoza discourse, danced and sang.) The older sister of the particular isangoma hid an object. The isangoma then kneeled before the respondent - the same person who had hid the object - and uttered the bhula discourse. She went away but did not find the object. She tried again, with another respondent but was still unsuccessful in finding the object. She was again unsuccessful with the first respondent and went off to sing and dance, probably to receive inspiration. The other izangoma were also busy with bhula. She came back to the second respondent and then off to find the object, but without success. This whole process was repeated. After an interaction with her sister she successfully came back with the object, fetched a bit of ash to strew on the object and went to where the drums were and she sang 'Ye ilanga 'anti na?' From time to time the izangoma went to rest. In these intervals other izangoma kept up the singing and dancing. Izangoma are prolific singers; one can count up to 10 songs in 15 minutes, and they last a few seconds or a few minutes, according to 69

80 popularity. And they alternate between Northern Sotho and Ndebele. The songs are invariably sung to a relatively fast tempo. 'We malume, wenza kabomu' (taken up by the respondents as 'Weriza kabom', we malume'), was quite slow. The rhythm of the drums was very fast, especially the beat that was kept up with the right hand, which seemed to be twice as fast as the rhythm of the left hand. Very few dancers followed the rhythm indicated by the right hand. It was observed that Mbonani was able to do this by tapping his stretched-out foot on the ground and then quickly changing to the other foot and then doing the same with it. Dancing on half the pace of the beat (most common) entailed either jumping from left to right or tapping one foot twice (more or less toe and heel) and then switching to the other foot - the most common variation. When a quarter of the beat was utilised, the feet were tapped once alternatingly. The arms were always used in a balancing fashion. The jumping from one leg to the other resembled toyi-toyi except that the legs were wider apart. At times when the izangoma were in their rondavel, members of the audience sang and danced, and it was observed that a person would suddenly show signs of being possessed. At about 16:00 meat was served. We left at this point. After this feast the izangoma were to go to their respective homes (ukugodusa iisangoma), that is to say, not where they reside, but where they were born, or even more precisely, where their forefathers lived (and still dwell in the form of amadlozi). Ukugodusa isangoma - taking the isangoma home We attended two such ceremonies, one in Soweto (Zola) and one in the black township of Koster, house number The latter, which took place on 23-24/7/88, will be described. On this occasion, Mary Tsela, one of the izangoma who had qualified previously, 'went home' after she had spent the period from September '87 to July '88 at Mbonani's place learning ubungoma. The group that was travelling by lorry and consisted of a number of the newly qualified izangoma, four Shangaan drummers and some prominent participants (especially Mbonani's family) arrived at the Koster home at about 23:00. Shortly after their arrival, Mary knelt outside the gate on a grass mat facing her parents (it can be any senior member 70

81 of the family if the parents are not available) and immediately showed signs of possession. Her father took a mouthful of sorghum beer and spewed it in her face. By this action tamhlanganisa namadlozi ala' - they connect her to the shades of this place, according to Philemon Ntuli. She then walked on her knees on mats that were spread out before her, through the area covered by canvas where the activities took place, to a room behind this area, while she constantly showed signs of being in a trance. She was followed by two other izangoma. After some time they appeared singing and dancing and did the thokoza discourse. Shortly after this they ran out into the street followed by a number of the enthusiastic participants. A few houses away they went into a yard, then into a second and found a goat tied to a pole. They led, or rather dragged, it by the horns and ran back to the house singing (3 songs). Basically the same happened in the case of the searching for the head of cattle, but for practical purposes it was not led back to the house. The singing and dancing continued, and tea and scones were served to the senior people while the men prepared the animals for slaughter, which I preferred not to witness. Now some of the participants (also men and some of the senior izangpma) joined in the singing and dancing and some of the participants/izangoma also tried their hand at the drums. The leader appeared in his attire and danced alone, now and then exerting authority by dictating how the drums were to be beaten. Later, while doing the thokoza discourse, he asked for a scarf; then for ginger beer (he doesn't take alcohol). As from about 03:00 activities were less intense. The men were huddled around a fire, and the women were in the kitchen where a coal stove was glowing warmly. At sunrise (about 07:00) there was renewed activity when men and women sang and danced according to a delightful religious song `Kuzobizwa amagama abangcwele' - The names Of the holy ones will be called out. The dance took the form of a shuffle - one foot was slipped in behind the other. After going round in a circle for quite some time they moved out of the tent in single file through the big gate and back through the small gate towards the tent. They continued for some time in this way. Singing and dancing continued through the morning. Late in the morning the izangoma made a final show (during which time one of them bhula-ed to two men), then lunch was served (while 71

82 Mary divined by means of bones for an elderly lady - her professional life had begun). After lunch the visitors made preparations to leave. The songs are, as in the case of the ichude, typically one-liners that are divided into two parts - call and response. One example will suffice to illustrate this point: at about 23:00 on the first night of the ukudla intwaso performance, the leader, after showing signs of trance and then performing thokoza dialogue, commenced the song `Angikhathali mina, shayani bangoma.' (I am not tired, sing forth, diviners.) In this case `shayani bangoma' was taken up by the participants as the response. In other cases the first part served as response, as in the song `Sengikhalela inyongo yami.' (I am crying for my gallbladder.) The song can be divided follows: Inyongo (yami) inyongo' = call; `Sengikhalela inyongo (yami)' = response. As regards content, most songs had a direct bearing on ubungoma, others referred to an incident. Understandably, obscurity, so prevalent in oral art, also characterised these songs, so that their connection with izangoma performances was not always immediately clear. This very fact proves their situation-boundedness - they were obscure because the total context (ubungoma particularly), and not so much the content, provided the significance. As indicated earlier, izangoma are prolific singers. The number of songs that one is able to encounter when people sing through the night for at least two nights in a row is daunting and to account for all the songs recorded at the different ceremonies we attended would take too much time. But to give an indication of topics a few songs will be given here. They all come from a single dance routine. Iphi ingane, iphi ingane; ngikhalela ingane (Where is the child, where is the child; I am crying for the child. - This could refer to parents who are concerned about their child who has gone off to be a isangoma.) Ngayiphika inkani (I was obstinate. - That is, I did not respond to the ancestor's call immediately.) Namhlanje, ye yilanga lami na? (Today, is this my day? - This refers to the day the apprentices become izangoma.) We malume, wenza kabomu (Hey uncle, you are doing this on purpose.) Salani, salani ngemuva 72

83 (Stay well, stay behind. - The words may be those of a person leaving home to become an isangoma bidding farewell to those who stay behind.) Bingelela nonke emzini kababa (Greet all in father's household. - A trainee isangoma is away from home anything between three months and a year; this song speaks of this separation.) Thula sizwe; izwi lingakhuluma nawe (Be quiet so that we can hear, so that the voice can speak to you. - The messages coming from an isangoma are considered to be coming from the ancestors. As such they are important for people.) Iyashabalal' ingoma (The ingoma is disappearing. - This may be an expression of concern for the wellbeing of the initiation of young men.) Inyawo yami iyahamba, isebenzela mahhala (My foot is going, it is working for nothing. - While a person is learning to become a isangoma she or he does not earn money.) Ingwenyama bala siyayibonga (We truly thank the Ingwenyama. - Although izangoma are under the sway of the amakhosi (ancestors) they are still ruled by the chief.) Jabula wena (Be glad. - The command is probably directed to an apprentice; he/she should be glad for being called by the ancestors.) There are of course those songs that the listeners and, according to some spokespeople, even some of the izangoma themselves do not understand. These songs speak of actions or perhaps items peculiar to izangoma practice. One of these went like this: Hha imitsetso ngikhumbula imitsetso. (Ha the imitsetso, I remember (= long for) the imitsetso.) As mentioned before, most of these songs consist of one line. The lead singer will sing the line once or twice after which the responders take up the response while the drummers supply the deafening beat. While it may be that new songs are generated during such performances, most are clearly well-known, judging from the ease with which they are sung. At least one song in this particular performance could be regarded as a 'theme song' in that it was sung a few times during the performances, chosen for some crucial moments in the performances. The song in question is Namhlanje, ye yilanga lami na?' It was sung shortly after the 73

84 performance began on the Friday night and then later the next day while the animals were being prepared for slaughter. The next occasion was when they were about to phalaza, and then after one of the izangoma had achieved success in smelling out an object that had been hidden away. Other aspects of izangoma performances, some of which are revealed in the songs, need to be mentioned briefly. Firstly, the ukugodusa iisangoma performance in particular testifies to intercultural/intercommunity activity. Many of the songs are in Zulu. At this stage it is not clear why this should be so since Mbonani was trained in Swaziland. Some of the songs recorded were also in Northern Sotho. This is quite understandable, since many Ndebele speak Northern Sotho as a result of the long history of contact between these two groups. Secondly, one must note the incorporation of songs from other types of experience, such as religion. The enjoyment aspect of these songs is probably the reason for such incorporation. In other words, a song need not be a isangoma song' for inclusion in these performances (see also the reference to the religious song in the ichude performance described above). At the ukugodusa iisangoma performance a religious song, `Kuzobizwa amagama angcwele' - The holy names will be called out, was performed with great delight and enthusiasm by izangoma and participants alike. The third aspect is that of an internal poetics. The fact that the songs are subject to an internal poetics was illustrated on many an occasion when participants either did not respond to a singer's call or participated with little enthusiasm. And on one occasion a song was rejected outright with: `Asifuni leyo!' (We don't want that one!) Tentatively, one would assume the internal poetics is based on the enjoyment derived from a song due to a particular rhythm, tune, content, etc. Although most of the songs had a lively rhythm, at least one with a slow rhythm was popular. It was the song 'We malume, wenza kabomu', responded to as `wenza kabomu, we malume'. Thokoza dialogue is interesting because of its similarity to iimbongo. These are usually performed shortly after a person has shown signs of being in a trance. The person kneels before any other participant or onlooker and performs the dialogue. (I call it a dialogue since the other participant responds encouragingly with the word `thokoza' after 74

85 each sentence.) The first dialogue by the leader on the first night of the performance reads as follows (the dots represent inaudible sections): Ukhokho omkhulu umagalela. Thokoza! Wabese waba insizwa wakwankosi nje kakhulu. Thokoza! Wabese kungumahlale ogodweni uqobo lwakhe. Thokoza! Wabese uyibondo elidla umhlanga nje kakhulu. Thokoza! 5 Wabese uyinkomo yasolwandle nje impela kakhulu. Thokoza! Wabese sengikhalela ukufa kwami kakhulu. Thokoza! Wabese kunjalo nje yise wami. Thokoza! Wabese kunjalo nje yise wami. Thokoza! Mayebabo! Wabese kunjalo nje yise wami. Thokoza! 10 Wabese ngithokoza amagama uqobo Iwami nje kakhulu. Thokoza! Wabese ngikhula kwami nje kakhulu. Thokoza! Wabese ngikhukhumala njengendlovu kakhulu. Thokoza! Wabese kunjalo impela kakhulu. Thokoza! (The great ancestor is Magalela. Thokoza! And then he became a young man of Nkosi's place. Thokoza! And then he was one who sits on a tree trunk, the very one. Thokoza! Then he was an insect devouring a reed. Thokoza! 5 Then he was a cow of the sea indeed. Thokoza! Then I am crying for my death (as an ordinary mortal to become a izangoma?) Thokoza! That is so my father. Thokoza! That is so my father. Thokoza! Oh dear! That is so my father. Thokoza! 10 I utter (their) very names. Thokoza! Then I grew up... Thokoza! I became as big as an elephant. Thokoza! That is truly so. Thokoza!) As is clear, the dialogue mostly consists of repetitious formulae, either of words (see especially Wabese and kakhulu) or of whole sentences. The content shows that the dialogue consists largely of references to the speaker's 'history'. The lead lines of the dialogue are uttered fast, while the response part (thokoza) is often said in a matter of fact way - it has obviously reached the status of a formula. As mentioned earlier, izangoma are probably the most prolific singers of all groups encountered. Many hours are spent singing during the nights of the ukudt iniwaso ceremony, and it is impossible to give a full account of this form of verbal art. 75

86 Next to be described will be the marriage ceremony, namely that of the presently ruling Manala monarch, Makhosoke Mabhena. Umtjhado wekosi, kwamabena - marriage of the chief kwamabena The ceremonies took place at Mabhena's house at Kameeldrif, between 11 and 17 December December was devoted to the preparation of food and drink for the feast that was to take place on 16 and 17 December. Amabele was cooked, fermented and strained, etc., in order to make a large quantity of beer. Small cakes were baked and cattle were slaughtered. As we were leaving we were fortunate to hear a worksong sung by men as they were planting long poles in the front yard for lighting purposes. It went as follows: Hul' ulisa Hul' ulisa usay' egoli (A man shouts Vumani man! - Join in! Seemingly the other men were reluctant to join in because he repeats the command until they join in.) Kul' ulisa Hul' ulisa Hul' ulisa Hul' ulisa usay' egoli Hul' ulisa Hul' ulisa usay' egoli Hul' ulisa Hul' ulisa usay' egoli Hul' ulisa Hul' ulisa usay' egoli Hul' ulisa Hul' ulisa usay' egoli Hul' ulisa Hul' ulisa usay' egoli Hul' ulisa Hui' ulisa usay' egoli ulisa (Only one man responds.) Roo! (Hul' Lisa is going/has gone to Johannesburg.) Another worksong well-known among Ndebele people is Sandia fun' indawo! It is sung when an object has to be lifted. A woman illustrated it to us as follows: As the workers look for a place to grip the leader says: Sandia fun' indawo hm hm hm (Hand, look for a place. Repeated as often as is necessary.) Having all.found a place they respond: 76

87 `phelelelele `phelele ( (It is) complete, complete, complete.) They start to lift the object: Dubula, dubula ziyasha, ziyasha (Shoot, shoot! They (cows?) are burning, they are burning = things are hectic.) When the object is lifted: Ngomsa ngomsa ngomsa (With care.) This section has coarse versions speaking of a situation where black workers were/are watched over by white foremen: Abelungu ngodem. ngodem (Whites are damned.) Or: Abelungu ngoshit, ngoshit basibiza ngoshit (Whites are shit, they call us shit.) Or: Induna amasend' enduna (The induna, testicles of the induna.) The rhythm of the worksong is achieved by stress (indicated by an accent), length (indicated by :), and dramatic pauses (indicated by [ ]). For instance, the workers would pronounce the last line more or less as follows: IndiEna amasenf ]dendu:na When the workers have to put the object down they say: Phasi phasi phasi (Down.) On Saturday the mostly isikhethu (`traditional') part of the marriage took place, and on Sunday the isikhuwa part took place. (Isikhuwa means European custom.) The bride wears a white wedding dress for this part of the feast. The basic pattern of these proceedings was as follows: The Mathjirini Boys entertained the people until the Mamelodi Brass Band led the Ingwenyama (paramount chief) and other delegates through the gate. The people were requested to take their seats for the appearance of the Ingwenyama from the house. The MC was in charge and he brought. on the various participants: These were the many people who delivered speeches and the Mathjirini Boys band who sang between the speeches. While this was going on, groups of people were continually arriving and assembling at the gate. After a while a group would enter singing. 77

88 Although the Matjhirini Boys used electric guitars their songs were truly oral. The first song we recorded expressed reverence for the chiefs. The lead singer sang a complete line and the responders took up the call after which the lead singer would use one or two words of the song to prompt the call: Nangibheka amakhosi akwandebele ngilila amanyembezi. Amanyembezi baba ngilila amanyembezi. (When I look at the chiefs of KwaNdebele I cry tears. Tears, father, I cry tears.) When the Ingwenyama appeared a Manala praise poet commenced to bonga the Manala chiefs of old: (For Nsele) Ayeeela! Thath' ikomo nasi NgekaSele, usele nanguya Es'thabeni sentaba 5 Izizwe zoke % Ziya ngolcumlalamela Ulalanyelwa botsheme nabodoyi Walalanyelwa ngonhlath' nabomamba USele kade besithi aye kuyise (Shouts of Bayethe! Ngonyama!) 10 Besithi umfo mumbi akabulawe USele ngokuthand' isihlalo sekosi USele lo Izandla zoyise kazazi Wazi zonina I5 ZoMbokazi UNaMayisa. (Musho!) (For Magutjhana) Ayeeela! Thath' ikomo nasi Deda-deda-mthwalo-simthwalise 20 Magutjana usind' esithjabeni Wathath' umntwan' ebelubelu Wathi uyok'thwala ngaye athaqobo Kanti uyok'dlala ngaye engonyeni. (Musho! Bayethe! Bayethe! Ngonyama!) 78

89 Ndabezitha! (Ayeeela! Take this cow It is that of Sele, Sele there he is yonder On the plain of the mountain 5 All the nations Are stretching themselves towards him He is stretched for by those of Tsheme and of Doyi He was stretched for by those of Nhlathu and of Mamba For a long time we have said Sele should go to his father (Shouts of Bayethe! Ngonyama!) 10 We have said the guy is bad; he should be killed Sele, for liking the seat of the chief This Sele The hands (= care) of his father he doesn't know He knows those of his mother 15 Of Mbokazi NaMayisa. (Musho!) (For Magutjhana:) Ayeeela! Take this cow Retreat-retreat-burden-let's help him carry 20 Magutjana escaped among the nation He took the child (= prince) at Belubelu He said he will carry the pride through him But he will make a fool of him at the initiation. (Musho! Bayethe! Bayethe! Ngonyama!) Ndabezitha! Then followed the singing of `Nkosi sikelel' i-afrika'. The following song, led by a woman, was being sung while these official proceedings were in progress, in fact while `Nkosi sikelel' i-afrika' was being led through the PA system. As mentioned, groups of people were arriving all the time and waiting at the gate for the best opportunity to enter dramatically, with apparently no regard for the official proceedings: a;stayabiz' Icl n Repeated with minor changes. Akhe n'bo:ne. Abasemla:yo 79

90 (The chiefs are calling (= summoning) with a command. Come and see. Those of the law.) It must be noted that the song has no bad intentions. The song means when the chief summons people they gladly respond. Their song and the loudspeakers competed. As people became excited, participants and onlookers started clapping - about 7-9 claps per line - and the women kwakwazela -ed. Some men also started to thamba; the thamba line was as follows: Kom'bo': (= komo ebovu) vako:sandi:l'! (Red Cow of Sandile's place!) Whereas the anthem took about 3 minutes to sing, this song was enjoyed for at least 7 minutes. As various dignitaries delivered messages or while other proceedings were going on groups of people were arriving singing until all settled down to feasting later in the day. Ingoma - boys' initiation The Ndebele ingoma is very important from a historical perspective. Van Vuuren (1992: 472) states that it proved to be nothing less than a means of survival for the tribe: Wat die organisasie van die seunsinisiasie betref, beweer Ndzundza-segslui dat dit tot voor die Mapoch-oorlog van 1883 'n gesentraliseerde karakter gehad het, en wys daarop dat na die aanval deur Mzilikazi die ingoma as saambindende rite die Ndzundza bymekaar gehou het. (Concerning the organisation of the boys' initiation, Ndzundza informants maintain that it had a centralised character up to the Mapoch war of 1883, and they point to the fact that after the attack by Mzilikazi the ingoma kept the Ndzundza together.) Although in principle it happens only every four years among the Ndebele, the initiation rites for young men can be considered a 'fixed item on the Ndebele cultural calendar'. Apart from the centralised nature of the ingoma, the traditional four-year cycle has also been subject to change. There are at the very least three main centres authorising different ingomas: For the Ndzundza section it is at the kraal of Ingonyama Mayishe II at KwaSimuyembiwa (commonly referred to as `ekosini) in the Siyabuswa area. 80

91 (Ingonyama Mayishe H is the elder son of the late Ingonyama Mabhoko who reigned at the time of the research. Much will be said about his son in the following chapters. He was known as.prince `Kosi' Nyumbabo Mahlangu during the time of the research.) Ingoma is also held at the kraal of Ingonyama Poni at KwaDlawulale, in the Nebo district. Since a new chieftaincy was declared in 1988 for the people of KoSikhulumi, it stands to reason that they will have their own initiation. For the Manala it is held at the kraal of Ingonyama Makhosoke. Since 1979 the ingoma authorised from Mabhoko's place is held every three years (Van Vuuren 1992: 320). The increasing number of young men who need to be initiated and the financial potential of ingoma have probably led to changes in its frequency and regularity. For instance, in 1996 the ingoma at Siyabuswa was delayed because Ingonyama Mayishe II greatly increased the - fee every initiate's father had to pay (Personal communication by Prof. C.J. Van Vuuren). For performance purposes, the ceremonies can be divided into four main parts (Van Vuuren op. cit : 334 speaks of 9 smaller sections): the pre-initiation rendezvous, the initiation period itself, the post-initiation rendezvous, and lastly, the receiving of the initiated at his home. While the boys are passing through the stages of the initiation, they are referred to or known by a name, which can be seen as the name of a regiment. This name is known as an intanga. There are 15 (Ndzundza) Ndebele iintanga. Since it was not possible to witness all these ceremonies, the view presented here will be somewhat fragmentary. For instance, no outsiders are allowed to witness the initiation period, so that nothing at all can be mentioned with regard to the performances that may occur there. Furthermore, it was not possible to know when the actual initiation period would end, to be in time for the next phase. So, in order to present a reasonable picture, we attended ceremonies from both the Ndzundza and the Manala. Firstly a brief description of the pre-initiation rendezvous that was witnessed at Mabhoko's place will be offered. 81

92 The pre-initiation rendezvous On route to the chief's homestead we encountered groups of men on their way to the king's place. Singing while they were jogging, bare chested, they held small, round shields and quince switches that were joined at one or two places so as to provide a long weapon. On this occasion (30/4/89) of the '89 ingoma witnessed at Mabhoko's place we learned that the marudla regiment was being formed, at least this is what some spokesmen said - the person we first asked, Chief Mabusabesala's personal attendant, did not know. We were also told that it is the last in the cycle of the fifteen fixed iintanga. Asking people what was happening they would say baya entabeni/ehlathini (they are going to the mountain/bush). On our arrival (about 11:00) the following was taking place: the 30-odd initiates (abaswegwabo) living in the vicinity of the chief's place were standing in the form of a platoon, chanting and holding straight sticks and going through a marching routine. While this was going on, men who had gone through the initiation - these ranged from men in their twenties to men in their fifties - were competing in ukushayana ngamaswazi (to strike each other with switches). One would make his stand in the middle of a circle with one foot on a rock or a tree trunk and anyone who takes up the challenge will then try to drive him away with his switch. The retreating one is the loser. If one falls and the challenger/challenged persists in beating, there would be immediate intervention and loud cries on the part of the other participants. Engaging in duels seemed to be sought after and enjoyed. I saw Andries Mahlangu, relative to the royal family and Prince Cornelius Mahlangu (once in the Skosana cabinet and presently the Ndzundza Chief), engaging in these duals. On the whole, the crowd was excited, somewhat belligerent, a few had had some beer, others were threatening the onlookers. (This was in fact experienced by my cofieldworker, Philemon Ntuli, on the same night. A group of men arrived and banging on his door said that they wanted to take him to be initiated. This was repeated the following morning. He is known to be opposed to initiation since he lost his 3rd and 7th brother due to initiation.) A combination of taboo and belligerence prevented us from making recordings of the songs the abaswegwabo and the men accompanying them were singing while on route 82

93 to the chiefs place. Apart from actually being reviled there was the danger of experiencing the switch. Later we travelled to Pieterskraal, about 20 km from the chiefs place, and there also we saw men engaging in switch fighting. According to Mr PB (Bhuti) Skhosana, the Chief Cultural Officer (information -obtained on 10/5/89, Bundu Inn), about 8,000 abaswegwabo from all over KwaNdebele (except the Manala area, since their initiation cycle does not coincide with that of the Ndzundza) and further afield, were being initiated under the auspices of the chieftaincies. Each chieftaincy has its own place of initial gathering (usually close to the chiefs house) and place of initiation. According to Skhosana, who went through the initiation, the boys are taught moral issues, e.g. how a man has to conduct himself. They are also taught the songs that have been in circulation in the previous sessions. Each instructor would 'bring his song'. Each boy composes his own iimbongo, which, curiously, are in Pedi, from which the practice was obviously adopted. According to Philemon Ntuli the main items of the curriculum are circumcision, endurance training, and the learning of a secret language. Ndebele history, for example, is not taught in any great detail. According to Skhosana they learn a little about the chiefs. Some of the fathers I asked said the young men compose and learn their own iibongo, the iintanga names, and songs. Igwabo This term refers to the post-initiation gathering of the young men in order to do service for the king. (The service part does not take place any more.) We had the opportunity to see the termination of the initiation period (which serves, at the same time, as the beginning of the going home ceremony) of Manala initiates at Ingwenyama Makhosoke's place on 15/8/88. (See photos in addendum 3.) When we arrived at about 09:00, the abaswegwabo or amajaha (young men) were standing in a circle and singing in a special enclosure made of branches. After spells of singing they went out to the veld, possibly to relax and relieve themselves. In their hands they held sticks which were adorned with ostrich feathers at one end. These they moved up and down while they were singing. Late in the morning the young men were smeared with pig's fat and adorned with strings of beads by senior male relatives. After this they 83

94 moved out to the chief's cattle byre to see the head of cattle that would be slaughtered for those who would remain behind (namely, the boys of the immediate vicinity). Here they thamba-ed while being instructed in this by the instructors who were with them throughout the initiation period..after the bull was shot they went back to the enclosure singing. After their lunch, at about 14:00, they were led jogging out of the premises and about two kilometres down the road in order to take part in the 'traditional' race. After a period of rest they sang again and formed groups (according to their places of origin). They said farewell to each other while singing in these groups. While they were busy in this way, the well-known Ndebele blanket was put around each ijaha - it is said that this blanket was sent by a girl. After this, some groups started leaving the premises (except for the local group) so as to commence the next ceremony, the going home ceremony. Imibino, ukuthamba, and iimbongo We commence with the song that was sung intermittently throughout the whole morning. It was already in progress when we arrived, for how long we do not know. We only started recording when we thought the people had become accustomed to us. The instructor was singing the call while the abaswegwabo were singing the response. The whole text of the song is given. The text of the song commences where it became possible to discern what the caller was saying. This was after a pause when we could give the recorder to the instructor: Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Ha ha ha:: (Since this response does not change, it will not be repeated.) Hha:yi bobaba beniyephi na? (No fathers, where have you gone to?) Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi (Hhayi means 'no', but this could simply be filler sounds.) Hha:yi indlovu zing'dlele (The elephants have eaten to my detriment = have eaten me.) 5 Aina aina aina Hha:yi Malimele-ndlelen' (Mr Cultivator-iii-the footpath) Hha:yi indlovu zing'dlele Hha:yi zidl' amabel' wain' (They have eaten my sorghum.) 84

95 Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi Malimele-ndlelen' 10 Hha:yi bobaba beniyephi? Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Aina aina aina Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la (Ingoma is for the old (= mature?) ones.) 15 Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la Hha:yi ingoma ng'osodigwan' (Its the ingoma of Sodingwana (?)) Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi Malimel-endlelen' 20 Hha:yi indlovu zing'dlele Hha:yi zidl' amabel' warn' Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la 25 Hha:yi ayi ayi a:yi Hha:yi ayi ayi a:yi Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la Hha:yi indlovu zing'dlele Hha:yi bobaba beliyephi? 30 Hha:yi bobaba ngalitjela (Fathers, I have told you.) Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la Hha:yi ayi ayi a:yi Hha:yi Malimele-ndlelen' 35 Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi indlovu zing'dlele Hha:yi zidl' amabel' warn' Hha:yi indlovu zedzukwin' (The elephants are dark - idzuku is a stone used to make dark colour markings.) Aina aina aina 40 Hha:yi bobaba beliyephi? Hha:yi bobaba ngalitjela Aina aina aina Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la Aina aina aina 45 Hha:yi Malimele-ndlelen' Aina aina aina Hha:yi indlovu zing'dlele Hha:yi zidl' amabel' warn' Aina aina aina 50 Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la Hha:yi ingoma ng'osodigwan' Aina aina aina Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi 55 Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la Hha:yi Malimele-ndlelen' Aina aina aina 85

96 Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:ia Hha:yi ingoma ng'osodigwan' 60 Hha:yi indlovu zing'dlele zidl' amabel' warn' Hha:yi Malimele-ndlelen' Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Aina aina aina 65 hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi bobaba beliyephi? Hha:yi bobaba beliyephi na? Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la hhayi hhayi hha:yi 70 indlovu zedzukwin' Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi Malimele-ndlelen' Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Aina aina aina 75 ingoma ngeyabada:la bobaba beliyephi na? Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:ia Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi indlovu zing'dlele 80 Hha:yi Malimele-ndlelen' Hha:yi indlovu zedzukwin' Hha:yi bobaba beliyephi na? 1- haayi bobaba beliyephi na? Hha:yi ayi ayi a:yi 85 Aina aina aina Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi indlovu zedzukwin' Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi 90 Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la Hha:yi ingoma ng'osodigwan' Aina aina aina Hha:yi bobaba beliyephi? Hha:yi bobaba beliyephi na? 95 Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:ia Hha:yi indlovu zedzukwini Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Aina aina aina 100 Hha:yi Malimele-ndlelen' Hha:yi indlovu zing'dlele Hha:yi zidl' amabel' warn' Aina aina aina Hha:yi indlovu zedzukwin' 105 Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:1' Etha:yi bobaba ngalitjela Hha:yi bobaba ngalitjela Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Aina aina aina 110 Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la Hha:yi bobaba beliyephi na? 86

97 Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Aina aina aina 115 Hha:yi bobaba beliyephi? Hha:yi bobaba ngalitjela Hha:yi bobaba ngalitjela Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la A:yi ayi ayi a:yi 120 Hha:yi indlovu zedzukwin' (The trainer skips two calls and another caller, one of the initiates, takes over.) Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Beliyephi bobaba beliyephi? Beliyeph' bobaba beriyephi?. 125 Beliyeph' bobaba beriyephi? Zing'dlel' izindlovu zing'dlele Zing'dlel' izindlovu zing'dlele Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi 130 Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Beniyeph' bobaba beniyephi? Beniyeph' bobaba beniyephi? Beniyeph' bobaba beriyephi? Zing'dlel' indlovu zing'dlele 135 Zing'dlel' indlovu zing'dlele Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Beliye:ph' bobaba beriyephi? 140 Beriye:ph' bobaba beliyephi? Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Beliye:ph' bobaba beliyephi? 145 Beliye:ph' bobaba beriyephi? Zing'dlele izindlovu zing'dlele Zing'dlele izindlovu zing'dlele Wayi wayi wayi wa:yi Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi 150 Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Beliye:ph' bobaba beliyephi? Beliye:ph' bobaba beliyephi? Beliye:ph' bobaba beliyephi? Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi 155 Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Wa:yi wayi wayi wa:yi Beliye:ph' bobaba beliyephi? Beliye:ph' bobaba beliyephi? 160 Ng'yabadala ingoma ng'yabadala Ng'yabadala ingoma ng'yabadala Wo:yi woyi woyi wo:yi Wo:yi woyi woyi wo:yi Wo:yi woyi woyi wo:yi 87

98 165 Beliyephi bobaba beliyephi? Beliye:ph' bobaba beliyephi? Beliye:ph' bobaba beliyephi? Wo:yi woyi woyi wo:yi Wo:yi woyi woyi wo:yi 170 Wo:yi woyi woyi wo:yi Wo:yi woyi woyi wo:yi Wo:yi woyi woyi wo:yi Beliye:ph' bobaba beliyephi? Beliye:phi bobaba beliyephi? 175 Beliye:ph' bobaba beliyephi? Wo:yi woyi woyi wo:yi Wo:yi woyi woyi wo:yi Wo:yi woyi woyi wo:yi Wo:yi woyi woyi wo:yi 180 Beliye:ph' bobaba beliyephi? Beliye:ph' bobaba beliyephi? Beliye:ph' bobaba beriyephi? Beliye:ph' bobaba beriyephi? Wo:yi woyi woyi wo:yi (77w umrhugi omkhuht (main instructor) takes over again.) 185 Aina aina aina A:yi ayi-ayi a:yi A:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la Hha:yi Malimele-ndlelen' Hha:yi indlovu zing'dlele 190 A:yi zidl' amabel' warn' A:yi ayi ayi a:yi Aina aina aina A:yi indlovu zing'dlele A:yi malimel' endlelen' 195 Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Aina aina aina Hha:yi Malimele-ndlelen' Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabad a:la 200 Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la Aina aina aina Hha:yi bobaba beliyephi? A:yi indlovu zing'dlele A:yi zidl' amabel' wam' 205 A:yi Malimele-ndlelen' Aina aina aina Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi Malimele-ndlelen' Hha:yi indlovu zing'dlele 210 Aina aina aina Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:la Hhayi indlovu ziya izetsulcwin' Hha:yi hhayi hhayi aina 215 Hha:yi Malimele-ndlelen' (Pause as if to stop.) Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi 88

99 Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:ia Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hha:yi bobaba beriyephi? 220 Hha:yi bobaba beriyephi? Hha:yi bobaba ngalitjela (Another caller offers a few calls.) Hha:yi bobaba ngalitjela Hha:yi bobaba beliyephi? Hha:yi bobaba beriyephi? 225 Hha:yi ingoma ngeyabada:ia Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi (Another call added) (Another caller takes over.) O:yi oyi oyi oyi oyi O:yi oyi oyi oyi oyi O:yi oyi oyi oyi oyi 230 Beniyephi bobaba beniyephi? Beniyephi bobaba beniyephi? Beliyephi bobaba beliyephi? Beliyephi bobaba beliyephi? (The instructor takes over:) Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi 235 Hha:yi hhayi hhayi hha:yi Hhayi ingoma ng'yabadala. (The instructor stops for a few moments. One of the fathers of the amasokana is heard saying: 'Hheyi nize rhaleyikh' man, Khambeni rhaleyikh'. - The young. men should not go off one by one to relieve themselves, they must all go at once. It was clear from their voices that the group was tired) (No fathers, where have you gone to? No, no, no, no. (Hhayi means 'no', but the utterance could simply a filler.) The elephants have eaten to my detriment = have eaten me Aina aina aina No, Mr Cultivator-in-the-footpath They have eaten my sorghum. Ingoma is for the old (= mature?) ones It's the ingoma of Sodingwana Fathers, I have told you. Etc.) The instructor resumed the song for at least another 10 minutes before they all left the enclosure again to take part in the race. The race represents the same thing as the protracted song - endurance. This is the quality these young men have been displaying up to this point, a quality without which some of them would not have survived. It is well known that even in recent times men have lost their lives during initiation. The hardest test of all is probably the circumcision itself. Fourie (1921) mentioned that in the days he was doing his research, a man armed with an assegai stood behind the young man ready to stab him should he scream of pain. 89

100 This song, which was sung intermittently until about 14:00, epitomises the test of endurance these young men have been subjected to during their stay of two months of winter in the veld. The test their bodies had to endure was undoubtedly alleviated by the comparatively lighter tests of the mind. One surmises that it must have been a pleasure to learn songs and even more pleasurable to escape, even for a short while, and fantasise about one's own uniqueness in the composition of one's own praises. The praises and `songs of freedom' (as described later) will fully testify to these moments of relief experienced in the veld. But until that moment of freedom arrives, the young men are still in a transient phase, the tests of endurance are scarcely behind them, and so, understandably, being in the presence of their fathers, their instructors, and knowing that they are still at the chief's place, they still sing a few songs reminiscent of the song of endurance. However, the young men themselves now take the lead in these songs, and so, let us surmise that the first small step to release has been taken towards adulthood. The young men sing as follows: Tjhiris' amaciba hho hho Tjhiris' amaciba hho hho After it was kept up for about 3 minutes, an older caller took over: Tjhiris' amaciba hho hho Hha: hho hho hho hho Hha: hho hho hho hho Tjhiris' amaciba hho hho Tjhiris' amaciba hho hho Tjhiris' amaciba hho hho Tjhiris' amaciba hho hho Hha: hho hho hho hho Hha: hho hho hho hho Tjhiris' amaciba hho hho. Tjhiris' amaciba hho hho Tjhiris' amaciba hho hho A translation could not be found for the key words in the song (thjirisa, amaciba). They probably are secret ingoma words. The different calls and their corresponding responses were alternated, each being repeated 3 and 4 times respectively, giving a total of at least 82 lines (the cassette was at its end). There were exceptions to this pattern of course - sometimes a line was repeated up to 7 times. Although the song still illustrates the idea of endurance, there is a vibrancy in the voices of the young men - they are on their own now, no longer being led by the instructor. The next song, however, although it was repeated for quite some time, did not have a 'military flavour' at all: Gongwa:n' uyelele Gongwana Uvelele Gongwa:n' 90

101 Gongwa:n' uyelele Gongwana Uvelele Gongwa:n' 2 Gongwana ke koloyi yamahhe:bhe Uvelele Gongwa:n' Gongwana ke koloyi yamahhe:bhe Uvelele Gongwa:n' The same problem of translation presents itself here since amahhebhe is obscure. The two parts of the song alternate. We recorded 13 and 12 repetitions respectively. The second part of the response (Gongwan:') is sung more softly than the first part. The amasokana were led out to the chiefs cattle byre where they were shown the cow that would be slaughtered for them. It is here, near the kraal, where they performed one of the last of their endurance performances (apart from the race that would take place hereafter) and where the only interaction with women took place. The following chant was kept up for a long time. It took the form of a 'drill' because various older men were 'instructing' them in the drill: Ikomo es'thokaza:n' Ikomo es'thokaza:n' (It is a heifer.) While they were busy with this drill they were encouraged by various women. They kwakwazela-ed and uttered certain fixed phrases: Awu: awu awu awu awu awu:! Amangenengene! (A word for 'newly initiated') linkwekwez' zokusa! (= linkekezi zokusa) (Morning stars!) Mother woman had an elaborate version coupled with encouraging words: Awu: awu awu awu awu awu:! Amangenengene! Inkwelcwez' zokusa! Mntw'otjha uyathjiwa! 5 Ubutla di a phela! Qakazan' ubusokana benu! Ngoba liz'landele, awa akulandelwa ngomunye ni, zilandele! Wenz' igugu lakho usemutjha! Awubalelwa ukuth' usitjela amanga ukuthi benginje na ngimutjha kanti khenge wenze! (Awu: awu awu awu awu awu:! Amangenengene! (= newly initiated ones) Morning stars! 91

102 Young person you are left behind (if you do not undergo initiation). 5 (Uncertain of transcription and translation. Probably: The hardship will come to an end.) Let your young manhood shine! Because you must pursue it, it is not pursued by another, pursue it yourself! Make the best of it while you are young! (But) you need not tell us lies saying I was like this when I was young, if in fact you never did it.) Others shouted sayings such as `Sotjhanyela ngomude!' - We will sweep with a long one (broom), and `Sokhomba ngophakathi!' - We will point with the middle finger. Both proverbs speak of living in luxury/living at ease. Makhosoke'.s daughter started to praise a Manala chief, but only got as far as two or three lines before she broke into a cough and did not try again: Thath' ikomo nasi NgeyakaMakhosoke kambongo Indlulamithi kamusi (Itjho!) (Take this cow It is of Makhosoke of Mbongo The giraffe of Musi (Praise him!) After this they were instructed in a thamba routine which they repeated for a while. It was a thamba line (or isiretho) for the Msiza clan: Babina ngohlongwani! (They are singing about Hlongwana!) After these drill routines a relaxed attitude was evident in the men and a group sang a song while others were engaged in lively chatting. The young men who were singing took the opportunity to address those boys who were afraid, as they put it, to undergo initiation. They ridicule them for still being asleep (while the initiates were up before daybreak). The second caller implies further that although those who did not undergo initiation are grown up, they resemble boys or 'small ones': 92

103 1 Bana ba koko-we; k ale h&yiie Awasi Bana ba koko-we kgale Awasa 2 Usalele:n' u:msana Ici:? Awasa Usab' ingoma u:msana lo; Awasa (The boys of the grandmothers have long since left. Awasa Why is this boy still sleeping? Awasa This boy is afraid of the ingoma. Awasa) This is the basic structure of the song. Various phrases belonging to the two parts were interchanged giving rise to a number of variations, as shown below. The actual response is Awasl. Parts of the call was sung softly with the caller: Bana ba lc ko-we. kgales Awasa Bana ba lc Ico-w Awasa Osalele:n' u:msanksl2 Awasa Usab' ingoma u:msana lo: Awasa 5 Bana ba Isokozweicgale_ba Awasa Bana ba koko-we: kg,ak_ha Awasa Umsana lo;lsab' ingoma: Awasa Usalele haat= Awasa Bana ba koko-we; kaakka. Awasa 10 Bana ba k kale a vile: Awasa Usalele:n' u:msana lo.? Awasa Usab' ingoma we: msana lo; Awasa (Another caller sings simultaneously with the first and takes over from the first. This caller brings in more variation, although his voice is not as pleasant as that of the first caller.) Hheyi manana-we: manan Awasa Hheyi manana-we: Awasa 15 Hheyi usalele hheyi usalele Awasa Hheyi usiyesomsan' hheyi u_sive_somsan' Awasa Hheyi usalele hhevi n' Awasa Hheyi usiyesomncan' hhevi usivesomn an Awasi Hheyi manana-we; mans -we; Awasi 20 Hheyi manana-w Awasi Hheyi kgale ba yile hhevi kgale ba vik Awasi Hheyi sala durhu_hhevi salaslahla Awasa Hheyi usiyesomncan' hheyi_u_sah ingom: Awasi Hheyi usiyesomncan' hhevi usab' ingoma Awasa 25 Hheyi manana-we: manana-we; Awasa Hheyi manana-we. manaun-we; Awasa Hheyi usalele hhevi usab' ingom Awasi Hheyi usalele hhevi usab' Awasi Hheyi sala durhu hhevi sala dahl Awasa 30 Hheyi sala durhu tt hheyi sala dahla Awasa Hheyi manana-we: manana-we; Awasa Hheyi manana-we ale ba Awasa (The boys of the grandmothers have long since left 93

104 Why is this boy still sleeping? Is he afraid of the ingoma? Hey manana He is still a small boy Stay behind coward Etc.) The song continued for at least another 60 lines (30 verses). One associates praise poetry with an individualising act. In praise poetry a person escapes, as far as the imagination can reach and as far as poetic ability is able to portray that flight of the imagination, into the realm of the majestic. In praise poetry one can be a `king' in one sense or another. One or two young men engage in praising themselves now. They are aided by their fellow initiates who sing part of a song by way of introduction. I will present these praises later when describing an occasion when the whole group was ready for the activity of praising. The fathers, however, were ready to thamba. While the young men were away for their race, the fathers, probably excited by the prospect of receiving their sons back, engaged in thamba. A thamba sequence commences with an introductory formula - I will refer to it as a prompt - (for instance Nang' owam'! - Here is mine!) followed by repetitions of a line - called isiretho among the amanala - that may come from the izinanazelo (clan praises) of that person. And then, while other men repeat the line, the man will do a mock charge striking his shield (isihlangu) to which is attached a bundle of thin sticks (iswahla) causing a rattling sound. No assegais were seen. The.thamba sequence, although it resembles a charge, striking and defending, is performed in principle like izibongo - as an individualising act, and one eliciting pleasure. Here are some of the performed thamba sequences for Mabhena: Prompt: Isiretho: Hhusa! Hhusa! Response: Tjhini! Tjhini! Hhusa! Hhusa! Tjhini! Tjhini! Kom' boy' yakomehl' ahlabako! Kom' boy' vakomehl' ahlabako! (Red cow of those of the eyes that stab!) This line was repeated a number of times, after which the mock charge took place. Then followed a closing phrase such as Khona le! (Over there!) 94

105 Prompt: Isiretho: Mock charge Close: Prompt: Isiretho: Mock charge Close: Nang' owam'! Nang' owam'! Nang' owam'! Nang' owam'! Nang' owam'! Tjhini! Tjhini! Usaban' ukuya emadodeni? Usaban' ukuya emadodeni? (Why do you fear to go to the men?) Khona le! (Over there!) Nang' owam'! Tjhini! Tjhini! Umzam"muhle ngon' amakokisi! Umzam"muhle ngon' amakokisi! (What a nice try. I wined the beans!) Khona le! After the race we had the opportunity to record the praise poetry of the amasokana Each praise poem was introduced by repetitions of the following song: W000 wowu wowuyi Hhaawowuwowu Woyi Hhohhaa Woo Hhaawowuwowu Woyi Hhohhaa Woo Hhohhaa Woo Hhaawowuwowu Woyi Hhohhaa Woo Hhaawowuwowu Woyi Hhohhaa (A new call is introduced but sung in such away so as to obscure the words.) Uya esikhotheni sabantu Hhaawowuwowu Woyi Hhohhaa Uya esikhotheni sabantu Hhaawowuwowu Wowoyi Hhohhaa (Woyi Hhohhaa He goes to the grassland of the people.) While the last line was being sung an initiate utters his praise poem rapidly. We recorded about 9 young men praising. One example will be given: gangwa ke nna Magila Mrhirhadiatla, Mafega. tghabela kae? tghabela tlase Botebeleng 5 Magila Botebeleng basa ile go senya Ba ile go Iwana ntwa ya Maburu le Makgalaka Ke rile mohlang ke ya go khopa Lenaka la ka la bothankga bosogana Gwa Ila kgwadi, gwa Ila phalafala. 10 Ba re: ga se phalafala.ke tingting Nakana tga rena banna 95

106 Ke Mankalakatana Ka naka la tghukudu ga ke hlabe ka lona Ke laola diema. 15 Ke se gikere sa ntatemogolo Sa mapanta a makhwibidu Ga ke thuntghe ka sona, ke laola diema Ke three-four sethunya sa masole Ba thuntgha ba nanabela. 20 Ke two-three verila-verila Ga ke thuntghe ka sona mpana Ke thuntgha ka sona... (inaudible) (It is being milked by me Magna Mrhirhadiatla, Mafega. Where does it flee to? It flees downwards to Ndebeleland 5 Magila in Ndebeleland they have gone to destroy They have gone to engage in the war of the Boers and the Rhodesians On the way I went to wrench My horn of being a young man (circumcision) A bull bellowed, a ram's horn was heard 10 They said: it is not a ram's horn, it is a ting ting (reference to a music instrument?) The flutes blown by us men I am Mankalakatana With the horn of a rhinoceros I do not stab I control the idioms 15 I am carrying that which belongs to my grandfather That which has red belts I don't shoot with it, I control the idioms It is three-four the rifle of the soldiers They shoot while they advance slowly 20 It is two-three verila-verila I do not shoot a barbarian with it With it I shoot... (inaudible)) (Transcription and translation by S.A. Makopo.) These praise poems are an interesting blend of repeated motifs and unique ones. In all of the poems the young men are keen to identify themselves by means of a name or names, these could be called personal eulogues. But in addition to these there are also formalised eulogues. In a few of the poems the phrase 'I am Mankalakatana' occurred. This may refer to the evening star the young men are so familiar with out in the veld. In more than one poem there is reference to the cow milking motif which occurs in the 96

107 beginning of the poems. Reference is often made to circumcision or the obtaining of manhood. It is done with the words 'horn of manhood'. Connected to this motif is the assertion that it is not a ram's horn and the identification of what appears to be some or other music instrument - the `ting ting'. The motif of the red belts (line 16) and the controlling of the idioms (line 17) also recur. Immediately after the praise poem of a young man a few lines of the song are sung and then the next initiate recites his praises. This pattern repeated itself until most of the young men have retha-ed. While the young men were praising, the fathers shouted encouraging interjections and thamba-ed. These praises testify to the fact that the young men have left boyhood behind. Something of the playfulness and naivety of boyhood is still there, but the fact that mainly adults are retha-ed shows the status they now have attained. However, their jubilation at the prospect of final release would only become apparent in the next round of songs the young men engaged in after a sumptuous meal. After all the obligatory routines of the morning, the young men started singing in different groups as they were now preparing to leave for their homes. Whereas the first song of the morning was sung in voices that betrayed their endurance and fatigue, their departing songs were sung in jubilant, full voices. The singing of some groups mixed freely with the hub-hub of chatting. Often, more than one group sang simultaneously. For this reason it was not always possible to catch the opening line. The situation clearly spoke of a relieved and relaxed situation. Many aspects of the life they were about to fully participate in were sung about: Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' Ang'soz' ngiphind' Ang'soz' ngiphinde ng'yophuz' imali yam' Ang'soz' ngiphind' Ang'soz' ngiphinde ng'yophuz' imali yam' 5 Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' Umam' uyangizond' 0 umama uyangizonda mangiphuz'imali yam' Umam' uyangizond' 0 umama uyangizonda mangiphuz'imali yam' Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' 10 Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' Umam' uyangizond' 0 umama uyangizonda mangiphuz'imali yam' Umam' uyangizond' 0 umama uyangizonda mangiphuz'imali yam' Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' 97

108 Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' 15 Ang'soz' ngiphind' Ang'soz' ngiphinde ng'yophuz' imali yam' Ang'soz' ngiphind' Ang'soz' ngiphinde ng'vophuz' imali yam' Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' Is'poropor' Is'pororo sizoqed' imali yam' 20 Is'poropor' Is'pororo sizoqed' imali yam' Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' Umam' uyangizond' 0 umama uyangizonda mangiphuz'imali yam' Umam' uyangizond' 0 umama uvangizonda mangiphuz'imali yam' 25 Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' Seng'tjhilo Seng'tjhilo ngahamba ngejuban' Etc. (I said so and I went very fast I will never again go and drink my money My mother hates me when I drink my money Isiporoporo - kind of brew - will finish my money. Etc.) Although the young men were jubilant about the prospects life after the endurance of initiation offers, they were at the same time ridiculing these things. Ridiculing was probably the main purpose of the song. One can state this in the light of the fact that oral tradition displays a social commitment. So, although the young men found it amusing to think of such matters as squandering away one's salary through alcohol consumption, they were at the same time implicitly warning themselves against these dangers. But for those who may want to indulge, and undoubtedly some of the young men will be confronted with some of the negative things of life, money must come from somewhere. For wage seekers, especially the migrant and shuttle worker, life offers its stations, and these stations or place names stand out as the main motifs in the stories 'of their lives. This is what the song below referred to. The tsotsi connection in this song is revealed in line 6 where the singers sang of diamonds when referring to money. The song also warns that certain people are checking for 'diamonds': Tjhintjha Sebokeng. Tjhintjha Sebokeng ngihhela na re ya esoweto Ee Tjhintjha Sebokeng Tjhi:ntjha: Sebokeng; tjhintjha Sebokeng ngiyela na re ya Soweto ee Tjhintjha Sebokeng 5 Tjhintjha we Sebokeng; tjhintjha Sebokeng ngiyela na re ya Soweto ee Tjhintjha Sebokeng 98

109 Tjhintjha we Sebokeng; tjhintjha Sebokeng ngiyela na ri ya Soweto ee Tihintiha Sebokeng Fi:ka: Fik' apha ngizofika kwahhela, batjeka dayimane ee ngizofika 10 Fi:ka: Fik' apha ngizofika kwahhela, batjeka dayimane ee ngizofika Fi:ka: Fik' apha ngizofika kwahhela, batjeka dayimane ee ngizofika Etc. (Change over at Sebokeng. Change over at Sebokeng. I `hhela' - meaning not clear - when we go to Soweto I will arrive at Hhela's place, they are checking for diamonds Etc.) As if to warn that you should not tarry too long at 'stations' since the sun may set on you, the following song was performed simultaneously with the one above: Tepee Tepee to Pretoria Langa: Langa selitjhonile Tepee Tepee to Pretoria Langa: Langa selitjhonile Solomo:n Solomoni ke lepansula Solomo:n Solomoni ke lepansula Solomo:n Solomoni ke lepansula Solomo:n Solomoni ke lepansula Tepee Tepee to Pretoria Langa: Langa selit jhonile Tepee Tepee to Pretoria Langa: Langa selit jhonile Solomo:n Solomoni ke lepansula Solomo:n Solomoni ke lepansula Tepee Tepee to Pretoria Langa: Langa selitj honile Solomo:n Solomoni ke lepansula Solomo:n Solomoni ke lepansula Tepee Tepee to Pretoria Langa: Langa selit jhonile Solomo:n Solomoni ke lepansula Solomo:n Solomoni ke lepansula Etc. (Tepee (= TP) to Pretoria. The sun has already set Solomon is a pansula (= tsotsi) Etc.) Almost ready to leave, the young, men sang in anticipation of the joy to be experienced by the mothers when the makawu - this one may also have originated in the prisons: the young men - arrive home. Like the previous song, Eyeeyeeyeeyee apuru Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Eyeeyeeyeeyee apuru Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Ayi abafana maburu Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Ayi makawu abuyile Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba 5 Eyeeyeeyeeyee apuru Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Eyeeyeeyeeyee apuru Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Ayi makawu abuyile Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Ayi makawu abuyile Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Aya bokoko bejabule Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba 10 Aya bokoko bejabule Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Aya bafana bebuyile Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba 99

110 Aya bafana bebuyile Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Eyeeyeeyeeyee mabunu Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Eyeeyeeyeeyee mabunu Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba 15 Aya bafana babuyile Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Aya bokoko bejabule Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Aya bokoko bejabule Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Aya bafana babuyile Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Eyeeyeeyeeyee mabunu Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba 20 Eyeeyeeyeeyee mabunu Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba Etc. (Eyeeyeeyeeyee apuru Ambapiripamba Ambapiripamba The boys have come back The old folk and mothers are glad. Etc.) The second part of the response, although not presented in bold, coincides with the call. But there are other difficulties in life. The real challenge in life after release from initiation rites is to avoid an arrest. And so one has to console oneself as sketched in the following song. It was performed after a pause during which there always was much chatting: Thula thula mam' azos'bamb' amapolisa: Thula mntanam' Thula mntanam' Thula mntanam' Thula mntanam' Thula thula:- thula mama: azos'barrib' amapolisa: Thula mntanam' Thula mntanam' Thula mntanam' Thula mntanam' 2 Awazang' ngalutho laph' ekhaya wangena ngebhe:tji nje:ngotsots' Thula mntanam' Thula mntanam' Thula mntanam' Thula mntanam' Etc. (Be quiet mother the police will catch us They came for nothing here at home. They entered with a badge (= gained entry by authority or force) like a tsotsi. Etc.) The two parts of the song were alternated, the first part (I) being repeated 3 times and the second part (2) twice respectively - there were a few exceptions - giving a total of 22 repetitions. The response was kept up throughout; it did not alternate with the call, as the written version suggests. Encounters with the police are just as dangerous as encounters with a wild animal (isibandane) or a mamba in the veld during the time of their endurance. The 100

111 amakhwelantaba, that is to say, the initiates, may be killed by a wild animal. The following song is about this: Is'bandane: yitja nak' amakhwelantaba hhaw' indlo:ndlo: Sebaphel' abangwasa:n' namakhwelataba hhaw' indlo:ndlo: Baphelil' abangwasa:n' namakhwelataba hhaw' indlo:ndlo: Hhaw' indlo:ndlo: hhaw' indlo:ndlo: hhaw' indlo:ndlo: 5 Is'bandane: yitja nak' amakhwelantaba hhaw' indlo:ndlo: Is'bandane: yitja nak' amakhwelantaba hhaw' indlo:ndlo: Ingwenyama is itja nak' amakhwelantaba hhaw' indlo:ndlo: Ingwenyama is itja nak' amakhwelantaba hhaw' indlo:ndlo: Etc. Note the refrain of line 4 (it was repeated later in the song). Woven into the social fabric of many a community are the ubiquitous family responsibilities one has to observe. The amasolcana referred to this fact when they sang of a father who is crying as he roams the land (see the response), and they said he must be mourned. This could refer to the fact that the father died away from home while the singer was still young - see line 17. The song has a very melancholic tune: Ehhee mm ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm Mkhalelen' mm mkhaleleni ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm Ngize nje: mm ngize nje ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm Somkhalel': mm somkhalel': ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm 5 Mkhalisen' mm mkhalisen': ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm Ehhee mm ehhee ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm Ehhee mm ehhee ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm Mkhalelen' mm mkhalelen' ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm Somkhalel' mm somkhalel': ubab' uvakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm 10 Ngize nje mm ngize nje ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm Somkhalel' mm somkhalel': ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm Ehhee mm ehhee ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm Ehhee mm ehhee ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm Mkhalelen' mm mkhalelen' ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm I5 Somkhalel' mm somkhalel': ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm `Selele: mm `selele: ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm Ngisemncan' mm ngisemncan' ubab' uyakhal' emazweni we-madoda mm Etc. (Yes mm father is crying (as he roams) in the land mm Mourn him mm mourn him, father is crying in the land oh men mm I am just coming mm I am just coming, father is crying in the land oh men mm We will mourn him mm we will mourn him father is crying in the land oh men mm Etc.) 101

112 If this song illustrates so well the loss of a family member, the next song illustrates the joys of other aspects of family life, such as the prospect of marriage. The following song was sung nearby, simultaneous with the previous one: Somthatha somthath' amalokazana somthatha Ubem'hle ubem'hle `malokazana ubem'hle Ubem'hle ubem'hle `malokazana ubem'hle Ube: ubem'hle `malokazana ubem'hle Ubem'hle ubem'hle `malokazana ubem'hle Mthathe we walla `mholode walla Mthathe we walla `mholodr walla Kgale ke le botsa hore `nyadiseng w:alla Somthatha somthatha `malokazana somthatha Somthatha somthatha `malokazana somthatha Somthatha somthatha `malokazana somthatha Somthatha somthatha `malokazana somthatha Ubem'hle ubem'hle `malokazana ubem'hle Ubem'hle ubem'hle `malokazana ubem'hle Ube: ubem'hle `malokazana ubem'hle Krrr Walla `mholodi' walla Krrr Walla 'Inholodi' walla Etc. (We will take the bride, we will take her She was pretty, the bride was pretty, she was pretty Take her the crane called, it called It has been some time that I have asked her to marry, she refused Etc.) The line `Krrr Walla cmholode walla' refers to the call of a crane. By now, late afternoon, the young men were ready to leave the place that symbolised hardship, but at the same time prepared them for their new identity. It was tinie to say their goodbyes, not only to this place, but to fellow-initiates who had become friends. They sang the following song before they left on bakkies to eventually enjoy their release into a world in which, in order to survive, they would have to display the qualities of endurance they had learned during ingoma: Salan: Salani salani nisal' nisale ga kgotso Salan: Salani salani nisal' nisale ga kgotso (Stay well, stay in peace. Etc.) 102

113 Another group was singing this farewell song telling their brothers (bradasi) to remember them: Sofie ngikhumbulele sama Sofie ngikhumbulele sama Sofie ngikhumbulele sama My bradasi ngikhumbulele sama My bradasi ngikhumbulele sama My bradasi ngikhumbulele sama Sama Sofie ngikhumbulele sama Sama Sofie ngikhumbulele sama Sama Sofie ngikhumbulele sama Etc. (Sofie, remember me sama My brothers, remember me sama Etc.) /mother group was singing this variation: Sama bhuti-we ngikhumbulele sama Etc. Later they hummed and sang softly before breaking into loud song again. Ukzigoduka kwamasokana - going home of the young men The going home of the young men just after initiation is the start of another round of ceremonies. They will spend a night at each of the men's homes and at each home they will sing and feast. We witnessed a few such occasions. The one briefly described here took place at Allemansdrift C on 5/7/89. We encountered a group of 8 amasokana accompanied by a few fathers and other young men as they were coming from the river after washing. It was about 10:00. The group had just left emmangweni (the bush) initiation shelters. While they were trotting through the township the women at the roadside ululated. On arrival at the house (of Mahlangu) they stopped singing and were approached by a few senior men - the fathers of the amasokana. After some deliberation they started another song and started entering the yard led by the fathers while the women also sang. The company then turned to face the women and other onlookers and then did the thamba routine. The amasokana then entered the enclosure built for them in which they were to overnight - in this case it was built of corrugated iron and not of thatch as in 103

114 other cases. They sang while entering. They came out shortly after entering and performed the ukukhomba ikomo (to point out the cow) routine which consisted of trotting two-bytwo towards the cattle byre, pointing to the cattle (to be slaughtered) and saying Ngiyo (It is it) and on returning they would slap the thighs - the senior men said Umthetho nje 'It is just a custom'. While the cattle were being slaughtered, activities were less intense and the amasokana settled down in the enclosure. The senior men who were not busy with the cattle drank beer, the women sat by themselves, some were busy with cooking. The same routine would be followed the next day and thereafter until the houses of the eight amasokana - this particular group consisted of eight amasokana - had been visited. Although the songs differed somewhat from those sung during initiation, they will not be repeated here. Umnyanya wesitjhaba - national ceremony Among the Ndebele there are two meetings of 'the whole nation'. The Manala hold a national day towards the end of February or the beginning of March each year and the Ndzundza regard 19 December as their national day. It was on this day that Nyabela died in Annually the (Ndzundza) Ndebele gather at the emarholweni (at the caves) at Konomtjherhelo (the `Mapoch's Gronden' near Roossenekal) where a statue of Nyabela was unveiled on 19 December The events that take place here have been described (Groenewald 1990) and only the main events of the ceremony, as witnessed on a few occasions, are mentioned here. Oral discourse comes in many genres and forms: theorists have spoken of rite, game, festival, spectacle, commemoration, etc. The activities on Nyabela Day can be divided into two main sections: First there is the formal, commemorative part that ends with the speeches and prayer as well as the singing of `Nikosi sikelel' i-afrika' and `Morena boloka'. The second part can be called festivity; it is a joyous celebration by the ordinary folk after most of the officials have left. During this time people enjoy their meal and listen to performers and also join in with them. One of the most popular activities was the singing and dancing by a band or two. The Kameelrivier Boys was by far the most 104

115 popular. The sound equipment of the Kameelrivier Boys was usually set up in front of the platform where the dignitaries sat. As soon as the official proceedings were over and the Ingonyama had been escorted to his car, they commenced with their performance. It often happened that even the princes and some cabinet ministers, especially James Senzangakhona Mahlangu, who enjoyed a good giya, came and showed their paces to the music of the Kameelrivier Boys. But this was not the only group vying for an audience. I have also seen a group of izangoma going through some of their dance routines for onlookers.... The Manala National Day activities we attended on 4/3/89 at KoMjekejeke (a historical site on a farm about halfway between Pretoria and Siyabuswa) took on a different form. Before the chairman of the proceedings had extended a word of welcome to those present, which officially was the start of the 'work' (umbereko), groups of people arrived at the scene singing. This occured continually while the official proceedings (the speeches by officials and ministers and eventually the kings) were in progress. The Manala Chief, Makhosoke Mabhena, was not seated when the proceedings commenced. He presented himself later. Before the chiefs of various chieftaincies spoke they were praised by.the iimbongi. The second half of the occasion resembled that of the Ndzundza Ad hoc ceremonies and occasions The occasions described above constitute some of the main oral traditions, but these are not the only occasions when forms of an oral nature are performed. The ones described above are the ones we were fortunate enough to witness. Three other occasions come to mind where the performing of songs is a prominent feature: church services, funerals, and political marches. What follows now are descriptions of occasional gatherings constituted as the need arose. Ukumatja - to march (= political gathering) On 25/11/89, at the bus stop near the turn-off to KwaMhlanga, we encountered a group of about 25 youths singing and dancing. I told them what I was interested in and I was 105

116 allowed to tape their singing. A bus arrived and they boarded. I was invited to go with them. They did not sit while the bus was travelling, but stood singing and stamping their feet and banging rhythmically against the roof. On our arrival people started to assemble at the side of the road. A few short messages were delivered by some of the leaders and some announcements made (to the affect that the dignitaries present and the leaders were to walk in front and that the youths should go slowly since the dignitaries could not run). A column was formed and the march began at about 10:30 - it was mentioned that the march would not be allowed to continue later than 11:00. Various groups in the coluinn sang and the singing was always accompanied by vigorous dancing. At the gates of the government offices a message was delivered by a leader. This centred around demands for the release of the people who had been missing since 1986, the recognition of radical groups, the dissolution of the homeland system, etc. These messages were handed to a representative of the Chief Minister and the Minister of Law and Order of KwaNdebele. The latter came out and received the message personally and waved to the people with a white handkerchief. The faces of a few people who were opposed to independence and who were subsequently elected to the Government of that time were seen behind the gate: Solly Mahlangu (Law and Order), Prince Senzangakhona (Education), and a few others. At various intervals an individual would stand up and chant - Viva ANC, etc. When `Nkosi sikelel' i-afrika' was sung, the column turned around and went back amidst singing and dancing. Although we could not record the proceedings because of faulty equipment, it was evident that many of the songs sung on this occasion resembled those I recorded later at a venue outside KwaNdebele and described in some detail (see Groenewald and Makopo 1990 and 1991). Ukunika iporiyana - giving of the iporiyana This was a joyous occasion witnessed on 12/9/88 when Mr Sibanyoni was 'awarded' his iporiyana. It took place at his western-styled house on a smallish stand in the central parts of Siyabuswa. A tent had been pitched in front of the house, and this is where most of the guests were seated while others were constantly moving in and out of the house. When we 106

117 arrived at about 10:00, newly arrived guests (the Ntulis) were busy giving the Sibanyonis gifts. The transferring of the gifts is accompanied by a certain discourse. When a new group of guests arrived they would regroup at about 20 meters down the road and approach the house singing, carrying their gifts. During intervals when no guests arrived, organised groups performed songs. There were the Sodumezweni, Makhosana, and others. Occasionally a group of about 10 to 15 women moved around the house - in single file, since there was not much space between the house and the fence. At the back of the house men were busy - they did not pay much attention to the singing. At about 11:20 Mrs Sibanyoni received gifts and at about 11:45 Mr Sibanyoni was requested to sit and receive his gifts, but above all, to receive his iporiyana (`Ndebele tie'). One of the visiting group of guests hung a laurel of R50 notes around Sibanyoni neck and that of his son. This being the zenith of the proceedings the people became excited. Sibanyoni and a small group of people - there was not enough space for all the guests to take part in the singing (besides, some guests were content to sit and enjoy tea and scones) - moved to the back of the house where they performed for a while before returning to the tent. A number of groups were performing simultaneously. Ivukani Flying Stars, a group of 8 young men who had been performing since 1983, were performing in the street. After this activity people had a meal and towards the afternoon people started to leave. Utnnyanya wokubonga ukuthula, ekosini - ceremony to thank for the peace, ekosini On 5/8/89 a feast was held by the Ingwenyama Mabhoko to thank the people for the peace that had returned to his area. The gathering basically followed the pattern of a political gathering. A speech was read out on behalf of the Ingwenyama by his eldest son, Cornelius Mahlangu, whereafter other dignitaries had a turn to deliver a speech. Sovetjheza bongo-ed early on, before the arrival of dignitaries. He then walked over to the Ingwenyama' s house and returned. This happened a number of times and then eventually he appeared with the Ingwenyama and other amakosana. He bongo-ed as they proceeded to the stand that was prepared for the officials. After each official had delivered a speech, the proceedings ended with a prayer. The songs and praise poetry will not be 107

118 rendered here, since it resembles that of the political gatherings to be treated in the next chapter. Other performances Occasionally a Ndebele family will have what one may call a party in celebration of their occupying their new house. One such occasion was at the house of a family in Allemansdrift C in June I did not attend the occasion myself. On 30/4/88 Radio Ndebele organised a cultural festival at the Siyabuswa stadium. Many performers - individuals and groups - were invited and they performed songs. A few individuals also performed some clan praise poetry. 2.3 Conclusion With only one exception, all the recorded songs and praise poetry was composed and performed orally. The one performance of praise poetry that was based on a written text will be treated in the last chapter. Not only are the occasions themselves abundant, but at each occasion there was an abundance of verbal art forms, especially songs. The tell-tale signs of orality were there, such as group performance in call and response style. The repetitious nature of the songs is probably the most important textual sign of orality. Although the songs are repetitious, not one song copies another in form or in melody, and this clearly shows the enormous productivity of the genre. At the time when the fieldwork was undertaken there was also no indication of the dying out of ceremonies. On the contrary, they seem to develop so as to include new features. One can thus conclude that one aspect of the macro-context, namely the literary environment, is a lively oral culture. 108

119 Chapter 3 The Political Context It is superfluous to emphasise the importance of context in a time when all performanceoriented scholars see context as an absolutely inextricable aspect of the description of a performance. Even the more literary-inclined scholars cannot do without the concept. Okpewho (1992) pays considerable attention to context. He distinguishes the following aspects: the artist's background and creativity; the scene of the performance; and the social context. Suffice it then to present a brief overview of the nature of context, and flowing from that, what form descriptions of context may take. Following the single most significant theoretical and methodological shift in Folklore Studies, namely from 'the text is the thing' to the recognition of the importance of context, scholars today have progressed from viewing context as an entity that is juxtaposed with the text, or an entity that can be separated from the text just as the text has been separated from the context in purely textual studies. Context, as the bedrock of performance, the manipulating as well as the creating or facilitating force in performance, must preferably be seen through the text, and not (only) alongside it. Drewal criticises the dual approach (that allows context to be separated from text). She, and other scholars before her, see this as 'limited contextualisation'. Drewal (1991: 12) goes a step further by making context (consisting of, among other things, time and place) an inalienable part of the definition of performance: To the extent that a text is 'an utterance' or 'a species of social action' situated in time and place, it is already by definition a performance. As such, context is more than the backdrop of a performance; it determines the form of a performance, and it gives the message meaning in a given situation' (Pentikainen 1978: 242). 109

120 Needless to say, these views of context must influence the researcher's methodology. As regards the object of study, it should be clear that the researcher's attention will not be directed at the isolated text (or at the isolated performance). A more sensitive issue is the performance scholar's scientific orientation, especially the question of objectivity. Drewal (op. cit.: 13) explains: I contend that objectivism has biased and constrained research on performance in Africa by privileging space over time, sight over the other senses, and the graphically written text over the performed. One of the implications of the scholar's scientific orientation is that the performanceoriented scholar will at times be interested in enigmatic, unrepeatable, specific, even personal details, and not only in general principles and objectifiable entities. Having said all this in favour of context, it must, by contrast, be mentioned that unbalanced attention to context (to be specific, the reification of context, namely making it a separate object), has its own problems. Bauman and Briggs (1990: 68) mention inclusiveness and false objectivity as two problems resulting from excessive attention to context. Inclusiveness urges the researcher to attempt to identify and describe all its facets, such as 'context of situation', 'social context', 'context of meaning', 'institutional context', 'context of communicational system', etc., so that `[t]he seemingly simple task of describing 'the context' of a performance can accordingly become an infinite regress' (Bauman and Briggs op. cit.: 68). _Bauman and Briggs (ibid.) show that, a) false objectivity, resulting from positivistic attitudes, makes the researcher the judge of what merits inclusion in the description of context, and b) positivistic scholars view context as 'a set of discourse-external conditions that exist prior to and independently of the performance'. This stance causes one to ignore the fact that performers and participants are not only part of the context, but that 'participants themselves determine which aspects of the ongoing social interaction are relevant' (ibid.). Okpewho's diagram (1992: 105) of context illustrates context as discourse-external conditions (at least superficially, without considering his explanation of the diagram): 110

121 artist's personality context scene of performance social or cultural environment Because of the reification of context scholars now prefer to work with the concept contextualisation with the view of showing that performances are not the products, so to speak, of a context, but that in performances, performers and participants interact to create context in various ways, not least of all through discourse. Scholars are, therefore, looking at how poetic patterning (or 'contextualisation cues') contextualises performances (op. cit: 69). By way of summary, in the words of Bauman and Briggs (ibid.): 'In order to avoid reifying "the context" it is necessary to study the textual details that illuminate the manner in which participants are collectively constructing the world around them.' When reflecting on performances, one notices that artistic texts do not `contextualise' to the same extent as other types of discourse, for instance, political speeches. For this reason I will steer my method between 'extremes', rather than follow one or the other. I will at times (in this chapter) describe context in such a way that adherents of the notion of contextualisation will see it as reification, while, on the other hand (in the next chapter), I will show how participants refer to context, or invoke it implicitly, thus creating an interpretative frame. Since political speeches, directly and intensively, reflect on context, these will have to be analysed. Contextualisation is not the only process at work in a performance. The very fact that performance scholars have gone to such lengths to emphasise that performance is `anchored in and inseparable from its context of use' (op. cit.: 73), prompts Briggs and Bauman to ask: what makes verbal art susceptible to decontextualisation? What makes it possible to treat verbal art as 'self-contained, bounded objects separable from their social and cultural contexts of production and reception?' (op. cit.: 72). The answer, according Il l

122 to Bauman and Briggs (op. cit: 73), is the fundamental property of language to foreground itself. The very nature of performance is that it 'heightens awareness of the act of speaking and licenses the audience to evaluate the skill and effectiveness of the performer's accomplishment. By its very nature, then, performance potentiates decontextualization' (ibid.). This process of rendering discourse distant from its environment by foregrounding speech through organisational features is called entextualisation. Where this process becomes acutely discernible, it will be necessary to study the 'keys to performance' (Bauman's term of 1978), or, as Briggs and Bauman (op. cit.: 74) put it, the 'indices of entextualization'. The authors take the argument a step further by showing that if text/discourse can be decontextualised from one context, it can be recontextualised into another, so that these two terms become aspects of one process, a process that can be mapped by looking at how the discourse adapts itself to the new context. Bauman and Briggs (op. cit: 76) furthermore point out that decontextualisation and recontextualisation often have to do with questions of power. A performer may engage in this process in order to strengthen a certain ideological stance. The figure on p. 41 in chapter 1 showing the constituents of performance, must be referred to here to show what will be dealt with in this chapter. The position of Performer, Text (or Discourse), and Audience illustrate that these notions are at the centre of the performance. 'Discourse' refers to literary and other types of discourse. 'Situation' refers to the immediate spatial and temporal features of the performance, while 'context' refers to the broader social circumstances, an aspect that will be dealt with now. 3.1 The Ndebele context Although the AmaNdebele or Southern Transvaal Ndebele find themselves governed by a democratically elected government, they are very much aware of their 'traditional' chieftaincies, of which there are 6. The most influential of these, and object of the present study, is the Ndzundza Tribal Authority, as it was officially known during the time of 112

123 research. Many Ndebele fondly refer to chieftaincy and the monarch as ubukhosi and ikosi respectively. The Ndebele as a minority group have been engaged in dire struggles for physical and ethnic survival throughout their history. The period under discussion (no. 4 below) is no exception. During this period leaders vying for power grasped at traditional constructs, especially kingship, to ward off the threat of defeat, instability, and ethnic division. Ndebele discoursees and performers from opposing political sides grasped hold of tradition to achieve their goals. Political discoursees appealed to participants to embrace the king's wishes, while performers eulogised Ndebele kings to bond people to the king. Before examining the Ndebele socio-political scene, especially the period , a summary of Ndebele history is given below. The summary presented here has been adapted from Van Vuuren (1992: 468): Early history: Later history: Origin and consolidation of the tribe Inter- (and intra-) tribal conflict (1585?-1845) Contact with whites and its results ( ) Dispersion ( ) Struggle for recognition ( ) The independence issue ( ) Interlude and new S.A. identity (1988-) From the time of the founding monarchs that can be recalled from oral tradition, namely from Mafana (1585?), 25 Ndzundza and 34 Manala chiefs/regents have ruled. The 26th and 34th are respectively now in office. (A Ndzundza genealogy appears as addendum 2) The divide between the dominant Ndzundza and the senior, but less dominant, Manala section occurred during the phase A2 above, during the 1630s (see Van Vuuren op. cit: 182), pre-empting the Diaspora of the Ndebele (op. cit.: 112). The story through which the division is told is an adapted version of the biblical Jacob and Esau story: When Musi was old and had become blind, he summoned Manala to receive the royal regalia, thereby signalling that Manala was the rightful successor to the throne. Manala, however, was on a hunting trip and Ndzundza's mother covered her son's arms with goat skins in order to 113

124 trick the father into passing the tokens of kingship on to him. This provoked the outbreak of war between the sons and their respective followers resulting in the division of the tribe. The biblical story was probably adopted by the Ndzundza to justify the power take-over. They probably originally heard it from white farmers or from missionaries. More devastating for the tribe was the invasion by Mzilikazi (between 1822 and 1825), since he almost annihilated both the Ndzundza and the Manala. Since the older heirs to the throne also died in battle, Tjambowe requested Mabhoko to rule as regent, and the latter moved to KoNomtjharhelo (some writers refer to the place as kwallomtjherhela. It is near Roossenekal), also known as the Mapochs Gronden, but as Erholweni among Ndebele speakers. It is here at this very important historical site that the Ndzundza and white settlers made their first contact in 1845 (op. cit.: ). As will be shown later, the name Mabhoko, given to successive rulers, occurs often in performances of Ndebele iimbongo. Van Vuuren (op. cit.: 471) refers to his esteem as follows: Mabhoko het as ikosi groot aansien gehad. Dit is dan ook to verstane dat die Ndzundza die naam Mabhoko hoog ag en, afgesien van die gebruiklike ikorobenaming, graag die naam aan opeenvolgende amakosi toegeken het.... Die naam Mabhoko sou later in die Ndzundza se stryd om erkenning 'n belangrike emosionele en historiese waarde (As ikosi Mabhoko enjoyed great esteem.... It is therefore understandable that the Ndzundza revere the name Mabhoko, and, apart from its use as ikoro name, also attributed the name to amakosi that followed.... The name Mabhoko would later acquire important emotional and historical significance in the Ndzundza's struggle for recognition.) Many years after recognition as a distinct ethnic group, Mabhoko is still the single most important name during the period under discussion, judging from the many performances of the iimbongo of Mabhoko. Between 1849 and 1864 there were a number of clashes (see Van Vuuren op. cit.: 127) between Mabhoko and white farmers who enlisted Pedis and Swazis respectively in. these battles, but Mabhoko was victorious in all these clashes, as his iimbongo reveal. The most decisive time for the Ndzundza would come during the rule of Nyabela after Mabhoko had died in (After Nyabela Mkhephuli and Rhobongo ruled, the 114

125 latter as regent.) The events that occurred during Nyabela's rule ( ) are well known and only the crucial moments are given here. Having attacked and killed Sekhukhune in 1882, Mampuru fled and eventually gained refuge with Nyabela at KoNomtjharhelo. Nyabela refused to extradite Mampuru and the war with the Z.A.R. Government began when Nyabela's men robbed a Boer commando of some of its oxen on 7 November Since the koppies and caves of the area provided such good defence, it took the commandos eight months to starve the Ndzundza out of their main fortress (Van Vuuren op.. cit: ). It can be said that the consequences of this war greatly influenced the period under consideration. Van Vuuren (op. cit: 474) sees the consequences of the war as follows: Total loss of independence and sovereignty Decentralising and dispersing of the tribe as a result of the booking-in system Crumbling of family systems (extended family, clan, etc.) Distribution of their land to those whites who took part in the war Changes in settlement patterns Termination of centralised boys' initiation The end of Nyabela's regency Disintegration of the authority and management systems of the various smaller Ndzundza chieftaincies The period of the struggle for recognition began in 1922 when kosi Fene Mahlangu died and when a group of Ndzundza relocated to land bought at Weltevreden to establish an umtjhade (headquarters). Not many people relocated to this site. It is perhaps for this reason that the South African Government did not include the Ndebele in the Act on Black Administrations (1951) and in the Act on the Institution of Black Self-determination (1959). To counteract this oversight, Ndebele leaders formed a number of organisations and strove to unify the people and instil nationalistic sentiment. These efforts eventually led to the institution of the Ndzundza Tribal Authority on 22/11/68. The name of S.S. Skosana must be mentioned at this point. His initiatives led to the erection of the statue of Nyabela on 19/12/70 at KoNomtjharhelo. This event is commemorated annually on the same day. A 'homeland' and self-governing status was conceded in August 1972 and 115

126 21/8/80 respectively. Between 1978 and 1979 about 110,000 people relocated to KwaNdebele (Van Vuuren op. cit: 487). In 1982 the KwaNdebele Legislative Assembly requested independence and more land. In order to make independence viable pieces of land had to be consolidated. The contentious Moutse area (see the map in addendum 1) would be part of the request (Pienaar 1991: 187). The independence deadline was 11 December On 19 November 1985 Minister Chris Heunis announced that Moutse would be incorporated into KwaNdebele (with effect from 1/1/86). Unrest ensued, and it is to this that we will now turn The period of unrest or the independence issue An interesting and vital point has to be made when dealing with this period ( ), namely that the political_ meetings at which the praise poetry was performed were made possible through the women of KwaNdebele. But this issue, described in more detail a little later, was preceded by the events described below. The division among the people of the former KwaNdebele became one between pro-independence politicians (i.e. many members of the Legislative Assembly together with Imbokodo - a vigilante organisation in the disguise of a 'cultural' organisation - and their adherents) and the anti-independence royalists (the Ingwenyama - chief of the Ndebele, and his sons and followers). In view of the proposed independence of KwaNdebele declared by the P.W. Botha Government, disastrous decisions were taken, chief among which was the announcement in November 1985 of the incorporation of the Moutse area into KwaNdebele. The folly of this decision, as pointed out by Van Vuuren (op. cit: 494), is clear when it is considered that the Sotho-speaking Bantwane had been in Kwarrielaagte, which is in the Moutse area, since the beginning of the nineteenth century. Uproar in Moutse was met with reactionary vigilante action on the part of pro-independents. Imbokodo vigilantes took more than 300 Sotho-speakers to the Siyabuswa Community Hall where they were severely assaulted. 116

127 The formation of Imbokodo in January many members of this 'cultural' organisation were members of the Legislative Assembly and initially also representatives of Jngwenyama Mabhoko (the then ruling Ndzundza king) - led to much violence as these people, in collaboration with the KwaNdebele Police, harassed people so as to break their resistance and to retaliate against people who rejected incorporation and independence. Scholars were also harassed and forced to join Imbokodo. In retaliation against the harassment, youths started protesting. They marched to various sub-chiefs to demand that something be done about Imbokodo. A youth leader, a certain Timothy Skosana and his committee, having heard that the Ingwenyama and his sons had been trying for some time to control Imbokodo, hijacked - in May the entire northern fleet of Putco buses taking people to work, and diverted them to Mabhoko's homestead at KwaMabhoko, or ekosini, as people refer to his place. Here they demanded that they be addressed by government officials. Klaas Mtsweni, Minister of Works, promised to talk to the Chief Minister and to report back a few days later. A few days later more than 30,000 people gathered at the lngwenyama's place, but members of the Legislative Assembly did not arrive, only police officers, who had made their way to the Ingwenyama's council room to instruct the Ingwenyama to disband the meeting. Prince Cornelius tried unsuccessfully to calm the people. The police then unleashed blasts of tear gas to disperse the people. Pienaar (1991: 221) sees this incident as the start of the Third War against Mapoch (Mabhoko). The youths directed their anger at Imbokodo members who owned businesses by burning down their shops. Many people joined the youth in their campaign. Many of these Imbokodo members then fled to the Verena area in the eastern part of KwaNdebele. The turning point in the violence, according to Van Vuuren (op. cit.: 497), came when the then leader of Imbokodo, and Minister of Internal Affairs, Piet Ntuli, was killed by a car bomb on 29/7/86. School children were asked to return to school. Certain Imbokodo members came to ask the Ingwenyama's forgiveness. One of these, 'Speaker' Solly Mahlangu, Speaker of Parliament, subsequently announced that independence was no longer sought after and that Imbokodo should be banned. (Solly's iimbongo is dealt 117

128 with in chapter 4.) Although the unrest was subsiding, great tension existed between the prime factions. On 10 November 1986 Prince James Senzangakhona Mahlangu (second son of Ingwenyama Mabhoko) was imprisoned together with other members of the royal family by KwaNdebele government forces - this act is referred to in Prince James' ilmbongo (chapter 4). When the first Chief Minister of KwaNdebele, S.S. Skosana, died on 17 November 1986, his post had to be filled, and so it happened that a man who grew up in the house of the Ingwenyama, and who was an active Imbokodo member, Majozi Mahlangu, became Chief Minister on 27 November. Prince James, the other candidate for the position, had been released from jail only two days earlier. In the following year, on 27 April 1987, Prince James was expelled from the Legislative Assembly. Prince Cornelius Nyumbabo (also known as `Kosi' since he would be the next chief), the elder son of Ingwenyama Mabhoko and present ruling Ndzundza Ingwenyama, and others followed shortly after. After this there were a number of litigations that seriously jeopardised Chief Minister Majozi's support. A Supreme Court order led to the restoring of Solly Mahlangu as Speaker. An Appeal Court judgement declared the transfer of the Moutse area to KwaNdebele unlawful (The Star, 28/5/88). The most important of these rulings, one that was the catalyst for subsequent events, was the one concerning the women of KwaNdebele. On 20/5/88 Mr Justice Eloff ruled that a 1971 proclamation, signed by P.W. Botha denying women the vote and a place in the KwaNdebele Legislative assembly, was discriminatory. His ruling meant that the 1984 election in KwaNdebele, during which.16 members were elected (the rest of the assembly was appointed), was null and void (The Star, 20/5/88). The ruling meant that a new election was inevitable and on 23/6/88 the South African Government introduced a constitutional laws amendment bill that, among other things, stated that an election to constitute a new legislative assembly would take place and women would be eligible to vote (The Star, 24/6/88). The election would take place between 8 and 10 December for which, of course, a campaign was necessary. 118

129 It was at these political campaigns that praise poetry was performed. The anti-independent royalists won all 16 seats. Out of the votes cast the anti-independent candidates gained votes. Chief Minister Majozi lost his KwaMhlanga seat (The Star, 14/12/88). According to The Star (16/12/88) the participation of the women had a major impact on the election. In the 1984 election when only men voted, votes were registered while people voted in The situations in which iimbongo were actually performed will now be considered. 3.2 Nature of the performances Performers With very few exceptions indeed, the performer of the iimbongo was Mbulawa Amos kacitha Mahlangu, popularly known as Sovetjheza, who lives in Kameelrivier. He is recognised as the imbongi yakwalviabhoko, praise poet of Mabhoko's place. Although we had spoken to Sovetjheza on a few occasions, he was very reluctant to reveal details about himself. The facts I present here come from Mahlangu et al Sovetjheza was born in 1940 and had to go and live with his uncle at the age of six when his father died. After 13 years he went to stay with another uncle, SoJafutha. It was during this period that he took an interest in Ndebele history when he was taught about the succession of Mabhoko's descendants and where they built their homesteads (imithjade). He was initiated in 1962, and when he was with his district age group at a house of one of the amasokana (initiates) he heard a woman praising the chiefs of old. Enthused by this performance he went home to fetch a book and pencil and one afternoon when the amasokana were at the next initiate's house he asked the woman to recite those iimbongo while he wrote them down. On another traditional occasion when his uncle held a feast to thank the ancestors (ukubonga abezimu), he again listened with great interest as an aunt praised. He also asked her to help him write down the iimbongo she performed. 119

130 On this occasion it was the iimbongo of Mkhephule and Rhobongo. From an old man of the Msiza clan he learned more iimbongo having bought him some sorghum beer. After this he went around collecting and recording the praises of the chiefs. In 1969 at the Nyabela Day celebration he spontaneously ascended the rock (used as an address platform) after another imbongi had praised. Here he bonga-ed. There was much applause and the people were amazed at the dexterity of a man who was then only 30 years old. After this performance he was asked to praise at many meetings of a cultural nature and became known as an imbongi. Sovetjheza is a descendant of Matsitsi (see the genealogy, addendum 2) and he says that of the 23 male descendants of Matsitsi he is the only one with a deep interest in the history and iimbongo of the descendants of Mabhoko. Twenty years after Sovetjheza's debut at erholweni a very young praise poet caused an upset at the thanksgiving feast at Ingwenyama Mabhoko's place when he praised Mabhoko. Of great interest to me is the fact that his performance was longer than any of Sovetjheza's performances. In fact, his rendering of the iimbongo of Mabhoko was almost twice as long as some of Sovetjheza's performances. This boy, Magadangana Jantjie Mahlangu, was only a Std. 4 pupil at that stage at a school.in Kwaggafontein. The Master of Ceremonies told the audience that Jantjie learned the iimbongo from the book by Sovetjheza and others, called Igugu LamaNdebele, an anthology of Ndebele iimbongo. (Jantjie's performance is discussed in chapter 5.) The main speakers at the meetings, Princes James and Cornelius, almost always commenced their speeches with a few lines of praise poetry, especially the latter. They always praised Mabhoko. At the meeting at KoSikhulumi the recognised praise poet of the KoSikhulumi chieftaincy, Joyina J. Mahlangu, praised Mdzuge and Maridili. At the same meeting an old man praised Khawule and Mrhetjha. Although Ingwenyama Makhosoke of the Manala attended one of the meetings to show his solidarity with the anti-independence group, his own praise poet did not perform on this occasion. Other performers will be mentioned in chapter 5 under the heading creativity. 120

131 3.2.2 Audience Not much can be said about the audience because I did not make extensive notes on this matter during performances. It was hard enough to keep close to the imbongi during performances so that many other matters unfortunately passed me by. The performances mentioned and described below, especially the political performances, were attended almost exclusively by adults, with men being in the majority. Audiences gradually grew in number from meeting to meeting - initially people were afraid to come to the meetings because it was dangerous as they were defying the Government of KwaNdebele and, by way of extension, that of South Africa. It must be remembered that there was a nation-wide state of emergency between 1986 and With regard to the size and positioning of the audience, I agree with Ben-Amos that performance works well in the relatively small group. He says (1975: 13): folklore communication takes place in a situation in which people confront each other face to face and relate to each other directly'. It was not difficult to observe how folkloric communication was, to some degree, 'impaired' during some the events described in this study. The most important function of participants in a bonga situation is to fully constitute the performance situation - if there is no audience there cannot be a 'fully constituted' performance. A 'fully constituted' performance would simply mean one in which participants (performers and participants) have to conduct some or other cultural/ sociaupolitical business. Mainly two varieties of response to different iimbongo were noticed at the performances. The responses to the iimbongo of the amakhosi were always deferential. The male participants showed their respect by utterances of 'Mushor (`Say', or extol him/her!) at the appropriate cues offered by the.imbongi. The women, on the other hand, who acted in a more subdued way to iimbongo than the men, kwakwazelaed: `Kwaaa-lcwa-lcwa-lcwa-kwa-kwa-kwa'. Depending on the atmosphere that prevailed, the men sometimes uttered 'Mushor in a very vociferous and excited way. The reaction to the iimbongo of the 'ama-radicals' (see p. 149 et seq.) was much more lively and free: people shouted, whistled, laughed, and clapped hands during the participation pauses, and 121

132 men and women alike enjoyed the performance. In fact, they enjoyed these iimbongo so much that the poet on occasion (at the KwaMhlanga meeting) asked the crowd to stop cheering so that he could continue. Further away from the performer the people show less interest. 'Impaired communication' mentioned above, is not meant in a derogatory way. It is common, even universal, and it gives other interest groups the opportunity to 'perform'. On the periphery of the communication situation one finds, for instance, those who are selling food and other merchandise, who then, in a way, are providing sustenance for the participants. When the main performance is over, the 'fringe' comes into its own in a special way, especially at Nyabela Day ceremonies. Many other types of performers may come into play: the zangoma may dance to their peculiar songs, popular music groups would play, a mother or father may display a child dressed in traditional garb, etc. Where the performer is out of sight there is little interest in the main performance. Thus the oral communicative event thrives when the performer is able to communicate to a relatively small group without interference of, for instance, electronic mediation. Not only should the group be relatively small, but, according to Ben-Amos (1975: 12), there are other conditions, namely 'both the performers and the audience have to be in the same situation and be part of the same reference group'. This matter will be briefly discussed in terms of reflexivity. This term refers to, inter alia, the attitude, self-awareness of the researcher-observer, and his/her effect on the performance. My fellow field worker and I saw ourselves as observer-participants. Our participation was mostly a physical one - we moved with the crowd to be close to the performer and only occasionally did we agree with a speaker or utter 'Mushor We had an interest in the iimbongo and not in the political outcome of the meetings. Ntuli might have had an interest in the latter as well, but I never tested his feelings in this regard. On a few occasions we were regarded with suspicion and questioned and our defence was always that we were interested in cultural matters - songs, iimbongo, etc., and this was always accepted, even at the KoSikhulumi meeting where the suspicion was greatest, since it was a government meeting. However, 122

133 we discovered on a later occasion that the imbongi, Sovetjheza, wasn't too happy with my presence, especially with my recording of the performances. He accused me of following him all over and recording him. I could have expected this reaction since, on the few occasions when we could speak to him, the reluctance to part with information was palpable. This feeling was understandable, since the imbongi was taking a defensive position against the possibility of exploitive practices that flowed from government policies at the time. So, unfortunately we could not establish a partnership in the documentation of Ndebele iimbongo Performances This section will include reference to venues, the nature of the performances, etc. Reference will be made to 11 performances witnessed mostly between December '86 and August '89. (See photos in addendum 3 for some of these performances.) The first, on 19/12/86, came at the end of a violent year and was the annual commemorative event for Nyabela (Nyabela Day). The next seven events are singled out for special emphasis, since they constitute the electoral campaigning of 1988 at which most of the iimbongo were collected. Six of these meetings were campaigns on behalf of the Ingwenyama against Independence. Only one of the meetings of the opposite persuasion could be attended. This meeting took place at the KoSikhulumi chieftaincy on 26/11/88. Of the six antiindependence campaigns only one could be held within KwaNdebele due to restrictions and fear of arrests and harassment by the opposition. The meetings were held at the following venues: Vosloorus, 28/8/88; Mamelodi, 18/8/88; emzinoni (Bethal), 7/10/88; Daveyton, 6/11/88; Soshanguve, 27/11/88; and KwaMhlanga, 3/12/88. All these meetings were held in sports stadiums, or just outside them if permission to use them was not obtained or granted. The next event that will be referred to in this chapter completes the circle since it is another Nyabela Day commemoration, that of Also included in the discussion is a thanksgiving occasion at which the royalists gave thanks for the peace 123

134 that had returned to the area; it was held on 5 August Abundant performances of iimbongo occurred at all the occasions mentioned above. Three types of discourses, part and parcel of the performances mentioned above, will be described: political rhetoric (mainly in the campaign speeches), religious rhetoric (mainly sermons) and artistic rhetoric (iimbongo, songs, and ukuthamba). Quotations of what people said come from my own recordings Political rhetoric and its discoursees Mainly because of fear among the people, campaigning began late in the year It began slowly too, as only a handful of people attended the first of the electoral meetings. It was interesting to hear how one speaker exaggerated attendance figures, obviously to boost the morale. At the Mamelodi meeting Solly 'Speaker' Mahlangu said that at Natalspruit there were about 50 or 100; at Thembisa 200; at Middelburg 'more than 1000'; at Vosloorus 'we were 5000'; 'today at Moretele Park (Mamelodi) we are more than 7000' (own recording). Although some of the figures may have been more or less accurate the last quoted is highly inflated, since people had to congregate on the relatively small space outside the stadium itself Nevertheless, all in all, at least 9 meetings took place before the elections on 8, 9, and 10 December of that year. At the 7 campaigns I attended at least 27 speeches were delivered. The Masters of Ceremonies often took just as much time as the main discoursees, but attention will be given to the speeches of the main speakers. In order of importance, measured roughly as the number of references to a certain.topic, the following broad topics featured in the speeches: kingship, polarity (i.e. violence, and related topics), the elections, culture, and moral issues. The proportion of the topics to each other is roughly 6.6 : 5.4 : 3.9 : 2.1 : 1. In other words, if moral issues were mentioned once then kingship featured 6.6 times. 124

135 Chieftaincy The Nguni word ubukhosi can be directly translated as 'kingship' or 'chieftaincy', depending on the precise political structure of a region. Unlike the Zulu, the Ndebele have several traditional paramounts, hence 'chieftaincy' would be the more correct term to use. However, the term 'kingship' is used in this section simply because it is shorter. The emphasis on kingship is perfectly understandable in the light of the reverence many Ndebele have for it. The speakers, on both sides of the political spectrum, knew this very well and they thus capitalised on this sentiment, not only to confirm what they themselves believed in, but also as a political strategy. It is interesting to note that even Chief Minister Majozi, when speaking at KoSikhulumi, did his utmost to show his alignment to kingship. He demonstrated this more powerfully by instituting the chieftaincy of KoSikhulumi and allocating RIO, 000 to it. In his speech he made it clear that he was not against ubukhosi and that `... all belong to the king, we are all his children. Not only those coming out of his house are his children.' The audience cheered this notion. If one bears in mind that iimbongo are also essentially also about ubukhosi, then its importance is even greater. The point emphasised and iterated the most by Prince Cornelius Nyumbabo (`Kosr), the elder son of the Ingwenyama, and heir to the throne at that stage, was that he speaks on behalf of the Ingwenyama. On one occasion, at Mamelodi, he tried to emphasise a point by bringing the microphone to the Ingwenyama's lips. The Chief was, however, not able to speak, since he was already very old at that stage. Understandably, much was said on the fundamentals of ubukhosi. Prince James Senzangakhona, the younger son, who was a very able and the most prominent speaker, had much to say on ubukhosi fundamentals. At the very first meeting we attended, at Vosloorus, Prince James, starting his speech on the topic of ubukhosi, said `Ubukhosi buyazalelwa' - Kingship is born into. This was applauded loudly. The same notion was expressed somewhat differently, this time by a spokesman at the inauguration of the KoSikhulumi chief: 'llcosi isesiswini sakanina' - The king is in the stomach of the mother. This was actually said in criticism of 125

136 the fact that the chief's inauguration could only take place once written consent was obtained from the S.A. Government. In this spokesman's view kingship is not a 'thing of paper', as he called it. Another powerful argument, used by both sides - James and Majozi - was that `Ubukhosi badalwa unkulunkulu' - Kingship was created by God. James used the argument to show that siding with the king is salvation: `... omelana namakhosi akalahlwa nokulahlwa' - he/she who stands with the kings will in no wise be cast out. Majozi used the argument to urge that the kingship should not be misused (as James and company were doing, according to Majozi). One of the most universalistic statements of Prince James was that `... the black person on earth abe namakhosi' - on earth the black man must have kings/chiefs. (It is interesting to note the code switching here.) On more than one occasion the princes illustrated the preserving function of the king by showing that the chief and the chiefs of old ensured nationhood. At Emzinoni Prince Cornelius said `Mangabe ingasini ngabe asikho ikwandebele namhlanje' - Had he (the chief) not 'danced' (came out and exerted himself for the people) there would be no KwaNdebele today. Majozi, at KoSikhulumi, expressed more or less the same sentiments when mentioning how Nyabela fought against the Boers for survival of the nation. However, Majozi immediately put his predecessor, Chief Minister S.S. Skosana, in the same category (of the chiefs) by showing how he had worked for the Ndebele nation and unity. The fact that other chiefs were praised in the praise poetry and not only Chief David Mabusabesala Mabhoko, who was ruling at that time, bore artistic witness to the cornerstone position of the chiefs. Mother important point alluded to by both parties was the relationship between the chief and politics. Chief Minister Majozi had the stronger argument saying that the king should not be a Member of Parliament because it is not customary to oppose the chief At KwaMhlanga Prince Cornelius said KwaNdebele is in the state it is because a) 'it is said' that the chief should not be in Parliament, and b) women had not been allowed there either. 126

137 Quite a few speakers referred to the mutual dependence between the king and the people through a well-known saying. For instance at KwaMhlanga Prince Cornelius said: `Ikosi kuyikosi ngesitjhaba. isitjhaba sitjhaba ngekosi' - The chief is a chief through the nation. the nation is a nation through the chief. All that was said in appraisal of kingship by various speakers, interesting as it is, cannot be related as it will take too much space Polarity Under this term I will refer to all kinds of negative references to the other party, whether the references were true or not. Taking the violent circumstances into account, it is understandable that most of the sentiments that clearly reflected an atmosphere of polarity were references to malicious acts. The royalists frequently told how they were harassed, held up at various roadblocks en route to political meetings, and imprisoned. The notorious cases of imprisonment were, of course, those of the two princes themselves. The royalists did not let the opportunity slip to relate the infamous act of how Majozi's men used the Siyabuswa Community Hall as a torture chamber - these events have been described earlier. In his speech at Daveyton, `Magistrata' N.J. Mahlangu said the hall was transformed into `isiziba segazi' - a pool of blood, from people being beaten there, even by cabinet ministers themselves - Pienaar (1991: 205) confirms this. On the other hand, Majozi, at KoSikhulumi, did not neglect the opportunity to refer to the incident when, on 12 April 1986, `Mabhoko's children' stopped buses carrying people to work. A month later, at the Tweefontein intersection, buses were diverted to Thambothini where 'the chief wanted them', but on arrival they were addressed by school children and the sons of the chief who said that only Mabhoko is the legitimate chief. He also said the sons of Mabhoko had 'discredited' Piet Ntuli, Minister of Internal Affairs (who had died in a car bomb) and 'their hands are full of blood'. Other topics mentioned by the princes were that Majozi and his colleagues were enriching themselves, and that the government was 'illegal'. 127

138 The elections and other topics References to the elections obviously often had to do with the candidates of various constituencies. These candidates were introduced to the people and it often was repeated that they were the ones to be voted for. On a few occasions the main speakers pointed out that the Ingwenyama believed in negotiations, that conflicts should be resolved through discussions, and that unity leads to success. At KwaMhlanga Prince James presented himself as leader of the new Intando Yesizwe Party. He also offered his forgiveness to Majozi. On two occasions the important role of women was spoken about. At Soshanguve a female speaker pleaded for women candidates and she illustrated the pivotal role of women with the image of the'neck (= woman) that turns the head (= man) History and culture The matter most referred to, by both parties, was the succession of the chiefs. Referring to Ndebele history, Prince James, at Vosloorus, urged the crowd to ask themselves where they came from. An interesting remark that was made by two speakers at KoSikhulumi was that Mahlangu is not a surname, and that there was 'no such thing as a Mahlangu. (It must be rememberd that Ingwenyama Mabhoko is actually a Mahlangu.) This remark must be seen against the following background (refer to addendum 2): Mahlangu was a son of Bongwe. He apparently changed the clan name to Mahlangu which hitherto was Mdungwa, so that after him the clan became Mahlangus with the isinanazelo (clan praise name) of Mdungwa/Ntungwa. At Mamelodi Prince James encouraged the crowd to buy the book lgugu LamaNdebele, one of the writers of which was Sovetjheza who was selling the book at these meetings. 128

139 Moral issues On occasion speakers would urge people to be respectful, and would remark that children must respect their parents. This remark should probably be read against the role played by the youth in the violence Religious rhetoric Ministers of religion were not present at all the meetings. I will briefly refer to only two sermons. At KwaMhlanga Reverend J.J. Mahlangu said he wanted to speak on one of the many truths in the Bible, namely Izikhathi zobunzima zikhona empilweni kodwa lezo zikhathi azimi kunaphakade, kodwa abantu abaqinile bama kunaphakade. Tough times never last for ever, but tough people do'. His parallel was the Israelites who eventually were given the ground on which they set their feet. This message was well chosen for the place because KwaMhlanga was the only venue within the boundaries of the then KwaNdebele where the royalists met. So the preacher was alluding to future victory and possession of the land on which they were standing, as it were. The charismatic ReVerend Mtsweni preached at the thanksgiving meeting at ekosini where he read Lamentations The Reverend has acquired a professional laugh which he employs to emphasise a point, or when he ridicules or binds (-bopha) Satan. One of his main points was this: 4... asisiyo imifakelwa, we are not just an addition, Haleluya!, asisiy' imfakelwa, sisitjhaba sikazimu (laugh)' - we are not an addition, we are the nation of God. It must be noted that the main speakers on occasion also took up biblical topics, but these will not be dealt with separately Artistic rhetoric Four types of verbal art manifested themselves at these meetings: praise poetry, song, amahubo chants, and thamba formulae. The latter two forms were recorded on few 129

140 occasions, while songs were sung at every occasion. I will start with the less frequent forms Ukuthamba There weren't many performances of ukuthamba, in fact, only two occasions were recorded at the meetings I attended. The men only thamba when they are in an excited state. And of course there must also be enough space to perform it. I will refer to the performance recorded at emzinoni (Bethal). The chief was present and after Sovetjheza had bonga-ed extensively ending with the praises of Nyabela, a man responded with a praise line from the iimbongo of Mabhoko. The line was obviously intended as a thamba formula: Mabhoko Sindeni umhlab' unethuli Mabhoko uyabusa bayavungana! Other men responded in the usual way by saying: `Siphe rona!' - Give it to us! (Rona is probably a variant. of the emphatic pronoun lona) after which the same man gave another thamba formula:. Gija Mphezeni! US'hlangu uza nini? - Gija Mphezeni! When is Sihlangu coming? Gija sounds like a command, but was assured by Philemon Ntuli that it is a name, the meaning of which is unclear. The first sentence is from the iimbongo of Nyabela. After saying the thamba line the man hailed the chief: `Bayethe nkosi, Ndabezitha!' The men then engaged in more typical thamba sequences as follows: Prompt: Thamba line: Response: Mock charge: Support: Close: Hhusa! (2/3 times) or 'Nang' owam'! (2/3 times) - Here is mine! A thamba line is uttered Other men respond by repeating the line The man who uttered the thamba line engages in a mock charge feigning defense and attack Other men say Siphe rona!' while he thambas Other men say 'Rhona le!' as a closing formula. 130

141 The men take turns to do the sequence. Each man has his own enigmatic thamba line, which may come from the clan's isinanazelo. Other thamba lines were the following: Korombo (= koro ebovu) vabomsana! - Korombo (Red clan) of the children! Khul' ummbila weenyembezi! - Grow mielies of tears! Kombov' (komo ebovu) vabomalanga! - Red cow of those of the days/suns! Kombov' (komo ebovu) vabozandile! - Red cow of Zandile's people! Some of these lines are clearly archaic and cannot be explained adequately. This is evident, for instance, in the possessive particle (?) va-, consisting of a bilabial voiced fricative reminiscent of the Northern Sotho phoneme /f3/. The possessive particle should be wa- if Kom' bovu refers to a person Amahubo Amahubo were not performed regularly either, since, like ukuthamba, circumstances must be conducive. The grounds must be such that the amakhosana, in the presence of the Ingwenyama, can approach the crowd from a distance so as to enhance the approach. As mentioned before, the Ingwenyama was quite old at this stage and he was probably not always capable of appearing with the older men. The performance recorded at Moretele Park (Mamelodi) will be described briefly. After the imbongi Sovetjheza had bonga-ed a few chiefs the chairman ordered the people to move further away from the microphone to make way for the amakhosana, older men and the Ingwenyama who were obviously on their way. A relatively large group of men, about 50-70, approached performing amahubo. They walked slowly, a few short steps at a time. After a few steps they stoped and made a slight stoop and then proceeded for one or two steps again. It is during this sequence that a man will utter, with a deep vibrato voice, the name of a chief, or a short sentence such as `umabusa uyikosi' while the rest of the men hum - this sounds almost like a large swarm of bees. The humming wanes only to grow again when the men stop to perform the next bow. The blowing on long horns or plastic pipes by one or two men sounds like the 131

142 lowing of a bull. Apart from uttering the names of chiefs, as described above, some men utter a line from Mabhoko's praises. A typical line is `Watjho umabhoko Sindretil unthlab' unethuli!' - He said so, Mabhoko Escapee when the earth was dusty (= in turmoil)! Other exclamations, such as `Asitjho drie voete!' - Let's proceed, three-legged ones (= old men) - are also heard. When the Ingwenyama came closer to the crowd they responded with `Bayethe Ngonyama!', while the women kwakwazela by uttering `Kwaa-kwa-kwa-kwakiva-lcwaa!' At emzinoni (Bethal) the following lines were heard (: indicates length): I. UNyabe:::la yiko:::si enama:::ndla! - Nyabela is a powerful chief! UTjirha::na umahlab-imbuza::na abuye ashaye:: yedwa! - The Irritation, slaughterer of little goats, he strikes on his own! UMayi::tjha yiko::si! - Mayitjha is chief] Often the line ends in a low vibrato. While proceeding some men may thamba. Nyabela Day celebrations invariably commence with amahubo as the men accompany the chief to the podium Songs Most of the singing took place before the formal proceedings while people were entering or just waiting for the proceedings to begin. It was also mostly divided: the men sang their songs and the women theirs. On a few occasions men and women sang together. Songs sung between speeches were mostly by choirs or, more frequently, by the Matjhirini Boys (also known as Kameelrivier Boys, or KaMtjhirini). Not one of the songs sung at these meetings could be called toyi-toyi songs, but many were protest songs. It was not always possible to record a song from its beginning, since one could not predict where a song would 'spring up'. That is why initiating calls are mostly absent in the examples below. The women's songs proved very interesting, since they engaged more often in political theme songs, songs that were relevant to the political context. Their most popular 132

143 song, one that was sung at many of the meetings, was a warning to the opposition. The version sung at Vosloorus went like this: nge:::nduku ze:::thu sobabe:tha sobabe:tha nge:::nduku ze:::thu sobabe:tha sobabe:tha nge:::nduku ze:::thu sobasha:ya sobashaya nge:::nduku ze:::thu sobasha:ya sobasha:ya nge:::nduku ze:::thu sobasha:ya sobasha:ya Etc. (With our sticks we will beat them we will beat them With our sticks we will strike them we will strike them Etc.) At Emzinoni we were fortunate to record how a caller introduced the song: Caller: Nge::nduku ze::thu siyobasha:ya sobasha:ya Nge::nduku ze::thu siyobabe:tha sobabe:tha After this introduction the responders also start repeating the first phrase: Nge::nduku ze::thu siyobabe:tha sobabe:tha Etc. The song, with its slow rhythm, was sung by a large group of women as they were approaching the podium in front of the pavilion: The meeting was already well in progress. Sovetjheza had already praised Mabhoko.. Prince Cornelius and the newly inaugurated ikosana had already spoken, and, an unidentified praiser was busy praising. This kind of dramatic entry, in medias res, as it were, is typical (not only for women) and was observed in many Ndebele performances. The more excited the group of women are, the more parts of the song would be sung so that all the parts of the song are sung by all. At the Bethal meeting it was sung after all the formal proceedings. While KaMtjhirini was entertaining the crowd, the caller, on this occasion, added other calls that expressed the women's sentiments clearly: nge::nduku ze::thu ngitjh' umajo:zi ngitjh' umajo:zi 133

144 and and (with our sticks I mean Majozi I mean Majozi) nge::nduku ze::thu simqophi:le simqophi:le (with our sticks we have defeated him we have defeated him) nge::nduku ze::thu simbethi:le simbethi:le (with our sticks we have beaten him we have beaten him) It was mentioned before that the women had much to do with the course of events in KwaNdebele in the period under discussion. One of their songs epitomised their commitment to achieve a certain goal. They were saying: even if they have to do it by force (inkani), and even if it is hard or painful (kumnyama) for them (kubo - the opposition), they will get in there (Parliament). Double underlining shows where the caller sang with the responders: Sitjho: sitjho ngenkani Thina: thinarso Sitjho: sitjho ngenkani Thina: thine 5 No:ma noma kumnvama kubo Kungafa:ni thial ho No:ma noma kurn _nyant_ t i kubo Kungafa:ni thina s_o tell t pko Etc. (We say (or: even) we say (or: even) with force We we will go in there Even even if it is difficult (or: painful) for them At least we will go in there Etc.) The song was sung on a few occasions. The version presented here was sung at the chief's place, at the thanksgiving feast for peace. They sang this song encircling the podium while Sovetjheza and the amakhosi were leading the Ingwenyama to the podium. As the men approached the podium, other men started an overwhelming salvo of the royal salute, 134

145 Bayethe!, and the women's singing was drowned. Another of their political themes was democracy. The women expressed themselves as follows on this topic: May-eye senza ngothandabantu mayeye senza ngothandabantu (Mayeye we are doing according to the will of the people mayeye we are doing according to the will of the people) Uthandabantu could be an early version of Prince James's political party called Intandoyesizwe (Will of the nation) that was formed later. On occasion, the women sang other types of songs, songs pertaining to.religion and ubungoma. After the speech of Solly Speaker Mahlangu at Daveyton. a group of women was given the opportunity to sing over the PA system. They sang this Christian song: Thina siyofana naye, siyofana naye Thina siyofana nave, siyofana nave UJesu wabonakala, thina siyofana naye UJesu wabonakala, thina siyofana naye Etc. (We we will be like Him we will be like Him Jesus became visible, we will be like Him Etc.) Mother group called 'Two Gunmen' also sang from the platform. They sang about the Ingwenyama and his rival: Kos' ekhethu ngumabusa ama-ovisyl Kos' ekhet ngumabusa ama-ovi-ot ngumahlangu ama-oyi-j ngumahlangu ama-oyi-pj laovi; Imbokocio ngumajozi ama-ovi-ovi; 1,Majozi ngumahlangu ama-oyi-oyi: ngumahlangu Kos' imbokodo ngumajozi ama-ovi-ovi: KQ ' i iib Icocb ngumajozi ar na-o m 135

146 Etc (Our king is Mabusa ama-oyi-oyi Mabusa is Mahlangu ama-oyi-oyi Imbokodo is Majozi ama-oyi-oyi Majozi is Mahlangu ama-oyi-oyi Oh Chief, imbokodo is Majozi ama-oyi-oyi Etc.) Their next song referred to the ikosana of that area, and the one thereafter asked the question `Senzeni bangoma?' - What have we done, zangoma? Most of the songs above illustrate the fact that the women were, at least orally, deeply involved in political matters. One incident, on the other hand, seemingly illustrates an indifference to the solemn atmosphere prevailing at that point in the meeting. On the Nyabela Day meeting, while the Ingwenyama, the amakhosana, and the imbongi were reverently performing amahubo on their way to the stand a group of women were taking up another issue a little further away. Seemingly unmindful of the royal procession they were hinging the song that speaks about the pass book. (It was also sung at the granting of the iporiyana ceremony, see p. 107.): NgiseGo:li ya::khulum' incwaja::n' ya..khulum' incwaj:an' (While I was in Johannesburg the little book spoke, the little book spoke) At the thanksgiving occasion at the chief's place, a large group of women approached the platform singing while the MC welcomed the guests of honour, among whom were members of the cabinet. Their song was well chosen since they seemingly reminded an official or officials of promises made to them. According to the song the women were promised a mini-bus, presumably for voting for the right people: Wo ngelele wo ngelele wo ngelele wo ngelelc Hho dunakulu ngifun' itwenty one i tnys&el w Ya dunakulu ngifun' itwenty one ye ism Ye dunakulu ngifun' itwenty one woye itwenty one Etc. 136

147 (Wo ngelele wo ngelele wo ngelele wo ngelele, Hho headman I want the twenty one the twenty one Etc.) Oddly enough, coming now to men's singing, their 'theme song' was a very popular religious song, namely `UJeslInkosi uyeza emnqamlazwene - Jesus/the King is coming from the cross - which was sung on at least 4 occasions. At the Soshanguve meeting it was sung as follows: Ye: inkos' iyeza mado::d' emnqamlazwen' inkos' iye:za emnqamlazwen' Yelele inkos' iyeza mado::d' emnqamlazwen' inkos' iye:za emnqamlazwen' (Repeated another 3 times) Ye: thina sibonile mado::d' emnqamlazwen' inkos' iye:za emnqamlazwen' Ye: thina siboni:ile emnqamlazwen' inkos' iye:za emnqamlazwen' Abanye abayibonanga mado::d' emnqamlazwen' inkos' iye:za emnqamlazwen' Abanye abayibona::nga emnqamlazwen' inkos' iye:za emnqamlazwen' (Ye the King is coming men from the cross the King is coming from the cross Ye we have seen (Him) men, from the cross the King is coming from the cross Etc.) Mother caller took over and repeated some of the previous calls, but he also added his own, such as this one: Yeye isendleleni mado:d' emnqamlazwen' inkos' iye:za emnqamlazwen' (Yeye He is on his way men, etc.) When he changed the call to suit the circumstances, there was a bit of confusion among the responders. Some continued with the old call while others made a new call: Sifilcil' esoshanguve mado:d' emnqamlazwen' esoshangu:ve emnqamlazwen' Singenil' esoshanguve mado.d' emnqamlazwen' esoshangu:ve emnqamlazwen' (We have arrived at Soshanguve men from the cross at Soshanguve from the cross etc.) 137

148 After this line the men ended the song with 'Ayisele, Bayethe!' - Let it (cow) drink, Bayethe! At the same meeting the men amused themselves before the formal proceedings by singing about the chief and other people. They were somewhat rowdy as groups of people were moving into the stadium: Ye ingenile ikos' ekhethu ye ingenile ikos' ekhethu (Repeated) Sayibamba sayilotjhisa sayibamba sayilotjhisa (Repeated) (Ye he has come in our chief ye he has come in our chief We took hold of him we greeted him we took hold of him we greeted him Etc.) They also sang of the coming of Matjhiriri (The Matjhirini Boys) and Sovetjheza, but of Majozi they said the following: UMajozi walila umajozi walila (Repeated another 3 times) Walilel' uministera uministera (Repeated another 3 times) (Majozi cried Majozi cried The minister cried the minister cried Etc.) About Prince James they sang thus: Wena James hlala phas' wena James hlala phasi (You James, sit down you James sit down (= relax)) Etc. Later the response changes to we: hlala phasi. Other lines of this song were as follows: Mar' ub'kho:s"ngebakwethu bungebakwethu 138

149 (But kingship is ours it is ours) Sofika lapha siya khona sofika lapha siva khona (We will arrive where we are going to we will arrive where we are going to) It is of course more correct in normal speech to say `sofika lapho...' but the version above was how the song was recorded. Sifikil' esoshanguve esoshanguve (We have arrived at Soshanguve we have arrived at Soshanguve) Imeyer' iyasiza imeyer' iyasiza (The mayor is helpful the mayor is helpful, i.e. the mayor gave permission for gathering at the stadium.) Soyilandela thina soyilandela thina (We will follow him we will follow him) Wo umthetho siyayifuna wo umthetho siyayifuna (Note the choice of the seemingly erroneous object concord.) (Wo we want the law wo we want the law) Siyifuna ngeqiniso siyifuna ngeqiniso (We want it with truth we want it with truth) May' umberek' uphelile may' umberek' uphelile (Oh the work is finished oh the work is finished) The song was sung relatively fast without undue length on any syllable. When they clapped there were about claps to a. line. Often individuals would call out their own lines resulting in,cacophonic stretches. After this came the song `uies' uyeza' mentioned above. 139

150 , At KwaMhlanga, one of the most lively meetings, the men sang the same songs as outlined above - some new calls were added - and only engaged in more potent ones when these were started by chairmen or speakers. For instance, after Prince Cornelius and Sipho Mattheus Mahlangu (the candidate for the constituency) had spoken, the chairman started this scathing song: Ubaba bambulele o ubaba bambulele Yelele ubaba bambulele ubaba bambulele 0 ubaba bambulele ye ubaba bambulele Etc. (They killed our father, oh they killed our father) When the crowd joined in and started to clap as well, the voice of the caller was drowned. Thereafter the chairperson started the abusive song on Majozi. It was heard on one or two other occasions, also from the platform: Bhasobha upinepeke bhasobha upinepeke (Watch out for the pick handle watch out for the pick handle) After the first line or so both the caller and the responders sang all the parts, but the responders followed a slightly different tune resulting in a melodious two-part song Praise poetry At the 7 political meetings I attended, no less than 84 praise poems were performed. Although most of these were for the Ndebele amakhosi (17 amakhosi, of these only two were Manala chiefs, namely Manala himself and Ncagu), there were at least 6 for as many clans. Then there were iimbongo for the `ama-radicals', as they were called by the then Chief Minister Majozi Mahlangu. These iimbongo attracted special attention from the audiences, as will be shown later. There were performances of iimbongo for 'Speaker' Solly Mahlangu, I performance; for Prince `Kosi' Cornelius Mahlangu (now ruling 140

151 Ndzundza Ingwenyama) - 4 performances; and then for Prince James Senzangakhona Mahlangu, 6 performances. As is to be expected, most performances were for Mabhoko (19 performances in all). His closest rival was Mkhepule (8), and then Nyabela (6) A typical performance I take as an example the performance at KwaMhlanga on 3/13/88 to show how the performances at these meetings proceeded, but references will be made to other performances as well. The Ingwenyama was not present at KwaMhlanga. His absence was perhaps because of ill health or for concerns about his safety. It must be remembered that the followers of the Ingwenyama and his sons were, as it were, entering the lion's den, since KwaMhlanga was the political capital of the opposition. However, the Indlovukazi (Principal wife) was present. On our arrival we encountered a large crowd outside the stadium where the meeting took place. As usual thern were different groups singing, the men and women generally keeping to themselves. At some meetings the imbongi Sovetjheza would engage in praising over the PA system just to amuse the people, while at others, as at this one, his praising interrupted the singing to herald the arrival of dignitaries and the people then moved closer to the microphone. At all the meetings, except at the one at Daveyton where only Prince James was praised, Sovetjheza commenced with the iimbongo of Mabhoko. Sovetjheza then proceeded to. bonga Mkhephule and Rhobongo. Apart from the performance at Daveyton, where only Prince James was praised, this performance yielded the least iimbongo, probably as a result of the tense situation and haste - the people were granted limited time to conduct the meeting. The most productive meeting was the one at Soshanguve where 20 instances of praising took place. It was also the most varied as Sovetjheza not only praised chiefs, but also claris, as well as monarchs of the Manala. Only on two other occasions were Manala chiefs praised, not always by him. At Soshanguve Sovetjheza praised the following dignitaries: Mabhoko, Mkhephule, Rhobongo, Nyabela, Magelembe, Matsitsi, Fene, 141

152 Bongwe, Mkhanada, Ntuli (clan name), Sibanyoni (clan name), Dlambili (= Masilela, clan name), Ndzundza, Mrhetjha, Mabhoko (again), Manala, Nqagu, Fene (again). Up to this point of the meeting at Soshanguve, groups of men and of women were singing as they were arriving, then the MC addressed the crowd and the formal proceedings started. Sovetjheza praised Cornelius before he delivered his speech. After a few other speeches, James was praised by Sovetjheza after which he spoke. After Sovetjheza's performance at the KwaMhlanga meeting, the Rev. J.J. Mahlangu delivered a message and a prayer and Cornelius was then introduced by means of his iimbongo before he spoke. Then the candidate for the area, Sipho Mathews Mahlangu, spoke, after which a group of men broke into song and the chairman then led a derisive song about Majozi. The next speaker was Nagistrata' Mahlangu, and he was followed by James, who was praised before he spoke. The gathering dispersed after his speech. 3.3 Conclusion The traumatic events in the lives of many Ndebele as described above, triggered so much verbal activity in the form of political and artistic rhetoric that it was difficult to render a complete picture of all the proceedings. To counteract life- and identity-threatening circumstances, men and women often resorted to different kinds of verbal resources, most of which came from the oral recesses of their culture. The most important of these verbal resources were the political speeches and then the iimbongo. These iimbongo impressed with their sheer quantity. The emphasis on kingship in the political speeches provides the vital clue for understanding why oral art still has a place in Ndebele culture in a time when lifestyles and pressures of the broader South Africa allow little or no place for it. Some forms of oral art - amahubo, ukuthamba, iimbongo - are directly linked to the presence (or supposed presence) of the Ingwenyarna. Others such as songs, especially in the context of ingoma, although not directly linked to him, cannot take place without his consent. Although some forms of verbal art are entirely independent of kingship, there is still the 142

153 deep conviction that nationhood is impossible without an Ingwenyama. The performances described in this chapter thus largely revolved around the fact that the Ingwenyama or his sons would be present. This situation prevails against the modern political system of having one political leader for all. In the next chapter some 'internal' contextual issues will be considered, such as how iimbongo relate to context. 143

154 Chapter 4 Contextualisation and Recontextualisation The relationship between text and context in the performances under discussion merits special attention seeing that, superficially, there seems to be no connection between the content of most of the praise poems and the contexts in which they occurred. The relation between these texts and their contexts will be studied under the headings contextualisation and recontextualisation. How and why texts are contextualised, has much to do with function, a concept dealt with in the following paragraph. 4.1 Functions of oral art and of izibongo in particular To understand what the imbongi hopes to achieve through the performing of iimbongo, a brief overview of functions will be given. Ideally, the functions of oral art should be viewed from a specific angle: from the commissioning agent or performer's point of view (intentionality), or that of the audience (expectations). In determining 'functions', one should also on occasion distinguish between intention/motive of the performer and/or audience and the actual effect of the discourse. That functions will often overlap, must also be taken for granted. Such a focused presentation of function will, however, necessitate a fieldwork method based on reception. Since extensive reception of iimbongo was not the focus of this study, what will be presented here is a general overview of the topic. Roman Jakobson (see Furniss and Bath 1996: 87) identified a number of functions of language. His poetic function, in the context of specific genres, leads to a number of specific functions. Quite a few of the functions he identified for normal language use are also valid for specific poetic functions. His referential function would correspond with 144

155 sections in poetry that are meant to state certain facts. His conative function would correspond in part to the sensitising fiinction discussed below. The pioneer with regard to the functional aspect of cultural practices is Malinowski, who pointed out that myths and stories perform a vital social function. Myth expresses and enhances religious belief, enforces morality, and ensures that ritual is performed correctly. In short, myth is a pragmatic charter of primitive faith and moral wisdom. For the emphasis he lays on the social function of myth, Malinowski is known as a functionalist. Elaborating on the pioneering work of Malinowski, William Bascom has identified four main functions of folklore. (His article was originally published in Journal of American Folklore 67 in 1954, pp ) Bascom (in Dorson 1965: 284 et seq.) identifies the following functions: Folklore 'is a mirror of culture' in the sense that it sometimes sets out how ceremonies are to be performed. It also sets out what the beliefs of the group are. One of the implications of this is that 'the folklore of a people can be fully understood only through knowledge of their culture'. Bascom mentions this fact to emphasise that folklore is not only there for amusement. But amusement is also an important function, since 'folklore reveals man's frustrations and attempts to escape in fantasy from repressions imposed upon him by society,...' Folklore not only explains rituals and ceremonies, it also seeks to justify rituals and institutions to those who perform and observe them. Folklore is also a pedagogic device. Many forms in many cultures were and are still used to form, instruct and discipline members of that culture. Folklore is used as a means of 'applying social pressure and exercising social control' in order to maintain conformity to accepted patterns of behaviour. Many forms of folklore are used to approve or disapprove of certain forms of behaviour. Bascom (in Dorson 1965: 297) rightly observes that these functions can be classified differently. They can, in fact, be seen as one function, namely that of 'maintaining the stability of culture'. Msimang (1986: 136) reduces the functions of folktales to two main functions: Thence it will also become clear that the Zulu novelist is to a certain degree still continuing the task of the folktale performer. He acts not only as an entertainer but 145

156 also as a social critic.... In a nutshell, Zulu oral literature is committed literature.... Again, the bard who praises his king or chief is at the same time presenting the feelings of the king's subjects. He is also making use of his licence to criticise and to correct. This convinces me that the function of the various types of folklore is doublepronged; they entertain and instruct... Entertainment is the means, instruction the end, and theme the embodiment of this instruction. Okpewho (1992: 106 et seq.), on the other hand, identifies 4 main functions: entertainment and relaxation; asserting interests and outlooks; teaching ideals and conduct; and recording life. It isn't always easy to determine which specific functions belong to which heading. One notices this when he discusses a song under the main heading of entertainment and relaxation to show that the song serves to air the poet's grievances and how oral literature promotes social harmony (p. 109). These matters seem to belong to the function 'asserting interests and outlooks'. Coming to praise poetry we find that an early scholar such as Comaroff in 1975 (see Kaschula 1991: 49) also prefers a reduced system of functions. He speaks of the formal and the evaluative codes. The former expresses values and ideals while the second comments on the actions of people. In order to avoid being too reductive (not that Comaroff necessarily is), rather more function spheres than less will be identified for my purpose of identifying the functions of iimbongo. This is done using the insights in the work of Finnegan 1976, Gunner and Gwala 1991, Kaschula 1991, and Furniss and Gunner An aspect that often results in practical uses of iimbongo is the question of mediation. iimbongo often serve to mediate, in other words, to serve as medium for the continuation of a certain performance. The most obvious example in the context of Ndebele iimbongo is where it is used to introduce a speaker to the audience. As Was noted in the foregoing chapters, Princes James and Cornelius were always praised before they delivered their speeches so that the continuation of the performance is unthinkable, or at least less 'natural', without the iimbongo. In this sense they almost serve to legitimise the event, to make it a valid experience for those involved. In this regard Finnegan (1976: 119) says: 146

157 Praise poetry often plays an essential part in rites of passage: when an individual (or group) moves from one status to another in society, the transition is celebrated by praises marking the new status or commemorating the old. There are a few occasions without which ukubonga in some or other form would not constitute a legal performance, for example when divining by means of divining bones among Sotho and a few other African groups, diviners utter the praises of their bones when they throw them. Another example is when Nguhi monarchs officiate at important occasions. When they are not essential for the performance to proceed, they simply make the occasion proceed in an exceptional way - here they simply 'grace the occasion'. Such an occasion was observed on 17/11/85 at Kwaggafontein where a feast was held in honour of the eldest daughter of Ikosana (headman) Mahlangu. Having gone through all the ichude ceremonies, the parents held a feast for her, simply to celebrate her achievements. Sovetjheza praised the Ndebele amakhosi when the girl and her group moved out of the yard to an open space across the house where two groups would compete in singing. It was not necessary for Sovetjheza to be present at this occasion. However, as a relative he was asked to attend and lend more splendour to it. limbongo are clearly meant to entertain. This was abundantly clear throughout my fieldwork. Sovetjheza's praising before the arrival of dignitaries at almost all the occasions mentioned in the previous chapter was meant to entertain the people. On more than one occasion a member of the audience shouted 'Makabonger - Let him praise! The elated response to the praises of Solly 'Speaker' Mahlangu, Princes James and Cornelius, as described earlier, is another illustration of their enjoyment value. Although iimbongo are not primarily meant to pass on information in the southern African context, they do have a broad educational function in the sense that they cultivate and reinforce awareness of the conventions of iimbongo. Men and women over a very broad spectrum are able to recite and/or compose iimbongo when the need arises, even if it is only a few lines. limbongo invariably refer to events in an obscure way. 147

158 When the educational function becomes more intense, when the imbongi needs to cultivate or reinforce attitudes, as opposed to facts, iimbongo acquire the very important function of sensitising people and/or the person praised. Sensitising the person praised may at times imply criticising him or her in an indirect way. Although sensitising has always been an important function, it has been accentuated lately by developments in ukubonga, as described by various people: Opland 1975, Sole 1987, Cronin 1989, Kaschula 1991, Kromberg 1991, and Govindsamy These and other scholars have shown that iimbongo are utilised more and more in modern political situations, namely at different kinds of political rallies, where the sensitising function reaches its peak as people are swayed by means of iimbongo. Bauman and Briggs (1990: 70 and 71) in fact see this function as one of the main interests in performance scholarship: 'The basic conceptual and methodological premise of the ethnography of performance is that the structure and dynamics of the performance event serve to orient the participants - including the performer' (emphasis added). This was in fact the prevailing function in the performances described in this study. The main purpose of the imbongi in the context described in the previous chapter was, as it were, to orient people, to rally them behind the ikosi 's antiindependence drive. The most universal feature of praise poetry is probably its individualising function. A major function of iimbongo is to 'constitute the subject' in various ways. For Gunner and Gwala (1991) this is the main concern of izibongo and this function is mentioned often in their study: what izibongo are primarily concerned with is naming, identifying and therefore giving significance and substance to the named person or object.' (p. 2) `Praising illuminates the figure involved.' (p. 18) 'They are names that identify and give meaning and substance to an individual.' (p. 19) to create for the individual a sense of worth and wholeness...' (p. 30)... praises relate to individual self-esteem...' (p. 36) 'Individuality, however, and the outlines of personal qualities are always in play.' (p. 37) 148

159 However, one could also argue, especially in view of the circumstances in which the Ndebele material was delivered, that mediation, entertainment, and so on, are means to the ultimate purpose of iimbongo, namely that of helping to gain/maintain power in one form or another. For ordinary people the question of 'power' may mean a measure of status, whether doubtful or real, whereas for people of high profile the question of power would, in addition, be connected to position, rule, and subversion. This certainly was the case for the political figures mentioned in this study. They all had only one main goal - to gain or hold on to political control. 4.2 Contextualisation The obvious choice of texts for showing how participants comment on and try to manage their world are those for Solly 'Speaker' Mahlangu, Prince Cornelius, Prince James and for Ingwenyama Mabhoko. These individuals, amongst others, were very much part of context. They were major role-players in the shaping of the history of the Ndebele to the time of performance, unlike the amakhosi, who, at most, were part of the ancestral realm. Moreover, they were the very raison d'etre of these performances. They were also expected to provide a better political future for the other people involved in these performances. The limbongo of these leaders arose out of circumstances that were still fresh in the minds of many people at the time of these performances. After presenting each text and its content, it will be discussed in terms of how context is communicated by the imbongi and for what purpose Solly Mahlangu We commence with the iimbongo of Solly Mahlangu who was Speaker of Parliament before he was expelled by the Majozi Government. His praises are valuable in that only two performances were witnessed by us, namely those at Vosloorus and at Mamelodi (Moretele Park Stadium). As sometimes happens, the sound quality of the loud-speakers 149

160 was exceptionally bad at these two meetings, so that some of the lines were not clear. At Mamelodi he was introduced well after the meeting had started: SoVetjheza had praised Mabhoko, Mkhephule, Manala, and Nyabela after which the chairman asked all to welcome the IndlOvukazi (principal wife of Kosi Mabhoko) when the entourage of women entered singing while Sovetjheza continued to praise Nyabela. After this a contingent of men entered performing amahubo while the imbongi praised Fene. The chairman initiated a thamba routine and Sovetjheza came forward to praise Mabhoko again. Before Cornelius spoke he was praised (the recording could not be used as a result of the weak sound quality). After the performance of a song by the Matjirini Boys a speech was delivered on behalf of Ingwenyama Makhosoke Mabhena, the Manala chief. Hereafter Solly was praised prior to his delivering a speech. Before presenting the praises of Solly, it is appropriate to explain my line divisions. According to the manner in which praise poetry is performed it is quite easy to divide the performance into its appropriate lines. The. end of a praise paragraph, or better still, just before a pause when the audience have the opportunity to respond to the iimbongo, the imbongi ends the line with a long penultimate syllable while the tone drops. Sometimes the final syllable just dissipates as the tone and volume falls. At the end of this kind of line place a full stop. Between such participation pauses the final syllables of lines are eventoned, relatively high, and more or less of equal length. No punctuation appears after these lines to indicate that the paragraph is as yet incomplete. A dash (-) indicates that the poet did not complete the word, and dots (...) indicate inaudible sections. A question mark shows that I was not certain of the transcription/translation of a particular word. Length is indicated by (:), (::), or (:::), depending on the relative length of the syllable. Sometimes the audience responds in true Ndebele fashion by shouting Mutjho!, but they often respond in Zulu saying Mush& Imbuzi eyaphenduka imbuzi emnyama ehlangana nezimbuzi ezimhlophe ephalamende nguso::li. (A man shrieks joyfully.) Likho- usoli likhozi ngelimaphiko amahle 150

161 Laphapha lahlala emabopana 5 Alihlaleli ilize lihlalele ukusul' iinyembezi zamadoda. (Clapping, cheering, and shouts of 'Musho!') Udondela wekhethu wagasela ngepensela ngaphezu kwezitha zayo Abanye begasela ngem'khonto nangempini 'epeke (Laughter and elated shouting by the crowd on hearing the last phrase.) USoli ugasela ngepense::la. (Cheering. Sovetjheza pauses longer than usual as if to indicate that he has finished but he starts again:) Ugasela ngepensela agasela ngabonomakhethwako 10 Agasela ngebidi sabona ngengubo esibov' Kuyaluzela es'kwayeren'. (Cheering) Ndabezitha! (Bayethe!) (The goat who changed, the black goat who met with white goats in Parliament is Solly. (A man shrieks joyfully.) Eagl- Solly is an eagle he is the beautiful winged one It flew and sat in Mabopane 5 It didn't sit idle it sat to wipe the tears of men (Clapping, cheering, and shouts of 'Musho!') Lazy one of our people he struck with the pencil (launching) onto his enemies While others strike with assegais and with a pick handle (Laughter and elated shouting by the crowd on hearing the last phrase.) Solly strikes with the pencil. (Cheering. Sovetjheza pauses longer than usual as if to indicate that he has finished but he starts again:) He strikes with the pencil as he strikes with those wearing the rainbow-coloured blanket He strikes with the red blanket and we saw (it) in the red garment 9 It is rowdy square. (Cheering) Ndabezitha! (Bayethe! - royal salute by the people)) There are indications in this performance that Sovetjheza was not performing at his best. He is hesitant and there are so many repetitions of the `gasela ngepensela' motif that one wonders about the proficiency of the poet, and what reasons there might be for his less enthusiastic performance. 151

162 The imbongi refers to a few incidents in Solly's life that relate directly to events of the period under discussion. Solly was speaker in the KwaNdebele Parliament where he often met with white officials as they visited Parliament. He supported independence, but later regretted this. Because of his sudden change and allegiance to Mabhoko he had to flee. Solly's flight to Mabopane in the former homeland of Bophuthatswana after he was expelled from Parliament is not seen by the poet as something ignominious, but rather as ultimately beneficial to the men who were suffering. In line 6 Solly is called the lazy one probably because he came to the Ingwenyama's fold quite late, and then the poet pays attention to his efforts with the pen. (It must be mentioned here that Philemon Ntuli heard the line as Indlondlo..., thus attributing a royal metaphor to Solly - indlondlo is `old mamba'.) His efforts with the pen led to a very important outcome, mentioned lower down. His non-belligerent efforts are contrasted to the actions of those of the KwaNdebele Government who assaulted people who were opposed to independence. Notice the ambiguous reference to the pick handle in line 7. While it refers to weapons of assault it also refers to Majozi who was often derided with these words. Solly's major contribution had to do with the 'rainbow people' with regard to the elections - his efforts were seen in the 'blanket', namely with his involvement with the women of KwaNdebele. The meaning of this becomes clear when one recalls how the elections came about. As described in the previous chapter, the KwaNdebele Government was unconstitutional because the women of KwaNdebele could not vote in the election of Solly then rallied the women of KwaNdebele, the 'rainbow people', or the 'ones wearing the multicoloured blanket', and took them to Church Square (`eslwayeren) in Pretoria (the supreme court is closeby), where an application was granted declaring the elections null and void. This crucial event is thus attributed to Solly by the imbongi. It is interesting to note as well that one of the most crucial bits of information that was passed on to audiences by different speakers was at Mamelodi when Solly read the proclamation in the Government Gazette which stated that the KwaNdebele Legislative Assembly would be dissolved on 7 December 1988 and that elections would commence on 8 December. Again 152

163 at the Vosloorus meeting it was Solly's privilege to read out a document from the S.A. Government, namely the restriction order against the Ingwenyama served on him by the Commissioner of the KwaNdebele Police, Brigadier H. (Herzog) C. Lerm. Referring to sections of the Internal Security Act and signed on 5/2/88, the notice prohibited the Ingwenyama to grant interviews to journalists, to publish political material in KwaNdebele, or to move outside this area Prince Cornelius Prince Cornelius Nyumbabo Mahlangu (who, at the time of writing, is the reigning Ndzundza Kosi, Ingwenyama Mayisha II), the older of the two brothers who spoke at the meetings, always spoke before Prince James and always on behalf of Ingwenyama Mabhoko. The longest praise poem recorded was that at Soshanguve where he was praised after 13 poems for Ndebele amakhosi (some were praised more than once) and 3 or 4 for clansmen. The praises that follow are in praise for him as the Prince and not as present Chief. After a prayer by Rev. J.J. Mahlangu signifying the start of the 'official' part of the meeting, he was praised thus by Sovetjheza: Gijimani ngezindlela Niyokubika kwangwana Nith' ithole likamabusa lilambile lilambele kini Mangwana Ndlelazimhlophe 5 Zakhuphul' ihlophekazana kwangwana Songena naye emahlathin' amafishane KwaSimuyembiwa. (Musho!) Ntomb" endondolo Yayiphum' eshaluze yayongena emabhok' es'kolweni Kwasukum' amaqhakazan' asematjirini 10 Kwazamazama amaqhakazana wakwagula. (Musho!) Umntwana ngowavela ek'seni ngedina indoda yabotjhwa ngonyumbabo. (Musho!) Khawulani zelelesi Ukubamba izinyane lomgobha wekhethu nilibophe ngeketani nilifuye 153

164 Izinyane lomgobha walibopha ngeketani walifuya uzakuma.ngaza. (Musho!) 15 Bayethe! (Bayethe!) (Run along all the footpaths Go and report in Swaziland And say that the calf of Mabusa is hungry, he is hungry for you people of Ngwane Roads that are white (= Good luck!) 5 They (= his ways) went up to the good woman in Swaziland We will accompany her to the small clumps of trees at the place of Simuyembiwa. (Musho!) Long girl She came out of Shaluze and went to Mabhoko Primary And the young married women of Matjirini stood up 10 And the young married women of Gula trembled. (Musho!) The Prince is the one who arrived (= was born) in the morning (and) by dinner time a man was caught about the barren one. (Musho!) Stop you thugs Stop arresting our young mamba, tying it with a chain and herding it The young mamba you have enchained and herded will surprise you. (Musho!) 15 Bayethe! (Bayethe!) Most of the poem is devoted to personal details such as his marriage to his principal wife from Swaziland. This takes up the first 10 lines of the poem. Line 11 is somewhat mysterious: it apparently speaks of his birth and perhaps also of an unfortunate affair of some sort. Although people treat the matter with great caution and respect it is said by some that Prince Cornelius is not the biological son of Mabhoko. It was interesting to note that Prince Cornelius was always praised in subdued tones by Sovetjheza and the response by the audience was also much more quiet and deferential than for the other `amaradicals'. Only the last three lines of the poem refer to events of the then current political situation that seemed directly relevant to the performance that was underway. However, since Prince Cornelius was generally seen as the incumbent to the chiefs seat, the personal details reaffirm this incumbency. That he is a prince and a future king is neatly captured in 154

165 the phrase izinyane lomgobha': it means the young (literally 'cub', the word normally used for a prince) of a mamba. 'Lion cub' would also be a 'standard' reference to one of royal blood. As in all the iimbongo for the `ama-radicals', Prince Cornelius' arrest captures the poet's attention. His arrest is most vividly portrayed by the herding motif - Prince Cornelius was 'tied' (probably handcuffed), as was Prince James, as we will see shortly Prince James Prince James Senzangakhona was undoubtedly the most important of the `ama-radicals' and he always had the last word at all the meetings as he was the last to speak. He occupied an interesting position: as younger son of Kosi Mabusabesala he had interests in the monarchy. He was also a politician who, like Prince Cornelius, was expelled from the Legislative Assembly in But he was also aspiring to the new KwaNdebele cabinet. Indeed, after the election of 1988 he became Chief Minister. It was mentioned before that Prince James was praised more often than any of the `ama-radicals'. He was a lively campaigner, but it was well known that the then ruling Ingwenyama, Mabhoko, had become old and that Prince Cornelius, as the eldest son, was to take his place. So, he would not embark on a political career. It stands to reason that Prince James had to be the political campaigner par excellence, which he was, so much so that it is attributed to him, in his iimbongo, that he was the one who 'brought down the two walls of Imbokodo and independence'. The longest of his praises were recorded at the Soshanguve meeting: Inkunzi ihlabe ngaphakathi ngophondo emagezini kwasiphuk' umhlaba sibone ngamadoda ukusabalala. (Musho!) USenzangakhona kamabusa unomkhon' omude Onamandla uyalcwazi ukusundruza 5 Usundruze im'thangalo em'bili esekelwe Imbokodo ne-independent yadilika. (Musho! Handclapping and cheering) Mina ngiyesaba ukuthi usesemsana Wena owabuyisa ubukhosi emagezini 155

166 Khawulani zelelesi Uk'thath' ub'khosi bendlondlo yekhethu kamayisha niyob'beka emagezini. (Applause) 10 Ugide kwak'fanela mntwakamabusa Phakathi endlini es'bethamthetho sakwandebele Izizwe zoke zimbonile Umhlaba woke ubonile uk'gida kwakhe Wambethel' ihlombe wamlilizela 15 Kumathelevishini Nakumaphephandaba Nasemsakazweni. (Applause) Linamanga ibandla lezelelesi. Lona lithi usenzangakhona kamabusa uyofel' etronkweni. 20 Sizwe ngamahhemuhhemu wabafazi bezelelesi Bathi ipemu kasenzangakhona iyok'thintekel' ejele. (Applause) Izandla neenyawo zikasenzangakhona zimangebangeba (or: zimanxebanxeba) Ngenxa yokuboshwa ngezankosi Ngemihla ngemihla 25 Mihla ngamalanga. (Applause) Indlandla ende yakonandala YakonoMthunywa Eth' ibotjwa izandla neenyawo Ibe imomotheka 30 Abangani bakho bath' Senzangakhona uhlekani?' Athi: `Ngisho ngob' abazi abakwenzako.' Bayethe! (Bayethe!) (The bull gored with its horn right inside Magezini the earth tore open and we saw it in the fleeing of men. (Musho!) Senzangakhona of Mabusa has a long arm Which is strong. It/he is able to push over 5 It/he pushed over the two walls supported by Imbokodo and independence (and) they fell. (Musho! Hand clapping and cheering) I am afraid to say he is still a lad You who brought the kingship back from Magezini Stop you criminals (Stop) taking the kingship of the old mamba of our people of Mayisha and 156

167 placing it at Magezini. (Applause) 10 You danced and it was befitting for you child of Mabusa In the legislative assembly of KwaNdebele All the nations have seen him The whole world has seen his dancing It has clapped hands for him and ululated for him 15 On televisions And in the news papers And over the radio. (Applause) The assembly of criminals is lying. It says Senzangakhona of Mabusa will eventually die in jail. 20 We heard through the rumours of the women of the criminals They say Senzangakhona's perm will wither in jail. (Applause) The hands and feet of Senzangakhona are wounds As result of being bound with handcuffs Day after day 25 Days on end. (Applause) The long-legged bull of the married daughter of Ndala Of the place of the mother of Mthunywa When he was tied by his hands and feet He smiled 30 Your friends said: `Senzangakhona why are you laughing?' And he said: 'I'm doing so because they don't know what they are doing.' Bayethe! (Bayethe!)) Whereas the praises of Prince Cornelius concentrate on important events of his social life, those of Prince James concentrate on the events in the time of political turmoil. The iimbongo of Prince James present an image of an unstoppable defender of the chieftaincy as well as an image of a most forgiving sufferer. Virtually all the versions have the opening sentence that presents a dramatic picture of a bull attacking unsuspecting mortals. The first 9 lines speaking of the securing of the chieftaincy portray Senzangakhona as one with extraordinary power, effectiveness and bravery. In speaking of his power and effectiveness in lines 3-5 the poet takes remarkable liberties, so to speak: in some other versions it is said that his 'arm is longer' than that of his fathers and 157

168 grandfathers. This is an interesting statement to make in the presence of his father, and shows perhaps to what lengths the imbongi will go to rally people behind the leader. Of course he did not literally rescue the chieftaincy, as it was never in real jeopardy. He was challenging Imbokodo members who were acting so defiantly against the Ingwenyama's subjects that the poet sees their acts as tantamount to usurping the kingship. Through campaigning, and retaliation supported by Prince James, the members of Imbokodo had to flee and abandon the coercive tactics perpetrated from their 'torture centres' - such as `emagezine, or Kwaggafontein Small Industrial Park. Praise poetry, all scholars will agree, is often highly exaggerated. The imbongi attributes the victory over Imbokodo and the KwaNdebele Legislative Assembly to Prince James, whereas it was clear that it was the youth, organised by Timothy Skhosana, who brought the downfall of Imbokodo. After months of terrible intimidation and vicious attacks in the first half of 1985, Timothy decided that something must be done. Pienaar (1991: 212) confirms that it was not Prince James who organised them: Dit het los van die vorstehuis gestaan, en James het inderdaad nooit direk met die jeugdiges beraadslaag nie (It (the youth) stood loose from the royal house, and in fact James never dealt directly with the youth..) With Imbokodo out of the way, the matter of independence would be easy to tackle. Note that the imbongi presents the 'falling over' of independence in the past tense, although the idea was abandoned at the polls only late in Even the 1986 version presents the act as fait accompli. In another interesting version, that of the KwaMhlanga meeting following this one, the poet commands the mountain (of Apartheid?) to fall over since 'all the mountains have fallen over'. Line 11 alludes briefly to his career as member of the KwaNdebele Legislative Assembly. Much more attention is given to his 'dancing' from line 10 to 17. The reference is literally to the fact that he liked to gida with the people whenever there was an opportunity at some or other feast. But there is no reason not to think that the poet uses 158

169 this fact to allude to the value of his public appearances. There is no participation pause between the career motif and the following ones that speak of his 'dancing', suggesting that while he was in parliament he 'danced' so well that all the media reported on his laudable efforts. However, these lines refer in the first place to the very fact that he liked to engage in ukugida and that this was reported in some media so that 'all nations' saw or heard about it. His dancing did make him more popular with his public. His imprisonment is illustrated in the same striking manner, with reference to a personal aspect, namely his perm that will wither in jail. The motifs of James's wounds, a picture of his suffering (lines 22-25), are very important to present James as one who has suffered much for a just cause. The bleeding hands and feet motif becomes a strong Messianic metonym. His long-suffering (26-31) illustrated in the 'they know not what they are doing' motif has the same effect Mabhoko The iimbongo of Ingwenyama Mabhoko (that is David Mabusabesala Mahlangu) occupy a peculiar place in relation to those discussed above. Although he was part of the historic process under discussion, the iimbongo attributed to him are largely those of Mabhoko who lived between the first quarter of 1800 and These iimbongo can be discussed both under contextualisation and recontextualisation. Thus one is able to look at textual references that provide clues to the original context of the text and to show how those references become indexes to qualities deduced from the primary referents. These qualities now become appropriate to other circumstances (recontextualisation). I take the performance at KwaMhlanga on 3/13/88 as the subject of this discussion, since the limbo. ngo performed here were the longest by Sovetjheza on Mabhoko. It must be mentioned that Ingwenyama Mabhoko was not present at this meeting, perhaps because of ill health or for safety's sake. The followers of the Ingwenyama and his sons were entering dangerous terrain, since KwaMhlanga was the political capital of his opponents. 159

170 A large crowd had assembled outside the stadium where the meeting took place. Different groups were singing. Then Sovetjheza's praising interrupted the singing to herald the arrival of dignitaries and the people then moved closer to the microphone. As at all the meetings, except that at Daveyton where only Prince James was praised, Sovetjheza commenced with the iimbongo of Mabhoko. Those of Mkhepule and Rhobongo followed. After this, the Reverend J.J. Mahlangu preached using the plight of the Israelites as parallel to that of the king's people. Then Ingwenyama's elder son, Prince Cornelius, was introduced by means of a praise poem after which he delivered a political address. Before the same procedure was followed for Prince James, the younger son, the candidate for the particular constituency, spoke and promised the people the empty houses of KwaMhlanga. The meeting was officially over after Prince James spoke and the people dispersed instead of whiling the time away with singing, because of the tense situation with the KwaNdebele police and the SA army close by. As repeatedly stated, the iimbongo of Mabhoko of a century ago were an important feature at this and other meetings, firstly because the Ingwenyama is better known as `Mabhoko' than as `Mahlangu'. He was praised as follows: Mabhoko Sindeni umhlab' unethuli Silembe sakosiphiwa Marhagani akosiphiwa Ndlela zimazombe njengobunyonyo nabuyodl' iinyanga zezulu kosontimba. (Musho!) Vuma zo:ke kamagodongo 5 Ongasayikwala ndaba Indaba kapiet wayivuma kafrans. (Musho!) Yayivumela ithini? Ithi n'yawadung' amanzi akonyembezi kuya kwamuka umfundisi Muhlambi odle amahhash' wabamhlophe Udle kafrans wehloli. (Musho!) 10 Siba makhomba Kulapho umakhananda wekhethu aya khona ongasayikutjhiwa ngoba udle amabutho kallongabulana wawadindela ndawonye njengamabibi wezindlela. (Musho!) 160

171 Sigeqe simnyama sabonomagenge Ayisisigeqe sezinkomo wayidl' amadoda 15 Rhotjha limnyama amanye ayakhanya Yekhe ubuyis' ubuyani bembethe inarha Bembeth' umritjhe Bambatha nonghwana-phaphu. (Musho!) Mabhoko yokhe wakhe ngamad' amahlahla 20 Nang' umswaz' ugangile Maphos' umkhonto uzondrwe eswazini Uzondrwe konomswazi. (Musho!) Jozi libomvu izinkwalankwala Jozi libomvu igazi 25 Alisibov' ukugwaz' izinkomo `sibov' ukugwaz' abesuthu Libov' ukugwaz' amaswazi. (Musho!) Qa:tha libomv' izinkwalankwala UMabhoko yitjhirhi njengehlabathi uyesabeka 30 Yikokoda ngelisemazibukweni Ulihlwana bovana ngezamadoda Wadla zakhe uyajabajaba. (Musho!) Nom' amakhuwa angesiza asinaluvalo. Sihlezi singelivimbel' isinyan"ekhethu 35 Isinyan' ekhethu ngusomalungwana UMabhoko osinde mhlazana kunethuli Kwabe kumhlazana kungumzilikazi kamashobana. (Musho!) UMabhoko loyo yisinyane ngelikamagodongo. (Mabhoko Escapee when the earth is dusty (= when there is turmoil) Hoe of Siphiwa Marhagani of Siphiwa Crooked ways like (that of) ants as they go and devour the inyangas of the weather 'at Ntimba's father's place. (Musho!) Agreer to everything of Magodongo 5 Who will not refuse any matter The matter of Piet he agreed to and that of Frans. (Musho!) He agreed to it saying what? He said 'You are making the water murky (= confusing the issue) at the place of tears until (even) the minister left' 161

172 Herd (= warriors) who ate the horses of the whites It ate those of Frans of the spy. (Musho!) 10 Pointing feather (Pointing) to there where our Makhananda went to and no-one confronted him because he ate the warriors of Nongabulana and heaped them up like rubbish alongside the road. (Musho!) Black frontal covering (? isigeqe is archaic) of those of the mother of Magenge It isn't a covering of cow hide who devoured the men 15 Black fearsome man while others are light Kindly bring back the ants (= warriors) to cover the land To cover Mrhitjhe And also cover Nghwana-phaphu. (Musho!) Mabhoko please build with long poles (= defend yourself) 20 (Because) here is the mischievous Mswazi Hurler of the assegai hated in Swaziland He is hated even at Mswazi's mother's place (Musho!) Assegai red with blotches Assegai red with blood 25 It isn't red from stabbing cattle It is red from stabbing Sothos It is red from stabbing Swazis. (Musho!) Hoof red with blotches Mabhoko is grit like sand (in food or between the teeth). He is fearsome 30 He is a slippery stone in the shallow places He is the little red eye in the men's affairs (= one who minds other's matters) He devoured his own (and) he is up and down (= busy). (Musho!) Although the whites may come we are not afraid. We sit (= are relaxed) with the defender, our lion cub 35 Our cub is the father of Malungwana Mabhoko is the one who escaped when there was dust (= turmoil, strife) It was on the day of Mzilikazi of Mashobana. (Musho!) That is Mabhoko it is the cub, it is the one of Magodongo.) Although obscure, there are enough references in these iimbongo to link them to events that occurred roughly between 1820 and Most of these events refer hot to social 162

173 highlights, but to conflicts with other groups. I will briefly describe some of these conflicts as recorded in Van Vuuren (1992: 117 et seq.). The conflict with the Boers is referred to as the first Mapoch War. After Ndzundza had fled (in the first part of 1690) from his older brother Manala, having treacherously taken the symbols of chieftaincy from him, according to oral tradition, the Ndzundza, named after their founder, trekked to kwasimkhulu (Wonderfontein area) and later to kwamaza (Stoffberg area). Shortly after Mabhoko, son of Magodongo, was born here in the early 1820s, the Zulus under Mzilikazi. (line 37) entered the area and almost annihilated the Ndzundza (Van Vuuren 1992: 121). Shortly after Mabh6ko was requested to take up the regency over the tribe (because all his brothers were killed in attacks), he moved to Konomtjharhelo (Roossenekal area). Here he encountered Boer Trekkers in On many an occasion he raided their stock (line 8). But there were clashes with other groups as well. On 25 March 1863 Mabhoko attacked, with the help.of Maleo (Tswana?), some Pedi homesteads (lines 11, 17, 18, 26) killing many people and taking cattle (Van Jaarsveld 1985: 98). The Pedi retaliated but could not penetrate the main Ndebele homestead at ERholweni. In October 1863 Mabhoko attacked the lager of Commandant L.H.P. Steyn. The latter launched a counter-attack and when a Pedi contingent unexpectedly arrived at their laager and offered them assistance, an attack was made on ERholweni, but both forces had to abandon the attack and flee. Attacks by Swazis were also successfully warded off (lines 20, 27). As mentioned before, the praises attributed to Mabusabesala are mostly those of Mabhoko. I would now like to tit and identify references that could possibly be attributed to Mabusabesala himself, and my source will be other performances as well as the lin:bongo of Mabhoko as performed by other performers, performers such as Prince Cornelius, who often engaged in praising before he spoke, and Solly. At the Vosloorus meeting Sovetjheza ended his performance with the following line: Wumqalwa wangemihla solo bamthoma kwababazwa bemqala nanamhlanje basamqalile. 163

174 (He is the one who is provoked daily, since they have provoked him. Surprise was expressed as he is being provoked. Even today they are still provoking him.) The motif of Mabhoko 'still being provoked today' fits well into the circumstances that prevailed for the period under discussion. Prince Cornelius often praised Mabhoko before he spoke and his performance invariably includes the 'provoke' motif. At the Vosloonis meeting he praised Mabhoko as follows:...bathi nangu nangu namhla ngusuye Lirhotjha elimnyama amany' ayakhanya Bath' umabhoko kaqali muntu Uqala kwabaqalayo 5 Ubhodela amatje ngengubo Onehiwana elibomvana anjengelamadoda Ungadla zakhe wajabajaba. (Much exitement among the croud.) Bathi madoda gijimani ngazo zoke izindlela Niyok'tjel' amadoda `lcuthi kwamabhoko akusavalwa ngeemvalo 10 Kuvalwa ngamakhanda wamadoda. (Much cheering, as result the next line is inaudible.) udlule ngayizolo Athathe umsuthu agudiwe. Bayethe! (Bayethe!) (. they say here he is, here he is. today it is still he It is the fearsome man while others are light They say Mabhoko does not provoke any person He provokes those who provoke 5 He hides stones in his garment Who has a red little eye like that of men He can devour his (own matters) and be up and down (= busy with others). (Much excitement among the crowd.) They say men run along all the paths Go and tell the men that at Mabhoko's place they don't close with doors 10 They close with the heads of men. (Much cheering; as a result the next line is inaudible.)... he passed yesterday And took the Sotho boy who was shorn (= ready for initiation) 164

175 Bayethe! (Bayethe!)) As it is presented here, the provoke motif (line 3, 4) is integrated into motifs that are very old. This is easily proved by comparing them with Fourie's rendering (1921) of Mabhoko's iimbongo. All but the provoke motif occurs in Fourie's record. But it was at the Nyabela Day ceremony 19/12/88 that Prince Cornelius took the most liberties and loaded his iimbongo of Mabhoko with quite a few fresh political references. Before he delivered his very short message from the Ingwenyama he praised as follows: Bayethe! (Bayethe!) Wena Mabhoko Sindeni Namhla kunethuli Bathi nangu nangu 5 Namhla lingasuye Lirhotj' elimnyama liyakhanya Bathi Mabhoko kathomi mundu Uthoma abamthomako. (Subdued deferential response, a few women kwakwazela.) Bathi gijimani ngazo zoke izindlela 10 Niyothi kwamabhoko akusavalwa ngeevalo Kuvalwa ngamakhanda amadoda. (A few women respond: Icwa::-Iava-kwa-kwa-lava-kwa-kwa) Bathi izulu lidume ngayizolo Lathath' umsuthu agudiwe. (A few women respond: lava::-icwa-kwa-kwa-kwa-kwa-kwa) Bathi MaNdebele gijimani ngeendlela zoke 15 Niyok'bikela ubotha Ukuthi umajozi uluzile. (Great resonse by all in the clapping of hands.) Bathi MaNdebele, gijimani ngazo zoke izindlela Niyok'thokoz' uramodike Undunankulu waselebowa (Cheering starts before close of the paragraph and almost drowns the next line:) 20 Nithi usebenzile. Bayethe! (Bayethe!) Bayethe! (Bayethe!) Bayethe! 165

176 (Bayethe!) Wena owadl' amadoda! (Bayethe! (Bayethe!) You Mabhoko Sindeni Today it is dusty They say here he is, here he is 5 Today it is still he The dark fearsome man is radiant/ shines They say Mabhoko does not provoke any person He provokes those who provoke him. (Subdued deferent response, a few women kwalavazela.) They say run ye along all the paths 10 Go and say at Mabhoko's place it is not being closed with gates anymore (= men' are not using the gates to lock up) It is being closed with the heads of men. (A few women respond: kwa:: kwa kwa lava kwa kwa kwa) They say it thundered yesterday It took the Sotho who was shaven ( passed through initiation). (A few women respond: kwa:: lava lava kwa lava lava lava) They say Ndebele people run along all the paths 15 Go and report to Botha That Majozi has lost. (Great resins by all in the clapping of hands.) They say Ndebele people, run ye along all the paths Go and thank Ramodike Chief Minister of Lebowa (Cheering starts before close of the paragraph and almost drowns the next line:) 20 Say: you have worked (= done a good job). Bayethe! (Bayethe!) Bayethe! (Bayethe!) Bayethe! (Bayethe!) You who devour the men!) Almost at every turn Prince Cornelius makes the poem relevant to circumstances prevailing at the time. The normal 'on the day it is dusty' becomes 'today it is dusty' ( today there is strife/turmoil). As if quoting sources, he often says 'They say...' The 166

177 copulative demonstrative (nangu) links the three old motifs that follow to the present Ingwenyama before he comes to the clearest contemporary political reference by mentioning the name of a prominent politician of the time. Ramodike, who succeeded. Chief Minister Phathudi of the former Northern Sotho homeland, was much more vociferous in rejecting Botha's plan. At the Vosloorus meeting Solly also included contemporary motifs in his rendering of Mabhoko's praises. He praised him just before his speech as follows: Ngwenyama Mabhoko Sindeni umhlab' onethuli Langa eliphezulu 5 Elishis' amabele Wekhuthani namavilakazi Madoda gijimani ngazo zoke izindlela nibatjele kwamhlanga Nithi: Ingwenyama ayivinjelwa iinyanyapha (?) (Ngwenyama Mabhoko Escapee (when) the earth is dusty Sun above 5 That scorches the sorghum Of the diligent and lazy ones Men, run along all the paths and tell them at KwaMhlanga Say: the Ingwenyama is not averted by evildoers (?).) The clearest reference to contemporary circumstances is that of KwaMhlanga and what follows it - KwaMhlanga was Majozi's headquarters where the iinyanyapha resided. The sun motif doesn't occur in any other version and is probably Solly's own creation Nyabela After Mabhoko, the chief praised most was Mkhephule, who was praised 8 times, and after him came Nyabela who was praised 6 times. Like those of Mabhoko, Nyabela's praises are useful in illustrating contextualisation (and recontextualisation) since they 167

178 allude to interesting events, and moreover, these have something to say for the period under discussion. The longest praises for Nyabela were recorded at Soshanguve and at ERholweni. At both places Sovetjheza praised in this order: Mabhoko, Mlchephule, Rhobongo, Nyabela. I select for analysis those performed at the Nyabela Day festivities to illustrate the contextual references. (How these are applied to a contemporary context is explained in the next section.) Gija Mphezeni kamabho::: Khozana lekhethu Elahlutha labaleka Layokungena ngerholweni. 5 Ngoba lahlutha ikukhu nabantwana Lokhu lahluth' umampuru nabantwana Layokungena naye ngerholweni. (Musho!) Nyabela mlwayedwa Onganamlweli 10 Silwa neenkunzi eentathu Zimbili uzibulale Usale usilwa nayinye. (Musho!) Ngoba waye wadi' urose Wadla nosenekala 15 Wasal' asilwa nopiet Joubert. (Musho!) Ibhodle yaduma ingwenya Ibhodle kelisetshwana Yabhodla yathath' unyabela Yayongena naye phakathi kwabopiet nabopewula. (Musho!) 20 Ngumhlanganiselwa wekhethu kamabhoko Ebamhlanganisela ngemidlolobondo Bathi ikomo fana soyiband' amarhawu Ongayakubanda rhawu Uyakubanda entanyeni. (Musho!) 25 Ikhuphakhupha lezinkani Intente lezinkani Kubodadewabo, kubonomadlowu. (Crowd has become rowdy.) Thukuthela Gija 168

179 Zemukil' Unicorn 30 Ezinamathole (Crowd is cheering loudly.) Zabodadewethu (Crowd is cheering loudly.) ZabonoMadlowu (Crowd is cheering loudly.) Inyama yengwe yembuzi yakwagobha Ungayibon' ukunona 35 Iyakwehla kazim' emphinjeni wendoda. (Musho!) UGija yindiling' eyesabeka. Lithumba lingadl' likamabhoko Ihlamba lingasayilaidr elikamabhoko USomthjongweni. (Musho!) 40 Inkakha ngeyekhethu kamabhoko Ngeyal' ukufa namabala Ezinye izinkakha zibe zifa Zibe zifa namabala. (Musho!) Bayethe kos'! (Bayethe!) 45 Bayethe! (Bayethe!) Ndabezitha! (Ndabezitha!) (Gija Mphezeni of Mabho::: Our little eagle That plucked away and fled And went into Rholweni. 5 Because it plucked away the chicken with the chicks Since it plucked away Mampuru and (his) children And went with him into Rholweni. (Musho!) Nyabela lone fighter Who doesn't have one who fights for him 10 Fighter (fighting with) three bulls Two he killed He was left fighting with one (Musho!) Because he eventually consumed Roos And he consumed Senekal 15 And was left fighting with Piet Joubert. (Musho!) 169

180 The crocodile roared and thundered It roared from Pretoria It roared and took Nyabela It went with him in the midst of Piet and Paul. (Musho!) 20 Besieged one of Mabhoko As they besieged him with cannons They said the cow, we will chop it at the sinews (? amarhawu is archaic) He who doesn't chop any sinew Will chop at the neck. (Musho!) 25 Remover of obstinate ones (= he is the obstinate of the obstinate ones) The first (? Entente is archaic) among the obstinate Among the sisters, those of the mother of Madlowu. (Crowd has become rowdy.) Get enraged Gija The cattle have gone 30 Those with calves (Crowd is cheering loudly.) Those of the sisters (Crowd is cheering loudly.) Those of the mother of Madlowu (Crowd is cheering loudly.) Meat of a leopard of a goat of the place of Gobha You don't see it getting fat 35 It goes down the throat of a man severely. (Musho!) Gija the round fearsome stone. The intestine that doesn't eat, the one of Mabhoko The lean one that won't eat anymore, the one of Mabhoko The father of Mthjongweni. (Musho!) 40 Our brave one of Mabhoko It is the one who truly refused to die Other brave ones have died They have truly died. (Musho!) Bayethe (= royal salute) o chief! (Bayethe!) 45 Bayethe! (Bayethe!) Ndabezitha!.(= royal address) (Ndabezitha!)) The most decisive time for the Ndzundza-Ndebele came with the regency of Nyabela who came into conflict with the Z.A.R. because of land issues, but more decisively because he 170

181 gave asylum to Mampuru (lines 6, 7). Mampuru murdered his brother Sekhukhune on 13/8/1882 because the latter had taken the chieftaincy. Sovetjheza's image of the eagle shows that the 'plucking away' (of Mampuru) was not only swift, but also irreversible, as will be shown later. When a commando under the leadership of General Piet Joubert gathered near Nyabela's homestead at erholweni, Nyabela took 946 oxen from it. In the process of retrieving the cattle a number of Nyabela's warriors were killed. This incident was the beginning of the second Mapoch war (Van Jaarsveld 1985: 209) alluded to in lines The aspect about the war the imbongi seeks to emphasise is how Nyabela fought alone against 'three bulls'. It was indeed remarkable that Nyabela could hold off an enemy with superior weapons. However, there were casualties. Commander Senekal (14) was shot as he was inspecting the charge of dynamite set in one of the Ndzundza hideouts. Veldkornet Roos (13) died in the same way (Pienaar 1991: 12). And so Nyabela was 'left fighting with Piet Joubert' (15). Nyabela had to suffer the ravages of war - he was besieged (20) for about 8 months, during which Nyabela. stubbornly (25-27) held out to the bitter end. The Ndzundza had to surrender not only Mampuru, but themselves as well after they had been starved out of their stronghold - crops were burnt and livestock was taken (28-32). On more than one occasion Nyabela sent envoys to negotiate peace. He was told that this could only happen when Mampuru was brought out, but Nyabela refused to the bitter end. Nyabela's stubbornness undoubtedly refers to this refusal and to many other incidents when he refused to speak to white delegations. In fact, Van Jaarsveld (1985: 208) sees Nyabela's constant refusal to meet the so-called Location Committee as one of the causes of the war. With regard to the outcome of the conflict, Sovetjheza wants to highlight the fact that despite the 'roaring of the crocodile' (16) and falling into the hands of Piet Joubert and Paul Kruger (19), Nyabela refused to die (41) because he survived imprisonment. As is well known, Mampuru was hanged. The outcome of the war was devastating and far-reaching for the Ndzundza- Ndebele and for the Ndebele as a whole. KoNomtjharhelo (erholweni) was divided among the Boer commandos who took part in the war and the Ndzundza were prohibited 171

182 from occupying the area. Families were indentured for five years on Boer farms to provide labour. The 1883 war was also the cause of the amandebele not being eligible for the allocation of land by way of the Native Land Act of 1913 (Mare n.d. 56). No doubt, these events eventually determined how the independence issue has turned out in KwaNdebele: these events caused the delaying of politicauconstitutional development of the Ndebele peoples to a point in history where independence was no longer acceptable to the leaders. 4.3 Recontextualisation Mabhoko It should be clear when looking at the content of Mabhoko's iimbongo that the imbongi's function is not to provide a summary, let alone a systematic exposition, of the history of the person under discussion. If the imbongi was interested in history he would have commenced with mentioning how Mzilikazi almost annihilated the Ndebele (between 1821 and 1822) when Mabhoko was still young and had not yet come to power. Instead, the imbongi ends his poem with the Mzilikazi motif. Many of the Ndebele names (Siphiwa, Ntimba, etc.) do not occur in history texts, and therefore it is difficult to show exactly how they fit into the history of the period. Even the European names (Piet, Frans) are given in an obscure fashion, that is, without the surnames, so that we are not sure who these people are. We only know that the Volksraad of the ZAR (Zuid-Afrikaanse Republiek) decided in 1849 that a certain Frans Joubert would be leader of a contingent to go and punish Mabhoko for constant cattle theft (Van Jaarsveld 1985: 39, 41), but this fact does not seem to fit the motif indaba kapiet wayivuma kafrans' - the matter of Piet he agreed to and that of Frans (line 6). This and subsequent lines must refer to something else. Having looked at how the imbongi presents entities relating to history, we can safely say that although the references point to the time of Mabhoko, they are not meant to 'state the facts'. Rather, the references are meant to portray personal qualities and to invoke certain sentiments. Recontextualisation is made possible in this way. Sentiments derive from 172

183 praiseworthy human qualities, and in keeping with one of the main functions of iimbongo, namely to enhance the subject's image, the imbongi wishes to present these' to the audience so as to set him up as a worthy person to win their support. Let us examine these qualities. In an analysis of the praises of Prince James, the younger son of the Ingwenyama, it was shown (Groenewald 1996) that the imbongi Sovetjheza opens the iimbongo with a powerful image of victory/overcoming. The same is true of the iimbongo of Mabhoko. The first line, the standard opening line for Mabhoko, is an image of victory over, not only adverse circumstances when he wasyoung and had little control over events, but probably also over all his foes. after he became regent. It could be said that unrest - umhlab' unethuh - characterised the life of Mabhoko. He was the only one among the princes to survive an attack by a Sotho group (Van Vuuren 1992: 123) roughly between 1831 and Unrest was likewise a ubiquitous feature in the life of the late Mabhoko (i.e. - Mabusabesala). As the poem progresses we see that the imbongi attributes to him victories over iinyanga zezulu kosobilimba (line 3); over the whites (8) as he raided their horses; over the warriors of a Sotho leader named Nongabulana in isindebele (11, 12); over Mrhitjhe and Nghwana-phaphu (17, 18); over the Swazis (20 et seq.); and over Mzilikazi (37). 'Victory' means that he both attacked these groups and defended himself successfully against them when they retaliated thanks to his strategic ability in building a defence system - see line 19: `Mabhoko yokhe wakhe ngamad' amahlahla' - Mabhoko you must build with long poles. This refers to his fortress at the impenetrable caves at erholweni, known today as the Mapoch Caves, near Roossenekal. Mabhoko's contemporary defence system was probably the youth that rallied around the ikosi. Closely akin to the motifs of victory are those motifs showing Mabhoko's uniqueness or excellence - Mabhoko is able to overcome because of his inherent qualities. Mabhoko is portrayed as silembe of Siphiwa (2), the pointing feather(s) (10). He is also the black frontal covering (13). Black or dark (15) here must be linked to the idea of fearsomness, like that of a dark diviner. Mabhoko is also portrayed as someone to be reckoned with, a 173

184 fearsome contender. We see this in a few lines: in line 29 he is spoken of as an irritant and as someone fearsome, and in line 30 he is seen as a slippery stone. The lines speaking of Mabhoko's agreement with the Boer Generals (line 4 et seq.) may, at first glance, seem like censure from the imbongi. These lines may, however, refer to another necessary quality Mabhoko needed to survive these times, namely deceit, or better still, shrewd diplomacy. Mabhoko is portrayed here with benign sarcasm as one who agrees on all matters (line 4), only to 'agree' (read: contend) that these people confuse Matters (disturb the peace?). This is an obscure portion of the praise poem and requires clarification, if it is indeed possible to clarify it. It is possible that this portion pertains to land claims. After White settlers came into the area in 1845 they made a deal with Mswati in 1846 and consequently measured out farms for themselves. Since they saw Mabhoko as Mswati's subject, they took farms where they wanted in Mabhoko's territory. In fact one of the farms even included Mabhoko's main homestead (Van Jaarsveld op. cit.: 50). The farmers then demanded Payment from Mabhoko for living on 'their land', which he refused. When Mabhoko inquired about obtaining the land he was living on, he was told by magistrate C. Potgieter that he would have to buy it since it was bought from Mswati. Mabhoko was eventually given land and he agreed to pay the required tax for land he had first occupied. Mabhoko did not pay the tax, continued to take cattle, and in 1860 declared the Ndzundza independent of the ZAR (Van Jaarsveld op. cii.: 73). Needless to say, this led to the hostile situation between 1861 and A parallel situation prevailed a hundred years later. Mabhoko's authority was challenged by the SA Government and by Majozi and his Imbokodo, and Mabhoko and his followers were often in real physical danger in this period of unrest. It should be clear that the figures (and events connected to them) mentioned in these iimbongo, some of whom are unmistakably historical figures, were not part of the political scene of Justification for the use of the iimbongo of Mabhoko, who lived between 1820 and 1865, in a contemporary political context, relies on two issues: a) limbongo themselves are very popular with audiences, and their performance has the 174

185 power to sway the attitudes of the hearers. In all of the performances the iimbongo of all the amakhosi, and especially those of Mabhoko, were received with great reverence. Such an audience could hardly reject the pleas of those who aligned themselves with these iimbongo. b) The motifs in his iimbongo refer to qualities desperately needed for the new threat in the perpetually precarious circumstances of the Ndebele. The odds against the lkosi 's house were, after all, the same as those more than a hundred years ago: in the trying times of the 80s the chief's house had to contend with forces who not only outnumbered them, but who also comprised a combined force, as was the case about a hundred years ago. The only difference was that the 'Boer commando' of the 1980s tried to use their own people against them. (Not that this really is substantially different, since the Boer commandos a hundred years earlier used Sothos and Swazis against the Ndzundza.) But the adversaries did not succeed. No wonder the imbongi ends his poem with the confidence he is renowned for: Nom' amakhuwa angesiza isinaluvalo Sihlezi singelivimbel' isinyan"ekhethu Isinyan' ekhethu ngusomalungwana UMabhoko osinde mhlazana kunethuli Yabe kumhlazana kungumzilikazi kamashobana. (Musho!) UMabhoko loyo yisinyane ngelikamagodongo. (Although the whites may come we are not afraid. We sit (= are relaxed) with the defender, our lion cub Our cub is the father of Malungwana Mabhoko is the one who escaped when there was dust (= turmoil, strife) It was on the day of Mzilikazi of Mashobana. (Musho!) That is Mabhoko, it is the cub, it is the one of Magodongo.) Nya bela In the praises of Nyabela there are also the kind of motifs that make the praises useful as means to encourage people by holding before them a figure who is worthy to emulate. 175

186 Like most chiefs/regents, Nyabela first of all created a place of security so as to ensure the existence of the tribe. In some way or another all the Ndebele leaders have tried to do this. The main spokesmen for the Ingonyama 's house saw their security in the maintaining of the chieftaincy at Kwasimuyembiwa (or ekosini) and the fulfilment of its wishes. But even more palpable than this aspect was Nyabela's fighting spirit. Other tribes in the vicinity did not come to his assistance (partly because some of them had already been overpowered) and so he had to fight alone (line 8). Just as in Nyabela's day the present leaders were fighting against mighty 'bulls' (10), namely the S.A Government of the 80s and against the equally dangerous Majozi. Against these forces the leaders felt besieged as Nyabela was (20): in their speeches the princes on occasion mentioned how they were held up at roadblocks, and there was also the order of restriction against the Ingwenyama. Judging from how these leaders delivered their speeches and the forceful statements made, it was clear to me that they did not lack determination, and, indeed, they possessed the stubbornness of Nyabela. It was unthinkable that they were going to give up. It should be clear that although the historical events of the mid-1800s were vastly different to contemporary ones, the Ndebele found themselves once again under threat. The iimbongo of Nyabela provided the speakers and the audience with a model to cope with these adverse circumstances. 4.4 Conclusion Political circumstances that had to do with the gaining of power over a group by the central government created subversive sentiments and actions in those who were subjugated. In an effort to counteract this subjugation, the royalists utilised cultural resources, such as the performance of praise poetry, to achieve the goal of gaining power for themselves. Iimbongo were used to entertain people, to introduce leaders, or to put it differently, to mediate their own performances (i.e. the presenting of their speeches, etc.). More importantly, iimbongo were used to adequately present the subject so as to enhance 176

187 his acceptance by the audience. In constituting the subject, as it were, the audience was sensitised to their efforts and exploits on behalf of the people. Personal details, and especially acts intimating bravery, conquest, and unjust suffering, were put across. These exploits were meant to lead to meaningful action, namely to vote for the person with the right ideas, ideas aligned to those of the Ingwenyatna. The imbongi takes an important place in this process: the way in which he performs has to bring about the desired change. Hisperformance, however, will not have that effect if he is not supported by the audience. The fact that the imbongi's intention is not primarily to inform can also be seen in the way `facts' are presented - incidents are invariably referred to and not detailed. They are referred to in the most obscure and oblique way so as to heighten interest in them. Often incidents/attributes/details that do not seem relevant to the context are preferred above others. Even ostensibly harmful references are harnessed in such a way so as to present the subject in the best light. The details about the subjects presented were probably more interesting to the audience because the subjects praised were part of the prevailing circumstances. It made no difference that most of the subjects praised at the performandes were part of history and not part of the immediate experience of the audiences. limbongo bring their images vividly before the audience. The motifs in their poetry - for instance, the motifs of suffering and victory of Nyabela - adequately stir up their sentiments. We now turn to issues of language use to show how these enhance the subjects of the iimbongo. 177

188 Chapter 5 Entextualisation As shown in chapter 3, the relatively autonomous nature of artistic language use makes it possible to treat verbal art as 'self-contained, bounded objects separable from their social and cultural contexts of production and reception'. Bauman and Briggs (1990: 72) call this process entextualisation. Artistic language use, whether written or orally composed/ performed, foregrounds itself and not historical fact, as was evident when functions were dealt with. Artistic language use enhances the themes through which subjects are described, but does not testify to their veracity. Apart from the performing aspect and the action motifs of iimbongo, which are powerful means of communication in themselves, artistic language use adds yet more power to the process of communicating with audiences. 5.1 Approaches to poetic language Since praise poetry is, next to folktales, the most intensively studied art form among Africanists in southern Africa, the overview that follows will not be exhaustive. In stark contrast to early observers who found nothing in African poetry that merited the label poetry (see a short summary of these sentiments in Von Staden 1975), keener, less myopic observers and scholars have taken great interest in the peculiar poetic aspects of African poetry, especially that of praise poetry. At least five approaches have manifested themselves in the analysis of the language of praise poetry: the literary/aesthetic view the linguistic view the orality view the anthropological, and the political view. 178

189 Understandably, there are overlaps between these. Scholars of aesthetics have to make use of linguistic categories to evaluate phenomena, while linguistic scholars do make observations of an aesthetic nature, and so on Literary/aesthetic views In the context of iimbongo, 'aesthetic' does not always imply the seeking of literary merit. Most of the time scholars are describing literary features, often with the view of finding the features that distinguish izibongo from other forms. An early aesthetic view is that of B.W. Vilakazi. His aesthetic view is palpable from the following words (1993: 73): In looking at primitive Zulu poetry I do not hold metrical composition to be per se poetical. I concentrate more on the spiritual content, and not so much on the technique of poetry. Metrical composition, of course, gives to poetry a complete realisation of adequate expression, and therefore some form of rhythm and outward decoration has to be found. After all, poetry is art. And the end of art is to create or to reveal beauty. Relying on how an informant would slowly recite the written text, Vilakazi sees the poetic line as a breath group of words. For Vilakazi (op. cat: 58) the text was still the real thing and spontaneous performance a hindrance: But if he [the poet] is allowed to be carried away by emotion and ecstasy, he may take two short verses in one breath and thus confuse accurate scanning. `Accurate scanning' revealed to Vilakazi that each line consisted of two rhythmic units, which he calls poetic bars, divided by a caesura. Invariably he finds that most poetic bars have two main stresses, thus `... Nguni poetry will range between trochaic and iambic metres...' (op. cit: 63). Fortunately, not many scholars have sought the uniqueness of iimbongo in European features such as metre. In fact, scholars have realised that metre, end rhyme, and other typical European verse features, are of little importance in sub- Saharan praise poetry. 179

190 Russian Formalism has been an attractive model for scholars in South Africa. The first intensive study of this nature was by P.S. Groenewald (1966) who systematised the poetic features of oral and written verse in Northern Sotho according to two categories: linguistic units and 'verse-technical' units. Under the former falls the primary language symbols (word, word group, and sentence), while the latter yields the verse segment, verse line, stanza, the complete poem, and the cycle (op. cit: 4). The Formalist scholar Roman Jakobson (1966: 399) accepts the view of Hopkins who stated the following more than a hundred and thirty years ago: The artificial part of poetry... reduces itself to the principle of parallelism. The structure of poetry is that of continuous parallelism... In other words, the distinguishing procedure of poetry is equation (or equivalence or parallelism): a syllable, or word, etc., matches another in some way. Groenewald, however, prefers Stutterheim's view that verse is constituted by co-ordination (op. cit: 9) since words, etc., are not simply repeated. Similar patterns are fitted into similar linguistic units (ibid.). Similar patterns will include co-ordinations of phonemes (and phonetic features such as length and tone), roots/stems, words, groups of words, and repetitions of grammatical structure on the sentence level. Groenewald identifies countless configurations of repetition on these different levels. An influential and well-balanced aesthetic view emanates from Cope's study and anthology of Zulu praise poetry (1968). He regarded imagery as the essence of poetry, the effectiveness of which 'is greatly increased by the judicious use of repetition' (op. cit.: 39). Apart from discussing repetition (especially parallelism), linguistic features are also treated. His exposition of stanza forms is well-known. D.P. Kunene's study on Basotho praise poetry (1971) is well-known for its development of the concept eulogue. Eulogues, corresponding to formulas and formulaic expressions in other studies, are the metaphors describing the hero. After providing an elaborate classification of eulogues, he discusses a larger unit, namely the paragraph, a term he prefers to Cope's stanza, a term not very accordant with African oral material. His 180

191 treatment of parallelism is less gratifying than Cope's since his categories combine too many aspects and overlap too much. He distinguishes, for instance, parallelism of thought through repetition of words and phrases, parallelism of grammatical structure through repetition of syntactical slots, etc. The other study on Southern Sotho praise poetry, that by Damane and Sanders (1974), treats the material in much the same way as Cope and Kunene. In their study of Shona praise poetry, Hodza and Fortune (1979) distinguish a unit they call the verse consisting of a few lines, but smaller than the stanza. Of particular interest and highly acceptable is their demarcation of the line according to actual performance, namely according to the occurrence of length and falling tone on the final syllable. In her rich study Gunner (1984) treats a host of features in the three chapters she devotes to language use in Zulu izibongo. Apart from mentioning well-known techniques she also describes techniques such as expansion, allusion, formulas, direct address, direct speech, and other features Linguistic views Most of the pioneering academics in the African languages were linguists; it is not surprising that they too have advanced the poetics of praise poetry. Few studies have been characterised by logical scientific procedures such as that by Van Wyk (1975) in his contemplation of the foundations of Bantu poetry. His study was motivated by the problem: What are the distinguishing features of Bantu poetry, or, as he himself states the problem: What is the difference between Bantu poetry and prose (op. cit.: 15)? His hypothesis is that the distinguishing features are mainly configurations of linguistic elements. He further hypothesises that the essential features (as opposed to the coincidental/incidental or non-essential features) consist of two types of disjunctive features. (Disjunctive, as opposed to conjunctive, etc., means that at least one of the series 181

192 always occurs so as to constitute verse. Van Wyk identifies 5 types of theoretical features or 'series') According to him Bantu verse is characterised by a symmetrical organisation of rhythm and content (content stands for lexical, morphological and syntactic features); this is complemented by phonological systematising (repetition of sounds, rhyme) and/or peculiar grammar. The hypothesis implies that repetitions must occur in certain rhythmical units. Because of the absence of phonological emphasis in the African languages, rhythmical.units are not `feet' as in English. A rhythmical unit (= a number of syllables) is demarcated by syllabic length (on penultimate syllables of syntactical units such as phrases and sentences). So, to create rhythmical units, a poet or reciter has to produce syntactical units that contain more or less the same number of syllables. In this way rhythmic units are brought into symmetry with each other. Occurring within such units one. finds certain phonological, lexical, semantic-grammatical, and syntactic configurations, as well as peculiar grammar. Van Wyk rightly observes (op. cit.: 21) that in practice semantic and grammatical organisation coincide. He shows that if a poet wants to create symmetry using, for instance, synonyms, this usually happens within certain grammatical categories. Lexical organisation, typical for the African languages, according to Van Wyk (op. cit.: 23), implies the repetition of stems, words, or groups of words. The well-known technique of linking is considered here. In his 1975 paper Von Staden gave an exposition of linking in izibongo regarding linking as a 'more general form of parallelism' (p. 172). Subsequently, students of Van Wyk have applied these principles to texts. Kock (1982) offers probably the most elaborate application yielding a painstaking exposition of diverse permutations of repetitions. Cope, Van Wyk, and Nkabinde (1976) share the common desire to find out how poetry differs from prose. 182

193 5.1.3 Orality The well-known and well-established field of Orality Studies stems from the work of Milman Parry and Albert Lord. Almost all the South African studies are based on the Oral-formulaic theory (or the Singer theory). Subsequent specialisations, such as the views of Walter Ong, have been reflected in folktales (Makgamatha 1990). Kaschula (1991) also devotes a lengthy chapter to it in his study on Xhosa praise poetry. Parry and Lord studied a living oral culture, namely the Serbian singers in Yugoslavia, in order to ascertain the form the poetry of illiterates takes and to confirm that the Homeric epics were orally composed. In the same way Opland (1973: iv) wants to define the Xhosa tradition 'to modify the current conception of the Anglo-Saxon poet and his tradition'. Of interest are the 'units' used to describe oral poetry, or rather, the units oral poets employ to compose during performance. These are termed formulas and are repeated groups of words 'employed under the same metrical conditions to express a given essential idea' (op. cit.: 3). When these formulas are modified by substitution they are called formulaic expressions (the same as certain parallelisms). Themes or topics are repeated incidents such as assembly, debate, battle, and journey. In trying to define the oral nature of the Xhosa tradition Opland (op. Mt.: 66) found that he could not define it as simply 'oral', meaning, in Lord's terms, to compose during performance. In the contemporary Xhosa tradition he found that there were those who a) have memorised a few poems; then there were ordinary folk who b) could compose on the inspiration of the moment. The imbongi is the poet who c) could, to a large extent, compose in performance. The last category comprises poets who, probably in addition to possessing some of the abilities mentioned, d) write poetry. At least three scholars have taken up the formulaic theory to apply it to different traditions. All of these scholars found it necessary to adapt the definition of the formula because the metrical condition obviously does not suit the African languages. Swanepoel (1983) provides a rigorous application to Southern Sotho in the praise poetry performed for Griffith, a Mosotho chief who ruled between 1913 and 1939 and he looks for those 183

194 repeated/similar words and groups of words linked to specific themes. Gunner (1990), on the other hand, wants to evaluate the importance of the formula and tests Finnegan's view that African and other oral poetry 'often make use of conventional themes rather than formulae' (op. cit.": 185). She prefers to work with flexible formulae of the following types: those using figurative linguage; those with a dominant idea; those with marked balance and contrast; and those with marked alliteration or assonance (op. cit.: 189). For Gunner the formula is not only a mnemonic device - an aid to composition - it also serves as a devide to work creatively with language. In Gunner's metaphor it is both walking stick and wand. Mkhize's study (1989) is an application of the theory yielding structural formulas (parallelism, etc.) and phrase formulas (borrowed adaptations from earlier izibongo) in the izibongo of King Zwelithini. Gough (1990), like Gunner, raises questions about the concept formula showing that formulas are not the exclusive property of poetry. Like other scholars he had to work with an adapted concept and he shows that problems in application can be avoided when one allows for degrees of fixity or variability, and for the fact that formulas may differ according to the function of a specific text Anthropological views What can almost be called a revolution within the wide field of Anthropology, was the development of the Anthropology of speaking as pioneered by Dell Hymes (1962). MacAllister (1986) applied this approach in his study of Xhosa beer drinks. Of interest to me is the Performance Approach and how it treats language use. Little attention has been given to this matter in theoretical texts. But this is perhaps because language use is seen as part of a greater process. In the first formal exposition of the approach, Bauman (1978) mentions the so-called keys of performance. These are features that help to constitute a performance. The features mentioned are: special codes, figurative language, parallelism, special paralinguistic features, special formulae, appeal to tradition, and disclaimer of performance (language aspects are in bold type). Subsequently, the concept of entextualisation (see chapter 1, p. 38) serves as a theoretical 184

195 justification for considering language use relatively autonomously. Bauman and Briggs (1990) concisely outline inquiry into the process of entextualisation as follows: The task is to discover empirically what means are available in a given social setting, to whom they may be available, under what circumstances, for making discourse into a text. Praise poetry is typically what Bauman and Briggs (op. cit.: 74) call full performance as opposed to, say, 'a fleeting breakthrough into performance'. In a so-called 'full performance' the 'most marked entextualization' occurs, making praise poetry an interesting case study for the concept of entextualisation. Closely related to the anthropological approach of performance is the politics of verbal art, an area of research that is a little older than the performance approach - it has been pursued since the sixties, according to Parkin (1984). It considers power relations, an area not systematically treated by the performance approach. With regard to language use, this approach is interested in how different kinds of oratory and its devices (figures of speech, etc.) are used to sensitise people, to convince them, to persuade them to act so as to bring about changes. When Apter (1978) applies Comaroff's indigenous incumbency model to Tswana, Zulu, and Xhosa praise poetry, he scrutinises the praise poems for the norms of leadership, and these obviously differ for the three traditions he studies. If Apter errs in the finer details of the content of the praises he studies, White's (1982) fundamentals, are, in my view, reductive; for him iimbongo... are not important, in the last resort, as a form of entertainment, an opportunity for the demonstration of skills in performance: they are the annals of the ruling group. Issues of power will, of course, draw to itself issues relating to gender and marginality, as can be seen in the study by Gunner (1995). 185

196 5.1.5 Evaluation and synthesis The concept formula is problematic when applied to Ndebele iimbongo since phrases are not repeated as regularly as one would expect, and naturally not under the same metrical conditions - the Ndebele poems are relatively short, and metre is out of the question. One would have to reinterpret the concept, as most South African scholars have done. The term is clearly less open to the pervasive creative trend in praise poetry. However, eminent scholars have made fruitful use of it; see Gunner (1984: 269 et. seq.). The term theme or an equivalent such as motif is useful to refer to items of content such as actions. The concept eulogue is rather wide and may blur the finer nuances of praise poetry, particularly the numerous linguistic devices. Since the Ndebele material featured in performances, in the context of an election, it cannot but be studied from a performance and a political angle. In addition to this, when looking at language use, specific literary devices will have to be identified; this is where the literary and linguistic approaches are relevant. But what linguistically based analysis has ignored, namely imagery, will have to be supplied by the literary view. It was Cope (1968: 39) who maintained that imagery remains central to praise poetry. Conversely, some of the features that have been identified in literary and linguistic scrutinies, as they focused on the written word, will have to be questioned. (See for instance Vilakazi's notion of the breath group.) Both Groenewald and Van Wyk found that many of the lines they worked with consisted of two membra as a result of a caesura. This finding is not reflected in the Ndebele material. Since I am dealing with artistic language use, I prefer to substitute, where possible, linguistic categories with literary ones. Thus, instead of referring to 'phonological organisation', etc., I will rather consider various kinds of repetition, in keeping with Jakobson's philosophy that parallelism underlies all (folk) poetry. The organisation of these repetitions into patterns is also a device used by the imbongi. Potentially one may find repetition of sounds, stems, words, groups of words, phrases, sentences, grammatical structures and of meanings, and combinations of these. To this list one could add the 186

197 repetition of larger units such as action motifs. (Since certain action motifs are repeated, in very much the same words and structures, such repetitions could be called formulas.) In accordance with the trend in some studies, imagery and figures of speech will be studied as though they were one and the same, although I do think that imagery (metaphor, etc.), in appealing more to the senses (visual, etc.) than figures of speech (irony, sarcasm, etc.), may be favoured by performers of iimbongo. But while a performer of iimbongo may prefer to use imagery 'proper', a composer of modern written poetry may find that figures of speech lend extra clout to a statement, especially when critically evaluating a matter. Since peculiar grammar is part and parcel of iimbongo, it must feature in an analysis of language use. It will also be worthwhile to study the poetic line, in particular how the praise poet demarcates the line and how lines form larger units. A particular performance will give me the opportunity to look briefly at the interaction between orality and literacy. This will be done under the heading creativity. Having accepted Van Wyk's two-fold hypothesis (p. 183 above) as a working base, the model according to which performed oral poetry (especially iimbongo) can be described, is as follows: the poetic line and larger units artistic language use (imagery, figures of speech, other semantic features, repetitions, peculiar grammar) action motifs (= 'content', dealt with largely in chapter 4) performance features (dealt with largely in chapter 3) These features can be illustrated as follows: 187

198 the poetic line artistic language use action motifs performance features These essential features are arranged in pyramid fashion to show that verbal art relies on a performance, which presupposes situation and context. In a performance of iimbongo, the performer(s) will of necessity attribute certain actions to the subject of his/her praise. These action motifs will be in the form of artistic language use in a poetic line, which brings one back to performance since the line is demarcated by how it is intonated by the performer. 5.2 Analysis Repetition Repetition is described first so as to compare its frequency with that of imagery. To get a picture of the frequency of use of some devices, I made a rough count of various devices in 11 poems, totalling 234 lines. As expected, and as observed by other scholars, the repetition of sounds (assonance, etc.) occurred, but the recurrence is sometimes incidental since it is often part of the agreement system. Moreover, as a result of the dearth of vowel phonemes in the African languages, the same vowels have to be utilised over and over again, as can be seen in this opening line of the iimbongo of Mabhoko: 188

199 Yekhethu kamabhoko (Ours of Mabhoko) But this very line shows how the African languages have a propensity to assonance, and no doubt, the facility is utilised by the poet. One will find the repetition of vowels every few tines; see the sixth line in the iimbongo of Mabhoko as performed at the Nyabela Day function 1996: Vumazoke kamagggodgngq ongasayikwala ndaba (Agreer to everything of Magodongo who will not refuse any matter anymore) The repetition of sounds is often a secondary device brought about by other repetitions, for instance the repetition of stems or words, as can be seen when Prince Cornelius praised Mabhoko at Vosloorus: Niyok'tjhel' amadoda `kuthi kwamabhoko akusavalwa ngomvalo Kuvalwa ngamakhanda wamadoda. (... Go and tell the men that at Mabhoko's place they are no longer closing with a door they are closing with the heads of men.) Note the repetition of a in these lines. The most common repetition is in fact of stems and/or words and occurs, on average, about every 4 lines. We take as an example the iimbongo of Prince James performed at Mamelodi. It boasts more than the 'usual frequency'. (Various typographical features are used to indicate the repetitions, namely bold, underlining, double underlining, and italics): NguSenzangakhona kamabusa. 189

200 Inkunz' ihlabe ngophondo ngaphakathi emagezini kwasiphuk' umhlaba sibona ngamadoda uk'sabalala. (Musho!) USenzangakhona umkhon' omude kamabusa mude uyakwaz' ukusuicattza 5 uyaskaduz' imithangalo em'bili yesekelo, Imbokodo ne-independent iyadilika. (Cheering and handclapping) Mina ngiyesab' ukuthi usesemsana Ngoba ubuyise ub'khosi emagezini Khesiphume sibukeleni emandebeleni 10 Ubukhosi bendlondlo yekhethu kamayisha bubuyile emagezini. (Muho! Cheering, ululating of women) USe kwarnfanela umntwa' kamabusa Izizwe zoke zimbonile ukugida kwakhe Ziyezwa zimbethel' ihlombe. Zamlilizela 15 Kumaphephandraba Nakumathelevizhini Nasemsakazweni. (Musho! Shouting) Indlondlo end' kamabusa konomthunywa (Slight pause) Ebogwe I ZWI neenyawo 20 Iza_o_dla neenyawo z'kasenzangakhona zimanxebanxeba ziviv' igazi ziyesabeka ngenxa yok'botjwa ngezankosi ngemihla ngemihlamihla ngamalanga. (Musho! Loudly) Ndlondl' endre yakonomthunywa Eth' ibotiw' izan 1a neenyawo ibe imomotheka. (Musho!) Abangani bayo... (When the people are still cheering, he starts this line again.) 25 Abangani bayo bathi: `Senzangakhona uhlekani?' Ath"ngitjho ngob' abai' abakwenzako.' (Musho! Cheering. Someone shouts 'BM yimbokodo!') Linamanga ibandla lesibethamthetho Lona lith' iphemu kasenzangakhona, liyok'sal' etronkweni (Laughter) Sizwe ngamahhemuhemu wabafazi bezelelesi 30 Bath' iphemu kasenzangakhona liyok'thinthekel' ejele. (Hho! Cheering) Is'godlo sikayise khenimhlablel' iimbuzi neenkomo ngoba niyas'bona sonakele. (Cheering) yavuka (Inaudible as result of the cheering.) Ngathola sihlaba njengotjani. (Cheering) Khawulani zelelesi 190

201 35 Ukubamba izinyane lendlondlo yekhethu Nilibophe n gecetani I nilifuye Ngoba zange wawubona ubotjwa n gesetani I ufuye Uwubopha ngekelani wawufuye uzawumangaza. Ndabezitha! (Bayethe!) (It is Senzangakhona of Mabusa. The bull pierced with the horn inside Magezini and the earth tore open and we saw by means of the men the dispersing. (Musho!) Senzangakhona is the long arm of Mabusa; it is long and is able to push over, it 5 pushes over the two supporting walls and Imbokodo and independence fall over. (Cheering and hand clapping) I am afraid to say he is still a boy Because he brought back the chieftaincy from Magezini Let us come and look amongst the Ndebele 10 The chieftaincy of our mamba of Mayisha has returned from Magezini. (Musho! Cheering, ululating of women) He danced and it was fitting for the child of Mabusa All the nations saw his dancing They hear and clap hands They ululate. 15 In the newspapers And on televisions And on the radio. (Musho! Shouting) Long long viper of Mabusa at the place of the mother of Mthunywa (Slight pause) Who was tied hands and feet 20 The hands and feet of Senzangakhona are full of wounds, they ooze blood and are terrible as result of being bound with handcuffs day after day after day. (Musho! Loudly) Long viper of the place of the mother of Mthunywa When tied hands and feet he smiled (Musho!) His friends... (Because the people are still cheering, he starts this line again.) 25 His friends say: `Senzangakhona why are you laughing?' He says: 'I am doing it because they don't know what they are doing.' (Musho! Cheering. Someone shouts 'Elha YImbokodo!') The legislative assembly is lying It says Senzangakhona's perm will stay in jail 191

202 We heard through the rumours of the women of the criminals 30 They say Senzangakhona's perm will wither in jail. (Hho! Cheering) Royal household of his father slaughter goats and cattle for him because you see it is going apart. (Cheering)... has awoken (Inaudible as result of the cheering) I found it pierced like grass. (Cheering) Stop you criminals 35 (Stop) catching the cub of the elephant of our people and binding it with chains and keeping it like an animal because you have never seen it bound with chains and kept You bind it with chains and keep it, it will surprise you. Ndabezitha! (Royal address) (Bayethe! - royal salute)) By contrast, the repetition of groups of words, phrases and sentences occurs only occasionally in these poems. A bit more popular is the repetition of grammatical structure or parallelism, as can be seen in lines as well as 28 and 30. The ilmbongo of Mabhoko seemingly contain more parallelisms; among them are the following well-known lines (from the performance at Vosloorus): Jozi libomvu izinkwalankwala Jozi libomvu igazi Alisibomvu ukugwaz' izinkomo Libomvu ukugwaza amaswazi Libomvu ukugwaza amarudla. (Assegai red with blotches Assegai red with blood It isn't red by stabbing cattle It is red by stabbing Swazis It is red by stabbing Rudlas (Sothos?).) This is what Cope would call parallelism by linking because of the repetition of words. Praise poetry is not only characterised by repetitions of forms and structure, but also occasionally by semantic parallelism and contrast. Semantic parallelism features in the use of different words with similar meanings, as in the following example (lines 28-30): 192

203 28 Lona lith' iphemu kasenzangakhona, Iiyok'sal' etronkweni (Laughter) Sizwe ngamahhemuhemu wabafazi bezelelesi Bath' iphemu ka&enz_angaftana liyok'thinthekel' ejele. The stem -sala (remain) in line 28 corresponds to -thinthekela (wither) in line 30. Notice also the two different words used for 'in jail', namely etronkweni and ejele. Other examples: Rhobongo, Nyabela Day function: 1:chibi Aliphuzis' izinkomo Laliselw' amadoda (He is a lake It doesn't let cattle drink It was drunk at by men) Mabhoko. Vosloorus: Wumqalwa wangemihla solo bamthoma (inaudible) bemqala nanamhlanje basamqalile. (The one provoked daily since they have been provoking him even today they have still provoked him.) Repetition of the tijimani' motif An interesting phenomenon and an arresting one from the audience's point of view is the use of a common Nguni motif, namely the gijima(ni) motif. It is a general feature in the iimbongo of Mkhephule, and Sovetjheza often opened the iimbongo with these lines (the performance at Soshanguve serves as an example): Msana gijima uyok'tjel' amadoda. Uth' usoqaleni uphinde wenze njengayizolo 193

204 Wehl' ipera Esehla kanye namadoda (Son run and tell the men. Say Socialeni has again done like yesterday getting off the horse -getting off together with the men (that is, to plunder a kraal)) This motif is followed by a telling detail of the result of the plunder. It was enjoyed immensely by the audience: Umntwana womsuthu wathi: yo nna yo! Mma ke nyaka maswi Unina wathi: mntwanam' awazi ukuthi iinkomo zikhambile, ragwe yipisi yakolinyawo ngayizolo. (The Sotho boy said: oh dear me! Mother I want milk His mother said: my child don't you know that the cattle have left, taken by the hyena of Linyawo's place yesterday.) There are at least four other instances of this gijima motif in Ndebele poetry and Prince Cornelius often used it when he praised Mabhoko. (His version will be discussed under the heading 'creativity' on p. 215.) As mentioned earlier, this motif occurs in other traditions. In the izibongo of King Zwelithini of the Zulu his ascending to the throne is described thus Gijimani ngezindlela zonkana Niyobikel' abangakezwa Nithi kukhulu luyeza luyanyelela (Run along all the paths and report to those who have not heard yet and say it's something big, its coming, sneaking up) There are examples of the motif in other Zulu izibongo and presumably in Swati and Xhosa as well. 194

205 5.2.3 Word order The inversion of a normal word order is noticed immediately by the audience and Sovetjheza uses this technique on a few occasions. Senzangakhona, Vosloorus: Ikunzi ihlabe ngophondro ngaphakathi emagezini kwasiphuk' umhlaba sibona ngamadoda uk'sabalala. (The bull struck with the horn inside Magezini the earth is torn open we see by means of the men the dispersing.) Mkhephule, Nyabela Day: Abafazi nabantwana babona ngamadoda ukuyaluzela. (The women and the children saw by means of the men the commotion.) In automatised language use the last phrase of the first example would read sibona ukusablala ngamadoda -... we see the dispersing by means of the men, but the poet prefers to invert the last two words to arrest the attention of the audience. The same principle applies to the second. example Imagery Coming to imagery one notices immediately that metaphor is the privileged trope in Ndebele iimbongo. Whereas the most common form of repetition occurs roughly every 4 lines, metaphors occur every 3 lines or fewer, and if one takes into account that metaphors often extend over a few lines, then large parts of some poems consist of metaphor. The extent of its usage lends the opportunity to investigate metaphors from various angles such as linguistic composition, lexical register to which the leading noun belongs, their narrative nature, fixity/novelty, etc. 195

206 Composition Very few metaphors in performance consist of a simplex noun; virtually all are extended metaphors consisting of compound nouns, phrases and/or sentences - the phrase or sentence type being more abundant. Many a verse line consists entirely of a metaphor, consisting of one to about ten words, the norm being two or three. As mentioned earlier, one-word ; simplex metaphors are scarce. Here is an example from the iimbongo of Mkhephule: Matjhitjhibala! (The one who is firmly seated because of his stature!) The vehicle part of the metaphor is mostly a basic noun, but deverbatives and other structures also feature, as in Mabhoko's iimbongo: Wumqalwa wangemihla copulative with deverbative as base. (He is the one provoked daily Ngezimazombe njengobunyonyo copulative with relative as base. (It is that which are winding (ways) like ants.) Most metaphors are presented as vehicles (plus extension) the tenor being left out, as is evident from the iimbongo of Mabhoko: Vumazoke kamagodongo (Agreer-to-everything of Magodongo...) Sigeqe simnyama sakonomagenge (Black frontal covering (? isigeqe is archaic) of Nomagenge's place) 196

207 In other words, instead of saying `UMabhoko unguvumazoke - Mabhoko is the agreer to everything, he says Numazoke...' Only occasionally will the imbongi employ a complete metaphor consisting of tenor and vehicle (plus extension): UMabhoko yitjirhi njengehlabathi.. (Mabhoko is an irritation between the teeth like sand.) The vehicle can be presented in different ways: as basic noun (with a different class prefix in different performances), as a vocative, or in a copulative word group; the latter has, in turn, a few varieties. The examples come from the iimbongo of Fene as performed at Vosloorus and Mamelodi: Vosloorus: Itjhokolova likamkhephule basic noun, ili- class Mamelodi: ( The tjhokolova (archaic) of Mkhephule Yitjhokolova likamkhephule ( It is the tjhokolova of Mkhephule) Utjhokolova lukamkhephule (The tjhokolova of Mkhephule..) Tjhokolova kamkhephule noun (ili- class) used in a copulative word group of identification noun (ulu- class, low tone on u-) used in a copulative word group of identification vocative, class la (Tjhokolova of Mkhephule) Some metaphors are marked by a possessive, thus instead of saying 'chieftaincy is a hearthstone', the praise poet says 'the hearthstone of kingship', as is found in the iimbongo of Prince James: 197

208 Iziko lobukhosi (The hearthstone of chieftaincy) Mother example is the common appellative used to respond to the chief: Wena wendlovu! (You of the elephant!) The vehicle is linked with a variety of structures, mainly other nouns or noun-like words in word groups, and verbs, as one can see from Mabhoko's iimbongo: Silembe sakosiphiwa noun, possessive word group (Hoe of Siphiwa's place USindeni umhlab' unethuli noun, noun, associative copulative word group (Escaper when the earth is dusty (in turmoil)) Sigeqe simnyama sakonomagenge noun, copulative, possessive word group (Black frontal covering (? archaic) of the place of Nomagenge) Yikokoda ngelisemazibukweni (It is the stone which is at the fords) identificative copulative, identificative relative (with locative derived noun) From the iimbongo of Fene: Izulu liyaduma noun, verb (The heavens are thundering) Register One is immediately struck by the variety of the vehicles in different praise poems. It would be unfair to say that the vehicles emanate only from cherished cultural symbols, or from 198

209 vicious animals, etc. Kunene (1962) tried to restrict the use of metaphors when he said that the Shakan period was characterised by vicious animals, only to be gainsaid by Msimang (1980: 221), who comments: 'However, on closer scrutiny, one becomes aware of certain features which seem to transcend these boundaries.' The 'truth' of the matter is that a praise poet is creative enough to use any manner of vehicle to present an aspect of his subject in the most striking way. A cursory glance at the praise poetry of King Zwelithini reveals that the metaphors range from a mole to an elephant. The praise poet who was first struck by Mabhoko's aptitude to escape from all the forces against him `could not find' an appropriate cultural or natural entity and so he simply used another proper name Mabhoko was known by (also being the name of a forebear), which comprises the stem -sinda - escape, to constantly remind audiences of his evasive ability. It would seem that Sovetjheza and his predecessors do not particularly need animals to get their message across. For example, the animate vehicles are relatively few: indlondlo - old mamba/viper, izinyane - cub, irhotjha - terrifying dark person, maphos' umkhonto - hurler of the assegai, vumazoke - agreer to everything; umhlambi - herd (of warriors), and umabamba - catcher. The rest are inanimate objects belonging to the spheres of agriculture (isilembe - hoe) and warfare (ijozi - assegai, isihlangu - shield,) while others belong to disparate categories: isigeqe - frontal covering (2); ngezimazombe - wandering ways; itjirhi - irritation between the teeth; ikokoda - river stone; ihlwana-bomvana - little reddish eye, iqatha - hoof, and sibamakhomba - pointing feather. There are more animate metaphors in the limbongo of the two princes. To characterise Prince James, Sovetjheza commences with the powerful bull metaphor. But he is also umkhono - arm, indlondlo - old mamba/viper, (a praise he shares with Mabhoko), izinyane - cub, indlandla - long-legged calf/elephant. Prince Cornelius is ithole (older calf), ndlelazimhlophe (white - that is, successful - ways), umnqamula (one who cuts through), umntwana (child/ prince), idzinyane lengwe (leopard cub), idzinyane lendlovu (elephant calf). It is interesting to note that there are more 'royal' metaphors in the praise poetry of the two princes than there are in 199

210 the poetry of Mabhoko, namely indlondlo, izinyane/idzinyane, idzinyane lengwe, idzinyane lendlovu. It must be mentioned that idzinyani is considered to be a more acceptable Ndebele form than izinyane/idzinyane. Very often Sovetjheza's rendering sounds like isinyane Opening metaphors The metaphors extending beyond two or three words are of a narrative nature and will obviously consist of various structures. Following the introductory line that announces the subject to be praised (if indeed this occurs at all), Sovetjheza and other poets open some iimbongo with a long dramatic line. Sometimes the line contains more than one metaphor. The dramatic opening line for Prince James of the stabbing bull is well known and never fails to excite the audience. In the 1996 version performed at erholweni on Nyabela Day this standard long opening metaphor comes later in the praise poem, but the praise poet still tries to create a long opening metaphor in the 'long arm' metaphor: umabusa, yindoda enomkhono omude Mude unamandla uyakwaz' uk'sunduza usunduz' im'thangal' em'bili esekelwe Imbokodo ne-independent iyagiriga. (Musho!) Inkunzi ihlabe ngophondro ngaphakath' emagezini wasiphuk' umhlab' sibone ngamadoda uk'sabalala. (Musho!) (... Mabusa, it's the man with the long arm It/he is long it/he is able to push over, it/he pushes the two walls over supported by Imbokodo and independence (and) they collapse. (Musho!) The bull stabbed with the horn inside Magezini the earth tore open (and) we saw through the men the dispersing. (Musho!)) He opened the iimbongo of Mabhoko at Vosloorus with the following line (after announcing with the line `Ngekhethu kamabhoko' - It is ours of Mabhoko): 200

211 USindeni umhlab' unethuli silembe sakosiphiwa umarhaganis' akosiphiw' wamabhoko inkomo iragw' abelungu. (Escapee when the world was in turmoil, hoe of Siphiwa's place Marhaganisi of Siphiwa's place of Mabhoko beast kicked by the whites.) The iimbotzgo of Fene, as performed at the same venue, has the following extended metaphor: U:Fene lithole likamkhephule elihlez' egaline elihlez' lilindele izizwe ukwendelana. (Fene is the young beast of Mkhephule that sat in Carolina that sat waiting for the tribes to marry each other.) For Manala the dramatic line is presented in thefourth line: Yekhethu kambhuduma Yekhethu kambhuduma UMbhuduma kamasoka Umasokasokile isigwegwe sakobingweni ngathana kheyibe sigwegwe selithi sabe sizakweluleka. (Ours of Mbhuduma Ours of Mbhuduma The one circumcised repeatedly, the one with bandy legs (= inconsistent in his ways) of Bingweni's place, if it was like a stick (= straight) it would have prospered.) For Nyabela (at Mamelodi) the long opening metaphor is as follows: lkhozana lekhethu elahlutha labaleka layokungena erholweni ngoba lahluth' umampuru nabantwana layongena naye erholweni (Hawk of ours that snatched and fled into the cave because he snatched Mampuru and the children and entered the cave with them) 201

212 Other images, satire, and bawdy language It is hardly worthwhile discussing other images in Ndebele iimbongo since they are so few. Other types of images are also often incorporated into the extended metaphor. This is the case for the few similes that occur. In the iimbongo of Mabhoko as performed at KwaMhlanga we find the following comparison which uses a simile: Ndlela zimazombe njengobunyonyo nabuyodl' iinyanga zezulu kosontimba. (Meandering ways like ants when they go and devour the herbalists of the weather (= those herbalists who bring rain) at Ntimba's place.) In the same performance the 'pointing feather' (Mabhoko) is said to have devoured the warriors of Nongabulana and heaped them up like rubbish along the roads: `wawadindela ndawonye njengamabibi wezindlela'. Later in the same poem the comparison 'like sand' is the extension of a metaphor: UMabhoko yitjhirhi niengehlabathi uyesabeka (Mabhoko is grit like sand; he is fearsome) The same pattern presents itself in the praise poetry of the other individuals. In fact, in many of the texts there are no similes. Whereas metaphor and simile are clear comparisons, metonymy is a subtle reference to a quality and has, on occasion, been used with great effect by Sovetjheza, as discussed in chapter 4 with reference to the praises of Prince James. The references to the bleeding hands and feet of the prince and his merciful words 'they don't know what they are doing' must be seen as messianic innuendoes. Amusing and more striking than saying that Senzangakhona will perish in jail, is the synecdochic reference to Senzangakhona's perm that will 'stay' and 'fall apart' in jail. Senzangakiona is known for his 'perm' Even more scarce in Ndebele iimbongo, and, I suspect, in all southern African praise poetry, is the use of symbol. Symbol is probably sparsely used because of its intricate structure. When used, however, it is highly evocative as the one example 202

213 encountered in the Ndebele material shows. Again it is Sovetjheza who must be credited for his captivating, elusive, but by no means obscure, reference to a political regime in the iimbongo of Prince James. After showing how James caused the two walls (namely of Imbokodo and independence) to fall over (-dilika) he says the following: Dilika ntaba Ngoba zoke iintaba zidilikile (Fall over mountain Because all the mountains have fallen over) The reason for thinking in terms of symbol in this example is that there is no trace of a tenor. In this example it does not seem feasible to link intaba to Imbokodo or Independence because the line 'Because all the mountains have fallen over', speaking of plural entities, is more likely to refer to Imbokodo and Independence. Intaba (singular) is clearly likened to iintaba (plural). In the similes and metaphors used in the Ndebele material the tenors were known; they were present in one way or another. When no tenor is present, the poet has to load the vehicle with enough connotations to allow the audience to make intelligent inferences as to what is possibly meant. This is why symbol is more characteristic of written poetry where the poet has the time to construct enough lines with enough subtle connotations alluding to some entity. A critical attitude is an indispensable weapon in the hands of the imhongi to perform his/her sensitising function. On occasion it is necessary to sensitise even the object of his praise and not the people. Since iimbongi are allowed to criticise with a measure of impunity, satire becomes useful for this purpose. Turner's conclusion (1990: 158) on the use of satire in Zulu oral art, especially izihaiho, is equally applicable to Ndebele iimbongo: Generally, however, the satire encountered in Zulu oral traditions is of a less abrasive type, where raillery or ridicule commonly occurs. It is not a destructive type of criticism but more constructive, in that not only does it highlight certain personality or behavioural features which might need correcting, but at the same time it draws attention to the person which then marks him out as an individual 203

214 within his particular societal environment, as well as serving as a biographical record. Since praise poets often drop the satirical reference once the point has been made, such references are sparse in praise poetry that is meant to legitimise its subject (except apparently in izihasho where even the most scathing complaint motifs serve as individualising elements). A bit of good-humoured satire comes out when the praise poet harps on the fact that Mabhoko is so agreeable, only to show that it is a treacherous agreeableness. At Vosloorus Sovetjheza expressed this sentiment as follows: Vumazoke kamagodongo ongasayikwala ndaba Indaba kapiet wayivum' ekafrans. (Mutjho!) Yayivumela ithini? Yayithi niyawadunga amanzi akonyembezi kuya kwamuka umfundisi. (Agreer to everything of Magodongo who will no longer refuse any matter The matter of Piet he agreed to (and) that of Frans. (Mutjho!) He agreed to it saying what? He said you are making the water murky at the place of Nyembezi so that the minister left.) More directly satirical is the reference to Manala's ways: UMasokasokile isigwegwe sakobingweni ngathana kheyibe sigwegwe selithi sabe sizakweluleka. (The one circumcised repeatedly, the one with bandy legs (= inconsistent in his ways) of Bingweni's place, if it was like a stick (= straight) it would have prospered.) Magelembe seems to have been a man characterised by over-eagerness. He not only raided villages, but also acted hastily with regard to tradition: Utjhwamele ikosi ingakatjhwami Urhubutjhekile umkhabela Ngokutjhwamela ikosi ingakatjhwami. 204

215 (He tasted the first fruits before the chief had He has become starved, the excited one for tasting the first fruits before the king had.) Verbal art would not be verbal art without the use of bawdy language on occasion. Since praise poetry is meant by and large to edify, and to maintain the best possible image of the subject, criticism and bawdy language does not feature often. Yet it must be included as shock treatment, as it were, against complacency, even at the risk of children being present. One instance of bawdy language was found in the Ndebele material, namely in the iimbongo of Mkhephule. At the Soshanguve meeting the poet said the following:. UMathang' amahle samtakazana Anjengowabodad' wab' abonomadlowu Wayefaner ukwenziwa njengewabanye Ngoba wayefanel' ukufetjwa. (Musho!) ( Mr Thighs that are lovely like those of a girl They are like those of his sisters of those of the Madlowu They should be dealt with like those of others (women?) Because they should be slept with (-feba is not an euphemistic reference) (Musho!) Peculiar grammar Like repetitions and imagery, peculiar grammar is a common poetic technique in virtually all forms of verbal art in the African languages of southern Africa, but it is particularly noticeable in poetic forms. One of the most common linguistic processes is using language economically through elision. Of course, the mere fact that iimbongo are performed relatively fast at times, gives rise to pragmatic elisions, such as leaving out vowels, mostly at the end of words or at morpheme boundaries. Two examples will suffice. In the iimbongo of Mabhoko (as performed at Emzinoni, Bethal) the praise poet said: 205

216 Mabhoko Sindreni umhlab' unethuli Silembe sakosiphiwa Marhagani akwasiphiwa Ndlela zimazombe njengobunyonyo nabuyokudl' inyang"ezulu kosontimba. (Mabhoko escapee when the earth is dusty Hoe of Siphiwa's place Marhagani of Siphiwa's place Winding footpaths like ants when they go to devour the diviners at the place of the father of Ntimba.) Pragmatic elision is even more noticeable in the well-known lines referring to Prince Senzangakhona's abilities (as expressed at Daveyton): Mude uyakwaz' uk'sunduza Usunduz' im' thangala em'bili (He is long he is able to push over He pushes over the two walls...) One may ask why the poet doesn't consistently leave out the final vowel of words as is common in speech. The simple answer is that elision must deviate from recognised patterns if it is to be noticed. Much more noticeable and effective for the marking of poetic language is the elision of grammatical features such as morphemes. The poet leaves out class prefixes,. concords, particles, initial vowels, etc Elision of initial vowels of nouns The elision of initial vowels after particles is quite common in praise poetry. It serves to emphasise the point made in the poem. From the praises of Mabhoko as performed at Mamelodi we see this example: Ekhethu kwamabhoko akusavalwa ngazivalo Kuvalwa ngamakhanda wamajarha wasedidini. < nga- + (i)zivalo (At our place at Mabhoko's place they don't close with any door They close with the heads of the young men of Didini.) 206

217 Elision of class prefixes of nouns or part of it An example of the elision of the class prefix is evident from the iimbongo of Nyabela, Bethal: (I/U)Khozana lekhethu lahlutha labaleka layongena ngerholweni ngoba lahluth' ikukhu nabantwana layongena nay' erholweni. (Small hawk of ours (who) snatched and fled and entered Rholweni because it snatched the fowl and chickens and went with it/him into Rholweni.) From the manner in which the last line of this example is performed, it is not apparent whether the imbongi says `. naye...' (with him) or `... nayo...' (with it). For Mdzuge, KoSikhulumi: (Iin)kani zamanye amadoda (The obstinacy (= the hard-headed one) for some men) For Magalembe, Soshanguve: Umkhabela (Ii)mpondo ziyavutha Umkhabela (Ii)mpondo zimqobela The full prefix is iitn-. (Exciter The horns are burning (= eager to stab) Exciter The horns are victorious for him) It is well known that the elision of the pre-prefix in the Nguni languages results in a vocative. This is clearly not the case in the examples above, since more than the initial vowel is elided. The poet treats the prefix, or part of it, as redundant because the class affiliation of the noun becomes clear from the subject concord. 207

218 Elision of associative particle and identifying copulative particle In Mabhoko's praises the associative particle is often elided: Indaba kapiet wayivuma (n)ekafrans For Solly, Vosloorus: Likhozi gelimaphiko < ngeli(na)maphiko (It is a hawk, it is one with wings) For Fene, Vosloorus: Ngelimehlo agwebako < ngeli(na)mehlo (It is piercing eyes) Although it is grammatical to use a subject concord (as copulative particle) plus a noun in Ndebele, as in the examples kumnyama (it is difficult) or kubudisi (it is difficult), this structure has its limits. When possession is expressed, as in 'it has wings', the associative particle na- is preferred in normal language use: linamaphiko, instead of limaphiko, which can be translated as 'it is winged'. The latter structure is typical of praise poetry. In normal speech a passive verb is usually followed by an identificative copulative particle to indicate the agent. In Sele's praises (Mamelodi) the identificative particle is elided: Izizwe zoke ziya ngokumlalamela Ulalanyelwa _botsheme nabodoyi Walalanyelwa _bonhlath' nabomamba (All the nations are stretching (= advancing) to him he is approached by those of Tsheme and those of Doyi He was approached by those of Nhlathi and those of Mamba) The loss of the particle in the last two examples is not merely a question of being brief, the poet is in fact trying to get the most out of language, so to speak. Discarding the particle results in the metaphorising of the construction, thus elevating it to the realm of 208

219 image, rescuing it, as it were, from automatisation. For example, the construction ngelinamehlo (it/he is the one who has eyes) is ordinary language use, but ngelimehlo (it/he is piercing eyes) is metaphoric Agreement markers, and part of negative markers On occasion the possessive particle is shortened to the extent that it appears to be a strange morpheme: Sele, Mamelodi USele lo, izandla zoyise kazazi zawo-/zabo-?) Wazi zonina (This Sele, he doesn't know the hands of his father(s?) he knows those of his mother(s?)) Grammaticality in Ndebele requires the form izandla zakayise, or, if the speakers have been influenced by Zulu, they will say izandla zikayise but not izandla zoyise. (If, however, a plural is applicable in the translation of the line, then the construction may not,be regarded as strange.) A common elision is that of the relative marker before a narrative past tense/consecutive concord. In the iimbongo for Mabhoko (Mamelodi) we see the following: U:Mabhoko yindlandla yakosiphiwa ngindlandla (e)vakhwela entrabeni. Ilivikela lekhethu (e)lavikel' amandebele Mhlazana kungumzilikazi kamashoban'. (Mabhoko is the tall elephant of Siphiwa's place it is the tall elephant (that) ascended the mountain.) It is our guardian (who) guarded the Ndebele On the day when it was Mzilikazi of Mashobana.) 209

220 For Nyabela, Bethal: Khozana lekhethu (e)lahlutha labaleka layongena ngerholweni (Small hawk of ours (who) snatched and fled and entered Rholweni ) In normal speech the elision of a relative marker would be considered ungrammatical. Sovetjheza and other praise poets often shun the negative morpheme when used with subjects in class I/1a, thus ka- instead of aka-, as seen in the praises of Sele (Mamelodi): USele lo, izandla zoyise kazazi (This Sele, he doesn't know the hands of his father) For Mdzuge by Joyina Mahlangu, KoSikhulumi: Ulile wathi: yena kambon' emnyango (He cried saying he doesn't see him in the doorway) These shortened forms do of course occur in ordinary language use. My feeling is that, whereas the longer forms are preferred in ordinary speech, the opposite is true in praise poetry Use of nominal structures ko-, -no-, etc. Noun prefixes and particles such as ku-, ko-, lava-, -no-, -so-, and also -bo- occur quite frequently in praise poetry. The reason for this is obvious: since these structures are used mostly for persons (in class la), they serve as a useful resource to emphasise individuality by the praise poet. Although Koopman (1992: 100) finds that -so-, -no-, -ma-, and -saare 'regularly used in the formation of nouns in Zulu', they are treated here to show that the Ndebele praise poet uses these forms fairly regularly to achieve. an individualising 210

221 effect. In many names the poet also combines some of these prefixes, as is evident in the praises of Nyabela (Soshanguve): Yayongena naye phakathi kwabopiet nabopewula. KubonoMadlowu. UsoMtjhongweni (He.went in with him between those of Piet and those of Paul. At the place of the mother of Madlowu. The father of Mtjhongweni) For Magalembe, Soshanguve I:thumbanduna lakonomadlowu (Abductor of male animals of the place of the mother of Madlowu) The praise poet is certainly not obliged to use these forms in personal names, but obviously prefers to do so. The first example could have easily been rendered as Yayongena naye phakathi kopiet nopewula, which would be characteristic of normal language use. A comparative morpheme that does not feature very often in normal speech, namely -sa-, occurs in the praise poetry of Mlchephule (Soshanguve): UMathang' amahle samtakazana ( Mr Thighs that are lovely like a girl) Phrase- and sentence-like nominal structures Apart from composite nouns such as Vumazoke (Agreer to everything), other combinations resemble a phrase or a sentence. Mabhoko (at Vosloorus) is called 211

222 Sigeqe simnyama (Frontal covering (? archaic) it is black) Solly (Vosloorus) is referred to as UMagasela ngempensela (The stabber with the pencil) Fene (Mamelodi) is referred to as Zulu liyaduma (Heaven it thunders) Magelembe (Nyabela Day) is called UMkhabela-mpondo zimqobela UMkhabela-mpondo ziyavutha (Exciter of the horns as they gain victory for him Exciter of the horns they get excited) Notice that in the last example the concord (zi-) agrees with the second part of the compound noun and not the leading noun (exciter). There are also one or two elaborate verbal structures. Whereas tense forms with be- are always shortened in normal speech, the praise poet prefers to use the full forms in iimbongo: Nyabela, Soshanguve Zibe zifa kwamambala in stead of Bezifa (They truly were dying) 212

223 Agreement discrepancies A frequent feature in iimbongo is the formation of proper names from common nouns by using the prefix of class la. However, the description following the newly formed name retains the agreement of the underived noun, as we see in the praises of Mabhoko (Mamelodi): Undlela zimazombezombe (Winding ways) In the praises of Matsitsi (Soshanguve) we have the following example: Untrombi ziyaliwa (Girl they are refused) Noun plus imperative On occasion the poet combines a normal noun (instead of a vocative) with an imperative. In the following example from the praises of Matsitsi (Nyabela Day) the discrepancy is aggravated by the use of a singular noun with the plural imperative: Iphondro sunduzani KubeSuthu (The horn poke (plural command) toward the Sothos) Of course, one could see this example as a composite noun as well The short form of the past tense The short form of the past tense is used where one would expect the long form. From Mabhoko's praises (ekosini): 213

224 UMabhoko osinde Msukwana kunothuli Ngoba wasinda (Mabhoko who escaped on the day it was dusty because he escaped) Nyabela, ekosini: Silva neenkunzi eentathu `Mbili uzibulale (Fighter against two bulls two he killed) 5.3 Creativity The question of creativity comes to the fore when one considers the position the presentday imbongi occupies. How creative are present-day poets who, to a greater or lesser degree, are distanced from their 'roots'? Kaschula (1991: 47) summarises the position of the contemporary oral poet with these words: 'Any romantic view of the present-day imbongi as a traditionalist attached only to chiefs would be redundant and naive.' The findings of Opland (1975) writing about the changing role of the imbongi more than twenty years ago are still valid today. I have adapted his findings graphically as follows: 214

225 Resident, full-time imbongi imbongi 1 C :;ral poet Cy riter-reciter imbongi 2 imbongi 3 worker poet. Positions occupied by past and contemporary iimbongi Reading from the top one notices that the resident, full-time imbongi has become a removed, part-time imbongi. The left-to-right continuum shows that the purely oral poet has become/is (also) a writer of iimbongolpoetry. imbongi I is the 'traditional' poet who was attached to the king's household and who ate from the king's table. In the second quadrant, going anti-clockwise (imbongi 2), we find the poet of colonial times and thereafter. Although he praised the king as often as was necessary, he was no longer a remunerated, resident poet. Today we also find (imbongi 3, worker poet) the 'traditional' imbongi who praises orally and.who documents his/her poetry. Here we also find the new poets, the 'worker poets' who perform at mass rallies, funerals, etc. Gunner and Gwala (1991: 18) have accurately remarked that `... different political... constituencies claim the rhetorical and political clout of izibongo.' It is of interest to note that some iitnbongi find themselves on more than one point on the continuum oral poet reciter/writer, etc. Sovetjheza is just such a versatile poet: he is a truly oral poet as well as a recorder of his poetry (see for instance Mahlangu et al 1987 and Mahlangu et al 1995). 215

226 He praises the Ndebele amakhosi and is able to praise new subjects when asked to. He also writes poetry that departs from 'traditional' iimbongo. When, on occasion, we spoke to him about the oral nature of his poetry, he demonstrated that he was able to praise Mandela, whom he had not met at that stage. He gave us the following lines in typical Sovetjheza style: UMandela ungumlilo owawuvutha wabonw' abelungu bawuthela ngamanzi kanti kulapho uzabhebhetheka UMandela yindlovu eyathi iphuma esirhogweni Itja yezizwe yavuka uhlanya ithi ayifimi ma-homeland Kasafuni makhosi. (Mandela is the fire that flared up that was seen by the whites as they doused it with water and yet he Was to be prosperous Mandela is the elephant who when he came out of jail the youth of the nations awoke (and became) a madman saying they don't want any homeland They want no kings.) Looking at language use in the art of praising by Sovetjheza, there is no doubt that he is a productive and creative imbongi, by which is meant that he is able to produce praise poetry of both 'traditional' and contemporary figures at will. He was, however, not the only imbongi we came across during fieldwork. There were those among the audience who were not only able to repeat a few lines, but who could also work creatively with `repetitions'. In fact, some men praised with lines never used by Sovetjheza in the performances (but that do appear in Mahlangu el al. 1987). At Mamelodi a man praised Mabhoko as follows when Sovetjheza ended his second bout of praising after 7 lines. Note how Mabhoko is addressed as Nyabela: Mabhoko Sindeni umhlab' unethuli. UMabhoko ubhodele amatje ngengubo Bathi bacenga naye wazicengel'. (inaudible) Siphalaphala siphos' simnyama. Bamkhulu! SoMtjongweni! 216

227 Nyabela! (Mabhoko Escapee when the world is dusty. Mabhoko collects stones in a garment When they begged him he begged for himself (= he just calmed down) (inaudible) 5 The beautiful one who hurls when he is dark (= furious) Grandfather! SoMtjongweni! Nyabela!) (Both in this version and in the one in Mahlangu et al. 1987, the word -cenga - line 3, of which the meaning is unknown to speakers I asked - is used. It would be more appropriate, according to Bhuti Skhosana, if the word was -ncenga 'beg') Solly Speaker') Mahlangu, although not a very dynamic speaker or praiser, was able to work creatively with lines that have almost become a cliché as well as using lines that Sovetjheza had never used. At Vosloorus Solly praised Mabhoko as follows before he spoke: Ngwenyama Mabhoko Sindeni umhlab' onethuli Langa eliphezulu 5 Elishis' amabele We khuthani namavilakazi Madoda gijimani ngazo zoke izindlela nibatjele kwamhlanga Nithi Ingwenyama ayivinjelwa iinyanyopha (?). (Much cheering) (Ngwenyama Mabhoko Escapee (in) a dusty world Sun on high 5 that scorched the sorghum You, the diligent and the lazy (= all people) Men, run along all the paths and tell them at KwaMhlanga Say the Ingwenyama is not stopped by thugs (?). (Much cheering)) 217

228 Recognised praise poets, it would seem, are conservative and seek to keep iimbongo unchanged. They are probably the first to emphasise that praises 'cannot be changed'. Other praisers who do not share this burden often work more creatively with praise poems. With reference to contextualising, it was shown in the previous chapter how Prince Cornelius made quite a few changes to the praises of Mabholth. It is clear that he used them to convey messages to President Botha: Niyok'bikela ubotha Ukuthi umajozi uluzile. (Great resonse by all in the clapping of hands.) Bathi MaNdebele, gijimani ngazo zoke izindlela Niyok'thokoz' uramodike 5 Undunankulu waselebowa (Cheering starts before close of the paragraph and almost drowns the next line.) Nithi usebenzile. (You (pl.) go and report to Botha That Majozi has lost. (Great response by all in the clapping of hands.) They say Ndebele people, run ye along all the paths Go and thank Ramodike 5 Chief Minister of Lebowa (Cheering starts before close of the paragraph and almost drowns the next line.) You should say: he has worked (= done a good job).) A good test for creativity must be sought in a performance by someone of whom it was said that he had learned the praises he performed from a book. At the ceremony held at ekosini (at the chiefs place) on 5/8/89 to thank the people for the return of peace (and, I believe, for victory in the elections) the MC called on a lad to praise. He apologised for not calling Sovetjheza, but said that he wanted to surprise the people and show them that talented youths are available in KwaNdebele with regard to 'these praises' (` iibongwezil The MC mentioned that the boy had learned the praises from the book Igugu LamaNdebele by Mahlangu et al (1987). Before he started the MC told him to relax. The boy introduced himself and praised thus: 218

229 Ngilotjhisa Ingwenyama, ngiyalotjhisa namaduna namkhosana wok' akwandebele. [Translation by the MC] NgiwuMagadangana kamphikeleli koqasha emathysloop ofundafunda ekwagga esokhapha is'kole. [Translation by the MC] Ngifimda ibanga lesine. Iibongo kamabhoko. Mabhoko Sindeni umhlab' unethuli. Silembe sakosiphiwa ikom' erag' abelusi. Ndlel' ezimazombe zinjengobunyonyo nabuyokudla inyanga yezulu kosontimba 5 Mvumazo:ke kamagodongo Ongasayikwala ndaba Indaba kapiet wayivumela nekafrans wayivumela. (Enthusiastic Musho!) Ithini? Idung' amanzi kwakuya kwamuka umfundisi Mvalo Mhlambi wamahhatjhi wabelungu odle kafrans wehloli. (Mutjho!) 10 Imbiza ephekwe phezu kwelitje iphuphume yatjhisa umdoko Simakhomba lapho. UMkhananda wakithi uyakhona ongasayikutjhiwa majarha Owadla njengamabutho wallongabulana Wawadindela njengamabibi wezindlela 15 Akwandaba zalutho Igeqe elimnyama Asiso igeqe lakudla izinkomo zamadoda Rhotjha limnyama amanye ayakhanya. (Mutjho!) `bob'buyisa bebethe inarha 20 Bebethe umlitjhe nongwanaphaphu Silwa nezinkunzi eentrath' Sizibulale sisale silwa nazimbili. (Mutjho!) Indaba inosongo bayisongela Kanti wena usongele ukwaphula umgobo wamajarha edidini 25 Bath' bayakwakha ngamad' amahlahla umswazi ugangile kwamabhoko KwaMabhoko alcuvalwa ngamnyango kuvalwa ngamakhanda amajarha edidini. (Mutjho!) Maphosa umkhonto eswazini Uzondwe ngonomswazi Yiziqatha ezibomvu usiso ijozi lokugwaza izinkomo zamadoda 30 Ijozi lokugwaza abesuthu Ijozi lokugwaza amaswazi. (Kwa-kwa-kwa-kwa-kwa) 219

230 Idlovu bayibona idlovu yakhamba kwandiyase esangweni bayibona ngomgoga bathi kusile usothakazi Amakhuwa angesiza likhona ivimbela lekhethu lakosomalungwana. (Specific responses inaudible.) 35 NguMabusabesala kamagodongo ngumabusa bengafuni Ngowavimbela evimbela ubuyani bembeth' inarha Bembethe ukhunwana nosakazana Kwakumhla kamzilikazi kamatjhobana. (Specific responses inaudible.) UMabhoko wathatha izindlela ezimazombe eziya erholweni 40 Yindlandla yakos'phiwa eyakhwela kwelitje kwadabuka umzilikazi kamatjhobana. (Specific responses inaudible.) UMabhoko yitjirhi njengehlabathi isindindiwana ngangembho kom' ibov' (y)akonomalanga Ngilihlwana libov' kwezamadoda ungadla zakhe uyajabajaba. (Specific responses inaudible.) Mabhoko isihlangu esimnyama imilambo emibili 45 Eseyama ingemana nenontindo Isihlangu esivikela amandebele mhla kungumzilikazi kamatjhobana. (Specific responses inaudible.) UMabhoko isinakanaka esanakazela emmangweni wemangwana umabamba abokomo ngesilevu ngusothakazi. (I greet the Ingwenyama, I also greet the headmen and all the sub-chiefs of KwaNdebele. I am Magadangana of Mphikeleli of Qasha's place at Mathysloop who is learning at Sokhapha School at Kwaggafontein. I am in standard 4. The iimbongo of Mabhoko. Mabhoko Escapee when the world is dusty. Hoe of Siphiwa's place, the cow that kicks the herd boys. Winding ways like ants as they go and devour the medicine man at the place of Sontimba 5 Agreer to everything of Magodongo Who will not refuse any matter He agreed to the matter of Piet and that of Frans, he agreed to it. (Enthusiastic Musho!) What does it say, it makes the water murky until the minister Mvalo left Herd of horses of the whites who devoured those of Frans, of the spy. (Mutjho!) 10 The pot that was cooked on a stone, it boiled over and burnt the porridge The one who points there. 220

231 Mkhananda of ours, he is able to do that which the young men can't Who ate the warriors of Nongabulana He heaped them up like dirt on the road 15 It became a matter of no consequence Black frontal covering (? archaic) It isn't a frontal covering that devoured the cattle of the men Dark fearsome man while others are light. (Mutjho!) Bring them (ants?) back to cover the land 20 To cover Mlitjhe and Ngwanaphaphu The one who fights three bulls It killed them remaining to fight with one (Mutjho!) The matter is an oath, they swore to it In fact you swore to break the shield (? umgobo is archaic) of the young men of Didini 25 while they are building with long poles while Mswazi is insolent at Mabhoko's place At Mabhoko's place they are not closing with a door, they are closing with the heads of the young men of Didini. (Mutjho!) Hurler of the assegai in Swaziland You are hated by the mother of Mswazi It is red hooves, you are the assegai stabbing the cattle of the men 30 The assegai to stab the Sothos The assegai to stab the Swazis. (Kwa-kwa-kwa-kwa-kwa) The elephant they saw walking at Ndiyase, they saw it at the gate by means of its trunk (? umgoga is archaic) when it dawned, it is Sothakazi The whites may come, our defender of the place of the father of Malungwana is present. (Specific responses inaudible.) 35 It is Mabusabesala of Magodongo, it is the Ruler when they don't want it It is the one who fended off the ants as they covered the earth As they covered Khunwana and Sakazana (Specific responses inaudible.) On the day of Mzilikazi of Mashobana. (Specific responses inaudible.) Mabhoko took winding ways that led to Rholweni 40 He is the tall elephant of the place of Siphiwa that climbed on a rock and Mzilikazi of Mashobana was split. (Specific responses inaudible.) Mabhoko is an irritation between the teeth like sand, the short one, red cow of the 221

232 place of Nomalanga Reddish eye with regard to the affairs of the men, he finishes his and is up and down. (Specific responses inaudible.) Mabhoko is the black shield, the two rivers 45 he crossed the Ngemana and the Nontindo Shield defending the Ndebele on the day of Mzilikazi of Mashobana. (Specific responses inaudible.) Mabhoko is the vigilant one (isinakanaka may also mean 'the long stupid one') being vigilant on the open grasslands of Mangwana, Mabamba (catcher) by the beard of the people of cattle, it is Sothakazi.) When compared to the iimbongo of Mabhoko in Mahlangu et al. (1987: 31 et seq.) it is quite clear that Magadangana's performance is to a large extent a 'recitation' of that which he had memorised since his text matches the original fairly well (with minor omissions and changes). His omissions do not seem to be memory lapses, because there are no uneasy pauses in his confident performance. The fact that the young praiser did not pay much attention to line divisions and spaces in the original is not such a great issue, since these are probably artificial in the written text, they are not performance based. But Magadangana's own line divisions and placing of participation pauses - in other words, where he ends the paragraph - are the humble beginnings of his creative endeavours. For example, where the written text has one line, Magadangana divides the line to form 2 lines (see lines 4 and 5). Some of the young poet's mistakes are due to a conflict between memorising and creativity. In line 17 we see a concordial discrepancy between 'asiso' and 'igeqe lakudla...'; the poet has memorised 'asiso' (referring to the isi- class) while the noun igeqe is actually in the ili- class. This is a perfectly excusable mistake because igeqe (or isigeqe as Sovetjheza uses it) is an archaic word which does not have a secure meaning for the poet. Sovetjheza himself did exactly the same with an archaic word. He used the same word in different classes (see his use of the word [prefix +] tjhokolova, dealt with under metaphor, p. 196 et seq.). The young poet not only used the concord of a different class for the noun, he also elided the relative concord in the verb, namely `(e)lakudla', which is 222

233 so typical in iimbongo. Magadangana's adaptations to the written version commence in line 3 (`ikom' erag'...' instead of 'Worn' irag'...') and continue with regular intervals throughout his performance. His variations consist mainly of the use of a different type of concord (relative instead of subject concord, etc.) and additions, as in `Owadla lieu] amabutho wallongabulana' as opposed to cudle amabutho kallongabulana' in the written text. Magadangana's version of this line also represents a different meaning; his line can be translated as follows: 'He defeated them like the warriors of Nongabulana'. Sovetjheza's line reads: 'He defeated the warriors of Nongabulana'. Adaptations of this nature were also evident in a meta-performance by Sovetjheza, which was recorded on 22/12/88 when he.was interviewed on aspects of his art. When explaining the historical incidents referred to in the praise poetry of Mkhephule, he rendered the 'same' iimbongo as follows (it is presented line for line below the 'original' performance (19/12/86) to highlight the differences): Wena mfana gijim' uyotjel' amadoda Mntwana gijim' uyotjel' amadoda Uth' umkhephule ubuyelele wenza njengayizolo Uth' usocialeni wenze njengayizolo Wahlik' ipera esehla kanye namadoda Wehl' ipera ekanye namadoda Although Magadangana's performance testifies more to memorisation than to improvisation, the variations in the performance unmistakably bear witness to an emerging ability with the conventions of Ndebele iimbongo. If we had to apply the views of Walter J. Ong (1995: 11) we could say that although the poet relied mainly on secondary orality, conventions reminiscent of a primary oral culture made inroads into his performance. Magadangana has learnt the modern, individualistic way. He has taken a shortcut instead of the time-consuming 'traditional' way of learning at the feet of the specialist to produce what, for all intents and purposes, looks like 'traditional', communal, popular art. Ong (1995: 26) reminds us 223

234 Oral formulaic thought and expression ride deep in consciousness and the unconscious, and do not vanish as soon as one used to them takes pen in hand. Or, in this case, memorised what was written. It is fitting, though, at this point in the study, to take a last glance at Mbulawa Abram Mahlangu (Sovetjheza) who started praising in at an ingoma (Mahlangu et at 1995: i), whom I recorded for the last time for this study on 19/12/96. Having memorised his first iimbongo from word, of mouth from an ugogo, namely Nomafithlela Msiza (born Mahlangu), and from his own transcriptions, his art has developed and evolv'ed. My first recordings of his iimbongo in 1986 at the Nyabela Day festival included, strangely enough, only one line for Mabhoko, a line that does not occur in his later versions, namely UMabhoko uyabusa bayavungama (Mabhoko rules while they are uneasy) The later versions contain, on average, about 40 lines. For Prince James I recorded 11 lines on this occasion compared to 32 lines recorded a few years later (discussed in the previous chapter). Likewise, the earlier recordings for Prince James contain portions that do not occur later, for instance Umkhonto onzima ushokoloze ilif elimnyama Lisiza nesiwezulu lasabalala. (This black assegai aggravated (? -shokoloza is archaic) a black cloud It comes with the first rain of the season and then it vanished.) Sovetjheza's repertoire is, admittedly, a fraction of what praise poets of other traditions, notably Nguni and Sotho, are capable of, but then it must be remembered that Sovetjheza praises at least 15 traditional chiefs of the past and at least 4 contemporary leaders. Although creativity is mainly maintained by presenting motifs in different grammatical configurations, combining them in a new way (through different line divisions), and by 224

235 utilising length in a different way, completely novel motifs emerge, such as the reference to the Swazis in the following paragraph of Mabhoko's praises: Mabhoko yakha ngamad' amahlahla Nang' umswaz' ugangile: Maphos' umkhontro azondwa eswazini Uzondwe konomswazi Abansibazibomvu zifana nezegwalagwala. (Musho!) (Mabhoko build with long poles (because) here is the insolent MsWazi Hurler of the assegai hated in Swaziland He is hated by the mother of Mswazi Those of (= the people of) the red feather resemble those of (= the feathers of) the Knysna lourie. (Musho 0) The last line of the praise paragraph, grammatically richly coded, bears an ominous resemblance to the motif `Jozi libomvu izinkwalankwala' - assegai red with blotches. Such lines, probably composed during performance, bears testimony to Sovetjheza's creative ability. 5.4 Conclusion The context and situation in which the praise poems were performed must be kept in mind. They were performed during campaign meetings in 1988 when the Ndebele of the former KwaNdebele and surrounding areas had to elect a new legislative assembly. The choice was between Majozi Mahlangu and Ingwenyama Mabhoko. Majozi's government was engaged in repressive actions against people who opposed independence and thus conformed to apartheid policies of the South African Government at that time. For the Mgwenyama and his sons, Majozi was an unacceptable political rival, especially because of his oppressive measures to cajole people on to his side. So they rejected independence. 225

236 Although praise poetry was used extensively in these meetings, and the extent of its performance exceeded that of the political speeches, praise poetry fulfilled only a supportive role. While the iimbongo had to entertain, mediate, and sensitise the people, the political oratory had to educate and persuade. This does not mean that the political rhetoric did not entertain and sensitise as well. Being immersed in an oral culture, speakers had at their disposal the devices of oral poetry to entertain through their speeches. The entertaining function of praise poetry was most evident before the meetings started. People were not left idle until the speakers and other dignitaries arrived, the praise poet entertained them by praising. In fact, most of the praise poetry was performed before the arrival of the VIPs. These performances were clearly meant to entertain the crowd. On a few occasions the imbongi, Sovetjheza, would perform the iimbongo requested by the audience. Going on in the background was another form of popular art, namely singing. Partaking in these activities inevitably bonded people together, paving the way to direct their, sentiments and ultimately their actions with regard to voting for the right candidates. Much was at stake for the parties concerned. Majozi and his cabinet were clearly not prepared to give up power and went to great lengths not to abdicate. Their campaign rhetoric showed that they were treading cautiously: they had decided not to openly oppose independence (because that would diminish their support with central government) but also not to openly promote it (because the tide had already turned against the idea and many Ndebele people were questioning its value). Yet, between 1985 and 1988 they, assisted by forces loyal to central government, were harassing people opposed to independence in various ways. Their opposition were also facing dire options. The hzgwenyama and his sons could look at recent history and realise that they could follow the same path as the Zulu monarch, King Goodwill Zwelithini, and could possibly suffer some of the things he suffered at the hands of a power-hungry regent, or worst of all, could end up without real political power. Since the Zulu monarch's sister, Nonhlanhla, is married to Makhosana Mahlangu, a relative of the Ndebele royal family, the princes knew 226

237 of his flight to the former KwaNdebele for safety; an incident which is expressed as follows, in Zwelithini's izibongo (Mkhize 1989: 92): Imvukuzan' evukuz' ubusulcu lye yabonwa umame wasemandebeleni (The mole that tunnelled through the night And was seen by the Ndebele woman) It stands to reason that the Ingwenyama and his sons were prepared to fight for maximum political power so as to secure a place for the monarchy. The use of iimbongo to assist in these intentions should not be seen as a desperate attempt to do so, a clutching at a straw as it were. On the contrary, knowing full well that iimbongo has the power to claim ground because it convincingly confirms the legitimacy and authority of its subject, the imbongi was asked to pei-form at every occasion possible, even on those occasions when the late Ingwenyama Mabhoko could not attend a meeting. This is perhaps also the reason for using metaphor in various forms and to the exclusion of other tropes. In iimbongo metaphor is not used as a 'deconstructing' device; rather it is employed as a powerful constituting device, even when the surface meaning seems to suggest the opposite. Parker's summary (1984: 357) of work done on metaphor in political rhetoric is just as valid for iimbongo: `.. metaphor [is] the hitherto hidden power behind the capacity of speech to define and so place persons and events.' It is clear that the linguistic means in all its forms in southern African praise poetry is immensely varied and not only is the poet in a position to select from an array of possibilities, but also to combine them in interesting configurations. Linguistic resources in praise poetry perform two important functions: in the first place they are there to be enjoyed for their own sake. This is the natural result when language is defamiliarised - it draws attention to itself In the language of Bauman and Briggs (1990: 73, 74) linguistic resources entextualise - they are there to `... render stretches of discourse discontinuous with their discursive surround, thus making them into coherent, effective, and memorable 227

238 texts.' But this is not its only function. Praise poetry is at the same time discourse (not only 'text') - language used in context to achieve something. In praise poetry poetic devices also serve to challenge, enhance or gain power. Evidently there are useful elements in all the approaches that comment on language use. The sheer abundance of facets inherent in the performance of praise poetry allows for many approaches. To do justice to the Ndebele material in its peculiar circumstances it is necessary to employ a model encompassing criteria that would account for its performance, oral nature, its historicity, and its literary and linguistic peculiarities. 228

239 Chapter 6 Conclusion The evolution of the broad field of folklore from an interest in curious artefacts of the `other' to performance and praxis (see Bronner's (1988) preference for the latter orientation over performance) can be described as a focus on dynamic processes rather than an interest in objects. Along with other productive approaches, performance studies has proved itself as a theory capable of accounting adequately for the numerous aspects that start to present themselves when a performer (or performers) assumes some sort of responsibility to communicate images, sentiments, values, facts, etc., to an audience. Okpewho (1990: 122, 123) says euphorically 'In my opinion... the performance-centred approach is the best thing that has happened to the study of oral texts within the last thirty years...' The performance situation is clearly a much more powerful one than the communication of facts on a one-to-one basis. Performance has more power to shape attitudes, as Fine argues: `... both Gerard Manly Hopkins and Jean-Paul Sartre point to the power of performance to shape, reflect, and embody human identity.' I am convinced that the performing of iimbongo at the political meetings described in this study had much persuasive power. Many Ndebele people felt that they were, as so many times before in their sad history, in a crisis. The people were set up against each other and a choice had to be made. For the majority of Ndebele people greater certainty and stability lay on the `traditional side' where the Ingwenyama and his sons rejected the 'lure' of independence. This side 'conscripted' the services of an imbongi to strengthen its cause. Ironically this `tradition'af side was labelled `radical' by the opposition. One reason for using this label was that Prince James joined the youth and they naturally strengthened their performances with political songs (an aspect that unfortunately could not be described adequately due to faulty equipment). 229

240 The requirement of the performance approach that it should be performercentred pressed very painfully on us when we started to transcribe texts only to realise that sometimes we were not sure of what they were saying or singing. One example will suffice. When I first transcribed the worksong dealt with on page 75 I was convinced that the words were as follows: Kulula layis' imboki (It's easy, load the poles) When Bhuti Skhosana listened, he was convinced that my transcription was incorrect and his tentative rendering, after much listening, was something like Hulula yash' imboki Or: (Hulula, the imboki (he didn't know the word) are burning) Hulula saf imboki (Hulula, we are perishing through the imboki). On the other hand, Philemon Ntuli did not take long to render the song as I have decided to present it. If we had the opportunity to find the original performers we might have come up with yet another version.. Although the stipulation to include context in any significant description of social or artistic processes must be accredited to anthropologists, other social scientists, and those in the humanities, performance-oriented scholars have placed a new emphasis on it to adequately describe the dynamics of verbal art in performance. One of the strongest influences in the macro-context in the Ndebele situation is orality. The variety of situations and the extent of singing in these situations testified to the fact that verbal art is a significant part of Ndebele social life. In fact, for some of the people performing, especially the women, these songs were the only medium to protest openly, as Barber (1987: 2) confirms: `... for the majority of African people, the arts are the only channel of public communication at their disposal.' When one compares songs with praise poetry, 230

241 one is struck by the former's immediacy: they comment much more directly on immediate issues, while praise poetry is more conservative in its approach. The performing of iimbongo, however, was not independent of song. In fact, they were often performed while some people, especially the women, were singing, so that an outsider, like myself, could easily experience the situation as a cacophony of contending discourses. It was often technology that came to the 'rescue' when the Master of Ceremonies announced that the (real) meeting would now begin. And invariably it began with the praises of Mabhoko over the PA system to prepare the coming of the Ingwenyama Mabusabesala, generally referred to as lkosi. Thus, as observed elsewhere (Barber in Quayson 1995: 187), praise poetry, especially the forms connected to leaders, is seen as a 'master discourse'. Indeed, in the Ndebele context, the performing of iimbongo took its place alongside other master discourses, for instance political oratory. In these circumstances, Ndebele praise poetry was used to embellish, but also to lend more authority to the political gatherings. By providing sheer entertainment before the arrival of leaders, iimbongo assumed the role of popular art, alongside songs. In the formal gathering they were used as a device of mediation ensuring the continuation of the political gathering, but more importantly, the iimbongo had to portray the legitimacy and acceptability of the leaders and their cause. Although some iimbongo were, as it were, suited to the occasion (for instance the praises of the princes and,those of Solly Mahlangu), others had to go through the remarkable process of decontextualisation and recontextualisation to fulfil the functions mentioned. Commanding the action of praising ably, commanding the processes of decontextualisation and recontextualisation, points not only to skill, but also to the authority and power the imbongi has, as Bauman and Briggs (1990: 76) state: `To decontextualize and recontextualize a text is thus an act of control, and in regard to the differential exercise of such control the issue of social power arises.' But the success of iimbongo in achieving their goals lies, in my view, not only in good acting, as it were, but largely in their artistic resources - to use Bauman and Briggs' term, the praise poet has to entextualise. Without its quickening imagery and other devices, a performance would have little effect. Wheale 231

242 (1995: 36) makes an interesting observation about aesthetic form, a view that strongly recalls the pioneering work of the Formalists, when he says: 'Aesthetic form... draws attention to itself as a poem or novel, actually regardless of the content which it is expressing.' Certainly, the motifs attributed to the heroes are very important, but these must be presented in the correct aesthetic grammar, of which our imbongi, Sovetjheza, is an able practitioner despite his position as a 'transitional' poet. Sovetjheza, like other limbongi, stands removed from the purely oral phase and is immersed in the secondary oral phase, one which is dominated by the technologised word, to use Walter Ong's term. He stands in the domain of the professional politician (as opposed to the traditional leader) where contending loyalties lay hold of the modern-day imbongi - must he praise the traditional leader or the professional politician (as well as the trade union leader)? By a strange twist of fate Sovetjheza found himself doing both simultaneously. The princes were part of the royal family, but were also seen as the `ama-radicals'. Such are the unpredictable social dynamics in Africa. 232

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253 Addendum 1: Maps of research area 243

254 :NAMIBIA Soshanguve Johannesburg Koster.Roodepoort Soweto Erttolweni Pretoria Mamelodi DaveSon Bethel Vosloarus 1-244

255 Addendum 2: Genealogy of Ndzundza amakhosi and regents UMatana UMhlanga UMusi UManala USkhosana (4) UNdzundza UDlomu USibasa UMhwaduba (5) UMrhetja UPetha UNdimande UKotheni UQongo I I I I UNdobela (6) UMagoboli (8) USindeni UBhorholo (7) UBongwe (9) UMa langu I I I I I I (13) UMgwezane (14) UDzela (15) UMrhabuli (12) UMdalanyana (10) UPhaswana (11) UMaridili I I I I UGembe (16) UMagodongo UMrabheli UBayeleni I I I I I I I I I I UBarhusa UMloyi UHlanganisa UMtjabi (17) USiboko UMgwayana (19) UMabhogo UNdaweni UBengako (18) USomdeyi UGwalimba (20) UMkhephuli (21) URhobongo (22) UNyabela UMagelembe UMatsitsi (Cornelis I) UFene UMayisha (Cornelis II) UMabusa (UMabhoko) UMayisha II In bold: Chief In italics: Regent Order of rulers 1-26 Adapted and printed with the kind permission of the author Prof CJ van Vuuren, from Van Vuuren, C.J Ndzundza-Ndebele en die Mapochsgrotte. South African Journal for Ethnology 8.2:

256 Addendum 3: Photos Philemon Ntuli and his family. From left to right: Nomacala, Philemon with Ntokozo, Sibusiso, Fezile (in front), and Busisiwe. 4F-4 " Ichude at the home of Jim Ntuli. Ntuli is dancing while the other men sing and clap hands. 246

257 Ichude at the home of Jim Ntuli. The maidens arrive and take position at the gate. Ichude at the home of Jim Ntuli. When Ntuli has addressed the girls he performs a thamba routine. 247

258 Zangoma performance at the home of Mbonani. The initiate (kneeling) performs a thokoza dialogue with other initiates after a bout of singing and dancing. Ingoma at the home of Ingonyama Makhosoke. The initiates are singing. 248

259 Ingoma at the home of Ingonyama Makhosoke. The young men are about to leave for the home of one of these young men where a home-coming feast will be held; a feast is held at each of their homes. 249

260 ' CHIEF NYABELA 1083 THIS xa%uniml IS UHT lb Intl OMIT 0 ON a I? ID ev rmumova 04vio 14APOCII CM BMW- Of IMF ; MOP TO /11010 PUCE =Mal. MAO Oh II/ TIMIILIS All,]ACAS Statue of Nyabela at erholweni where Nyabela Day is commemorated annually on 19 December. 250

261 i77!n7i!itng, III. Ts Zit Sovetjheza praising Prince James after the official proceedings at the Nyabela Day commemorations, Ingonyama Mabhoko (centre) with the senior men as they perform amahubo approaching the podium where official proceedings will commence, Nyabela Day I 251

262 Prince James delivering his address at Vosloorus. Princes James and Cornelius giya-ing after their speeches at Vosloorus. 252

263 The senior men performing a thamba routine at Emzinoni (Bethal). 253

264 Sovetjheza entertaining people before official proceedings in typical praising posture at Vosloorus. 254

265 The Matjirini Boys entertaining the people before the official proceedings, at Daveyton. The women arrive singing their theme song, at Daveyton. 255

266 Prince Cornelius speaking at Daveyton. Candidates for election are paraded, at Daveyton. 256

267 Chief Minister Majozi (left) shaking the hand of Loboli. The imbongi Joyina Mahlangu holds the certificate confirming the inauguration of the Sikhulumi chieftaincy at KoSikhulumi, Verena. 257