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1 "All the Thgs You Could be by Now, If Sigmund Freud's Wife Was Your Mother": Psychoanalysis and Race Author(s): Hortense J. Spillers Source: boundary 2, Vol. 23, No. 3 (Autumn, 1996), pp Published by: Duke Press Stable URL: Accessed: 02/05/ :36 Your use the JSTOR archive dicates your acceptance JSTOR's Terms and Conditions Use, available at JSTOR's Terms and Conditions Use provides, part, that unless you have obtaed prior permission, you may not download an entire issue a journal or multiple copies articles, and you may use content the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regardg any further use this work. Publisher contact formation may be obtaed at Each copy any part a JSTOR transmission must conta the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or prted page such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-prit organization founded 1995 build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use these resources. For more formation about JSTOR, please contact support@jsr.org. Duke Press is collaboratg with JSTOR digitize, preserve and extend access boundary 2.

2 "All the Thgs You Could Be by Now, If Sigmund Freud's Wife Was Your Mother": Psychoanalysis and Race Hortense J. Spillers 1 The view from here is old-fashioned. One might even call it lame, predicated as it is on the proposition that self-knowledge has its uses. From here, we might be vested a revigorated social practice, whose aim is ethical and resrative. To say so, however, is start at the end this piece, where and when and if the writg has not only congealed but explaed itself. We have now do with begngs. A framework that would properly contextualize a confrontation be- tween "psychoanalysis" and "race" is not imagable without a handful prior questions, usually left unarticulated, that set it motion the first place. The new social practices ward which I have gestured cannot pro- ceed, however, unless we are willg pose the not-quite thkable, on which bases the convergg issues have previously rested. In other words, culture theorists on either side the question would rule out, as tradition Unless otherwise stated, all translations are my own. boundary 2 23:3, Copyright? 1996 by Hortense Spillers. Reprted by permission the author.

3 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary 76 boundary has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross- has it, any meetg ground between race matters, on the one hand, and psychoanalytic theories, on the other. But I want shift ground, mdful this caveat: little or nothg the tellectual hisry African Americans with the social and political context the United States would suggest the effectiveness a psychoanalytic discourse, revised or classical, illu- matg the problematic "race" on an tersubjective field play, nor do we yet know how hisricize the psychoanalytic object and objective, vade its heredity premises and sulations, and open its sights, sub- sequently, cultural and social forms that are disjunctive its origary imperatives. In short, how might psychoanalytic theories speak about "race" as a self-consciously assertive reflexivity, and how might "race" expose the gaps that psychoanalytic theories awaken? Neither from the pot view African Americans' relationship the domant culture nor, just as impor- tant, from that the community's tramural engagements have we been obliged our analytical/critical writgs consider the place, for example, fantasy, desire, and the "unconscious," conflict, envy, aggression, and ambivalence the reperire elements that are perceived fashion the lifeworld. Only a handful writers fiction, Ralph Ellison, Toni Cade Bam- bara, Alice Walker, David Bradley, and Toni Morrison, among them, have posed a stagg the mental theater as an articulate structure critical quiries the "souls black folk," though my havg recourse W. E. B. Du Bois's 1903 work deed suggests that the black New Englander was on course nearly a century ago. Among Du Bois's generation thkers, poet Jean Toomer comes as close as anyone with this reperry writgs the coherent layg out a paradigm the imagary (Cane, 1922), even though, a very real sense, we could say that the artwork, its telli- gent "muteness," is already a "translation" that requires a didactic rereadg back its eventuality from concatenations on the real object- other words, the "message" art is hardly transparent, or be read like the palms the hands. Paule Marshall's fiction, as another example, plays a similar role the contemporary period, especially The Chosen Place, the Timeless People and Praisesong for the Widow. I thk it is safe say, how- ever, that the psychoanalytic object, subject, subjectivity now constitute the missg layer hermeneutic/terpretive projects an entire generation black tellectuals now at work. The absence is not only glarg but perhaps most curious its persistence. There are genue costs as a result, whose upshot may be observed what I would consider occasional lapses ethi- cal practice social relations among black tellectuals themselves. Such lapses are most pafully obvious and dramatically demonstrable cross-

4 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 and Race 77 gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea. gender exchanges with this social formation, although this outcome is not the only way read the picture. With genders, the black tellectual class is establishg few models conduct and social responsibility, but perhaps change is the makg.1 Relatedly, we appear be at a crossroads tryg determe who "owns" African American cultural production as an "tellectual property," who may "speak" for it, and whether or not "posses- sion" itself is the always-exploitative end kds access, even when the vestigar looks like me. While a sustaed readg this manifestation is beside the pot this essay, it hovers the background as precisely the sort problem that a revised and corrected social-political practice might field, if not solve, and might mobilize poted attention, if not drive out algether. As a demo- cratic idealist, even I need not be so naive as believe that nostrums are available us and that there are, fact, a cluster "god-terms" waitg the wgs if only our collective genius could put them the right order. We should be so lucky. I do want contend, nevertheless, that psychoanalytic discourse might fer a supplementary procol we might consider. And if one is gog posit such a thg, then those prior questions I have alluded ought be spelled out. This essay attempts provide such an openg. 2 By juxtaposg psychoanalysis and "race," is one brgg them alignment the hope that these structures attention will be mutually illu- matg and terpenetrative? By contrast, does one mean suggest the impossibility the latter, which reforces the impression that these punc- 1. Perhaps the long-awaited thaw the recognition a collective and cooperative ter- est among African American women the academy is only now comg about. Durg the month January 1994, several hundred black women and women color converged on the campus the Massachusetts Institute Technology for four days meetgs devoted quiry concerng a range issues. Organized by MIT Pressors Rob Kilson (hisry) and Evelyn Hammond (the hisry science), "Defendg Our Name, ," its title takg its cue from the New York Times advertisement support Pressor Anita Hill, was keynoted by three leadg figures: Dr. Johnetta Cole, president Spelman College; Pressor Angela Davis, the Hisry Consciousness Board, California, Santa Cruz; and law Pressor Lani Guier, the Pennsylvania Law School. Prior the MIT conference, however, black women gradu- ate students English and African American studies at the Pennsylvania convened a smaller conference similar design at the Philadelphia campus durg the sprg The MIT symposium was modeled on this idea.

5 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary 78 boundary tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991). tualities are so sistently disparate the cultural and hisrical claims that they each voke that the ground their speakg gether would dissolve conceptual chaos? One pair well-known critics even ventured that it is the "cure" from which we need curg.2 And if one is not gog speak, eventually, a cure from whatever perceived ailment, then what exactly is the pot? We could spend as much time terrogatg both psychoanalysis and "race" as more or less fixed conceptual narratives and social praxes that occupy their own defitive moment a semiotic cha. What those are might be as useful as any "fix." This is what I mean: "race," on the one hand, speaks through multiple discourses that habit tersectg axes relations that banish once and for all the illusion a split between "pub- lic" and "private." The dividual the collective traversed by "race"-and there are no known exceptions, as far as I can tell-is covered by it be- fore language and its differential laws take hold. It is the perfect affliction, if by that we mean an undeniable setup that not only shapes one's view thgs but demands an endless response from him. Unscientific the eyes "pros," governed by the verted comma, unnatural and prepon- derant its grotesque mandates on the socius, "race" is desty the world we have made. Is it not the unequable dosaur postmodernist sensibilities, enamored stant addictions and handguns? Seemgly out place alongside the hipness DNA research, terplanetary probgs, and televised repairs on the Hubble telescope, suspended "nowhere" we know, it is our firm and exorable lk the logics and appeal the ir- rational. From Bosnia-Herzegova Los Angeles, from Riyadh Bosn, and back across the spe Europe and Africa, "race" asserts itself as the contagious magic substitution for temic collapse and the gods gone astray. What is this thg called "race"?3 Our deadliest abstraction? Our most nonmaterial actuality? Not fact, but our deadliest fiction that gives the lie doubt about ghosts? In a word, "race" haunts the air where women and men social organization are most reasonable. 2. Mark Seem, troduction Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capital- ism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, preface by Michel Foucault (Mneapolis: Mnesota Press, 1983); origally published as LAnti-Oedipe (Les Editions de Muit, 1972). Seem identifies the project this way: "What it attempts cure us is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach 'schizoanalysis,' which they oppose on every count psychoanalysis" (xvii). 3. For a recent examation the problematics "race," aspects its loose and strict construction, see Domick LaCapra, ed., The Bounds Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1991).

6 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 and Race 79 "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS. "Race," therefore, travels: while we are confronted, from time time, with almost-evidence that the age the postrace subject is upon us, we are just as certa that its efficacies can, and do, move from one position another and back aga. It is fair say that "gays the military" - scribed a social posture that was race-like its dramatic concentration negative semantic energy, the surfeit bld panic that underscored it, and the terrifyg certaty by which its target was marked. The gener- als who opposed the early Cln admistration's wish reverse the ban on gay and lesbian military personnel were both right and wrong their objections the analogizg gay sexuality the situation black sol- diers the armed forces the Truman era. They were right observe that black people cannot conceal the color their sk, while gay subjects, even when black, can keep "it" from sight. From this angle, have been a black person arms durg World War II and the Korean War must have been analogous nothg else. (The phenomenon racial "passg" is roughly comparable, one might guess, sexuality under concealment, but Africanity, by defition, describes the essence visibility, which contas its own contradiction, sar as it not only embodies a marked position but also specifies for the nervous beholder an overvestment anxiety because it is so marked. Trouble comes double when "race" determes a marker for the person who "has" it. This is not exactly taulogical, or ques- tion beggg, as the processes- phenotypic assignment/recognition, over and agast a spurt psychic energy-terconnect with the actual pres- ence the black person, who, gratefully, under "normal" circumstances, remas oblivious the slight stir that her/his appearance has caused places. Frantz Fanon spoke the "Negro the Antilles" [and by associa- tion, any"negro"] as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety."4 It would be useful know, though, general, how bodies respond bodies not like their own, and what it is that "sees"- other words, do we look with eyes, or with the psyche? The sight disturbance is activated on the streets Accra, for example, when a white person erupts from the front door a Barclay's Bank, say, at high noon the midst Ghanaian market women at their work, though I thk it would be an error gauge the latter hap- peng as a simple reversal this: a black person, with nappy hair, come upon all a sudden by a band Russian children outside Moscow, 4. Frantz Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann Grove Press, 1967), 151; origally published as Peau Noire, Masques Blancs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952). This work is hereafter cited parenthetically as BS.

7 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary 80 boundary is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social is stantly aware that someone has blundered.) From the pot view power relations, which remaed unstated their objections, the generals, the controversy with the White House, knew well that racist practices, as a rule, habitually focus on "black," as racism even sprts across the jazzy frontiers sexual preference. Practically speakg, then, their nay-sayg was accurate. What the generals got wrong, however, was the followg: (1) the arbitraress difference can occur along any les stress and for rea- sons that are, at once, elaborate and simplemded; and (2) "race" is both concentrated and dispersed its localities- other words, "race" alone bears no herent meang, even though it reifies personality, but gas its power from what it signifies by pot, what it allows come mean- g (i.e., the synonymity struck between Africanness and enslavement by the close the seventeenth century the English colonies marked the boundary freedom, which decided, turn, a subject's social and political status). In the context the United States, "race" clgs, primitively, a Manichaean overtness-"black" and "white." But it is evident that "race" by other names may operate with homogeneous social formations that lose their apparent "same" under hierarchical value: from an American pot view, Haitian and Somalian societies, as well as the complex ethnic group- gs that constitute the former Yugoslavia, are less racially diverse than the United States, sce here, sk color is the decidg facr. But all three stances community shattered by conflict and killg, "color" was-still is-displaced on other features the discrimary. To that extent, "race" demarcates both an -itselfness and a figurative economy that can take on any number different faces at the drop a hat. Understandg how this mechanism works is crucial: "race" is not simply a metaphor and nothg more; it is the outcome a politics. For one mistake it is be politically stupid and endangered. It is also a complicatedfigure, or metaphoricity, that demonstrates the power and danger difference, that signs and assigns difference as a way situate social subjects. If we did not already have "race" and its quite impressive powers proliferation, we would need vent them. The social mechanism at work here is difference, and as, hierarchy, although "race" remas one its most venerable master signs. Unhooked from land, cusm, language, leage, and clan/tribal ar- rangements, modern "race" jos the reperire fetish names bolstered by legislative strategy, public policy, and the entire apparatus the courts and police force. It appears best advantage under the regime exile, es- trangement, and struggle- brief, where and when heterogeneous social

8 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 and Race 81 subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially " subjects voke their humanness and its orders under the signs enmity and alienation. With the new global arrangement portended by European cursions around the Atlantic-Gulf rim the New World,5 conquest and warfare seem aumatic cross-racial exchange, and fortune, the crown the colonizg spirit. Michel de Certeau speaks the New World as "nuova terra," an "unknown body" then covered over by discourses power. This "writg that conquers... will use the New World as if it were a blank 'sav- age' page on which Western desire will be written."6 Under this fairly novel scheme orientations, "race" will malocclude culture, as the former be- comes fatally wed questions value. The processes set motion de Certeau's conceptual narrative, where the new land is allegorized as an unclothed female figure,7 will come exact a cultural denudg, an empty- g out culture; this lesion on the world surface, this gap its "bra," will be filled up, and filled, by "race." In the long aftermath, however, where we are currently located, we already know that "race," even then, "passed" for the Harvest but was, fact, the great Big Empty. Centuries down the le, the problem is how expla the way by which "race" translates cultural self-production, at the same time that it is evidently imposed by agencies (agentification) that come rest the public/admistrative sphere, or what we understand as such. The provo- cation is grasp its self-reflexivity, which is presumptively "private" and "me." The relay between self-fashiong and "out there" is only tricately revealed, however. The three dimensions subjectivity fered by Lacanian psychoanalysis, the Symbolic, the imagary, and the Real,8 broach an - 5. This particular cluster hisrical motives provides the framework readg the project hisriography Michel de Certeau, The Writg Hisry, trans. Tom Conley Columbia Press, 1988); origally published as L'Ecriture de I'hisire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975). 6. Certeau, The Writg Hisry, preface, xxv. 7. This le argument is fruitfully pursued Patricia Parker's Literary Fat Ladies: Rhe- ric, Gender, Property (London: Methuen, 1987), 141ff. Parker's "femized New World" fers the ground for the convergence diverse human terests: male gaze, real estate, and the operations rheric. See also "Who Cuts the Border?" my troduction Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and Nationality the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers, English Institute Essays Routledge, 1991). 8. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1977); selected from the origal Ecrits (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966). In the translar's note the English version, the three Lacanian dimensions are defed gether: Sheri- dan pots out that the "imagary" was the first appear, prior the Rome Report 1953, which writg the notion the "symbolic" surfaces. The "real" was itially "

9 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary 82 boundary terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom." terpretation that could be articulated with racial economy, but its muddle concerng the Real, which is not the real, accordg certa theorists,9 we are left stunned the breach. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Pontalis's Lan- guage Psycho-analysis, for example,10 carries substantial entries on the Symbolic and the Imagary, but nothg under the name the "Real." What one anticipates, then, is that a fourth register11 will be called for estab- lishg "reality" ( the domated political position) as the psychic burden, acquired post-mirror stage, that reads back on the Lacanian triangulation a distended organizational calculus. In short, the Lacanians do not give us a great deal help, as far as I can tell, with the "reality" that breaks on the person. Before we could even attempt such revisionary readg, we should ask psychoanalysis generally what objects its field might come play the understandg "race," as well as what busess we have here. As a literary critic/theorist might deploy it, psychoanalytic theory has little or nothg do with psychoanalysis defed by an object, a field delimited by a practice, or the desire the analyst, as Lacan elaborated the problematic only mor importance, actg as a kd safety rail." Gradually developg, its impact shifted over time, from a "function constancy" as that "which always returns the same place," that "before which the imagary faltered, that over which the symbolic stumbles"-thus, the "impossible" (x). 9. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts Psychoanalysis, ed. Jacques- Ala Miller, trans. Alan Sheridan W. W. Norn, 1981); origally published as "Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse," Le Semaire de Jacques Lacan, Livre XI (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1973). In the translar's note on this text, Sheri- dan pots out that, though lked the symbolic and the imagary, the "real" stands for neither and "remas foreclosed from the analytic experience, which is an experience speech." In any case, the "real" comes about prior the subject's assumption the symbolic and "is not be confused with reality, which is perfectly knowable: the subject desire knows no more than that, sce for it reality is entirely phantasmatic" (280). 10. J. Laplanche and J.-B. Ponatalis, The Language Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, with tro. by David Lagache W. W. Norn, 1973); origally published as Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967). No discussion is found here the "real," but there are entries on the "Reality Prciple" and "Reality-Testg"; on the "Imagary" (210); on the "Symbolic" and its con- trastive uses Freud and Lacan (439-41). 11. This fourth register would be nothg more or less than "reality," constructed relation- ship the Lacanian Schema R. (see Anthony Wilden, trans., and commentary, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis: Jacques Lacan [Baltimore: Johns Hopks Press, 1968], ). If we thk this encodation as a psychic tality "one," it might be analogized accordance with genetic structure as the "socom."

10 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 and Race 83 The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological The Four Fundamental Concepts.12 Clearly, we are makg use the psychoanalytic echo ward an end that practitioners would neither recog- nize nor endorse, though aberrant performances which psychoanalytic theory is occasionally subjected are nothg new or especially darg these days: psychoanalytic sights, transported the fields femist and critical quiries, for example, are already a well-known quantity. (Perhaps the problem poachg could be disposed if we called such forays as this one an exercise psychoanalytics, a project that would thk through aspects a psychoanalytic culture criticism and how one might go about determg its shape and style.) We are thrown here on some vaguely defed terriry between well-established republics. The pot, I believe, is put down tracks for some future vestigation/vestigar, whose "citi- zenship" might rema as generously undefed as the space I would claim. Puttg the best light we can on such a state thgs, we could call this - vestigar the future a "cosmopolite." In a very real sense, our corrected relationship the realities "race" might duce a "negative capability" the place guilt and an openness a world that now appears fal and closed. Stretchg the metaphor, we might say that one goes search a "homeland" that is as sufficient the needs strangers as k. Negotiatg the ground between forms exile and belongg cap- tures precisely the hisric vocation communities dividuals on the periphery the domant order, but it is difficult now focus on and keep view a distct marg and center. So much the work domi- nation appears be aided by an erstwhile "outsider," reproduced with the very preccts the domated, that a rigid demarcation the social order cultural domant, and domated, positions seems ever more parodic. There is, fact, an element antagonistic cooperation volved sociocultural work, from whatever vantage one is situated. The degree which cooperation can be distguished from complicity, or consensus from compromise, calls for discernment the nicest sort, but the prior problem, as I have observed, is that the quiry itself has been put only sporadically, if at all. A psychoanalytic culture criticism not only would attempt name such contradictions but would establish the name quiry itself as the goal an terior tersubjectivity. As it seems clear me at the moment, the African American collective denotes the qutessential object the discourses social science, sar as the overwhelmg number com- mentaries concerng it have do with the "fdgs" the sociological 12. Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, Lacan, "Excommunication," The Four Fundamental Concepts, 8-12.

11 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary 84 boundary and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183). and the collective situation with economy. The limitation this view, if not particular projects, is that it achieves little perspective with a "general sci- ence the economy practices."13 What is more, namg here becomes desty, the extent that the social formation, or dividual communities with it, more accurately, comprehend themselves, almost entirely, as an nocence or a passivity worked upon, worked over, by others. While it would be much o simplistic and erroneous say, "all we have do...," we can guess without apology that there is an aspect human agency that cannot be beswed or resred by others, even though the philosopher's "recognition," or lack it, will, fact, support it, and it is this aspect the hisrical and cultural apprenticeship-strategies for gag agency-that we wish describe a systematic way. I have chosen call this strategy the terior tersubjectivity, which I would, turn, designate as the locus at which self-terrogation takes place. It is not an arrival but a departure, not a goal but a process, and it conduces ward neither an answer nor a "cure," because it is not en- gendered formulae and prescriptions. More precisely, its operations are rque-like the extent that they throw certaty and dogma (the static, passive, monumental aim) doubt. This process situates a content work on as a disciple, as an askesis, and I would specify it on the - terior because it is found economy but is not exhausted by it. Persistently motivated wardness, -flux, it is the "me" social production that 13. Pierre Bourdieu, Outle a Theory Practice, trans. Richard Nice, Cambridge Studies Social Anthropology, gen. ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1977); origally published as Esquisse d'une theorie de la pratique, precede de trois etudes d'ethnologie kabyle (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972). See especially "Structures, Habitus, Power: Basis for a Theory Symbolic Power," , which makes a case for the "perfect terconvertibility economic capital... and symbolic capital" his study Kabyle anthropological structures, and which Bourdieu argues an explicit lk between forms capital and modes circulation (177). I am borrowg his notion ward different ends, however, by contendg that a revised African American culture critique would seek place the subject the "tality" his/her surround, cludg the terior. Bourdieu's context is specifically this: "Thus, homologies established between the circulation land sold and bought, the circulation 'throats'lent' and 'returned' (murder and vengeance), and the circulation women given and received, that is, between the different forms capital and the correspondg modes circulation, oblige us abandon the dichomy the economic and the non-economic which stands the way seeg the science economic practices as a particular case a general science the economy practices, capable treatg all practices, cludg those purportg be disterested or gratu- ius, and hence non-economic, as economic practices directed wards the maximizg material or symbolic prit" (183).

12 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 and Race 85 arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas. arises, part, from teractg with others, yet it bears the imprt a particularity. In the rotations certaty, this "me" gets away with very little, scot-free, and that, I believe, rebounds back upon the ethical wish that commences this writg. (Questions pertag the ethical- the rela- tional dimension the lifeworld-have become urgent over the last thirty years for reasons o complicated expla quickly here, but we could say, brief, that the postmodern economy, both real and symbolic terms, has been devastatg for both the concept and practice "community." My deep worry and surprise is that the African American community no longer appears grasp what I am at pas describe as an telligent response a myriad crises, as it seems that we were able marshal considerable resources over the long and terrific century after Emancipation. We would have account for powerful and systemic changes national life followg the period the Vietnam War [ ], but apart from that, one feels somethg quite private and unficial about the post-civil Rights era that no amount analysis can sufficiently expla: it would appear that certa social capabilities have been dissipated-a certa lightness beg, if we could say so, observable the community's superior music and some its best writgs, its commitment taste, style, the masks self-humor-just as we note, ironically, unprecedented upward mobility for black Americans at the same time. In the wake loss, we have left only the exorable grimness "competition," "gettg over," "role-modelg," "success" for the well-credentialed, and a thorough commodification black culture. My nostalgia for the lost love-object cannot be entirely laid down, I suspect, the affects anxiety's displacements alone, but relates as well the dispersal community across so wide a social terra that Robert Step's "symbolic geography"14 takes on added explanary power. The outcome the national flight labor, the demise older modes pro- 14. Robert Step, From Behd the Veil: A Study Afro-American Narrative (Urbana: Illois Press, 1979). Readdressg Vicr Turner's "ritual pography" spe- cific, other narrative matters at hand, Step seeks a paradigmaticoncept that would be capable identifyg "the requisite features or tropes any ritualized journeys or pilgrimages Afro-Americanarratives, whether they be ascent [the journey North, actually and symbolically, ward freedom the hisrical outle] or immersion [the re- versal direction, back ward the matrix or cradle the South]" (67). Step's "symbolic geography" "focuses on the idea that a landscape becomes symbolic literature when it is a region time and space ferg spatial expressions social structures and ritual grounds on the one hand, and communitas and genius loci on the other" (67). Step's "moments and out time" that would also entail the imagary and the phantasmal, as I see it, provide a basis for a more generous application the prciple communitas.

13 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary 86 boundary duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan, duction and dustry, and the radical reorganization global capital, which fundamentally archaizes the sovereign nation-state, with certa features held over from the neteenth century, engender a "community" that is be undersod, desired, reproduced, and consumed a different way. An apparently homogeneous social form with strictly determed borderles, with and without, is no longer located the same place, or, perhaps more accurately, no longer configured the same way, if by that we mean zones safety the familiar. The old community, which presented its aspects the eyes the child as the first and monumental stability, is no longer a space I would swear I know.) I would say, then, that from my limited acquatance with classical psychoanalytic theory, the missg pieces that would help us articulate a procol healg reference the African American lifeworld have do with the dimensions the socio-ethical. Even though the Freudian archive fers a rich iterary narratives and their context, begng with Frau- le Anna O's family situation, we cannot trace from there, for example, a systematic trajecry wider social engagement and implication: we can- not tell where a household is located political economy or the stresses generated by the positiong, although it is clear from the discourse on the early psychoanalytic movement15 that its itial subjects were, a degree, quite comfortably situated the environment and were even "at home" it. (But was that the problem? That what might have been a rebellion, or the site an "uncanny," or a "not home," reappeared as a sympm stead?) The relationship, then, between the "nuclear family" and the terveng sociometries the bourgeois household Viennese society that era generated the neurosis and its science out a social fabric that femist vestigation has been keen rethread.16 It seems that Freud wrote as if his 15. A good troduction a study the social context emergent psychoanalytic theory is fered Juliet Mitchell, Psychoanalysis and Femism: Freud, Reich, Lag, and Women Vtage, 1975), especially the appendix, "Psychoanalysis and Vienna at the Turn the Century," Peter Gay's biographical study Sigmund Freud exhaustively articulates the life with the career, and both with the context Freud's era, Freud: A Life for Our Time W. W. Norn, 1988), see especially chaps. 5-7, A number important works-both monographs and essay collections- femist terventions on the psychoanalytic object have emerged with the last decade and a half, cludg, among others: Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case-Freud-Hysteria-Femism, Gender and Culture Series Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1985); Mary Jacobus, Readg Woman: Essays Femist Criticism, Gen- der and Culture Series Columbia Press, 1986); Teresa Brennan,

14 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 and Race 87 man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried man/woman were Everybody's, were constitutive the social order, and that coeval particularities carried little or no weight. The universal sound psychoanalysis, givg short shrift cultural uniqueness (which it had circumvent, we suppose, order w the day for itself and, furthermore, order underme, throw f the track, the anti-semitic impulses Freud's era), must be vigilated as its limit: other words, precisely be- cause its theories seduce us want concede, "give " its seemg naturalness, its apparent rightness the way we live, we must be on guard all the more agast assimilatg other cultural regimes its modes analyses o quickly and without question, if at all. But for all that, I have no evidence that what are for me, at least, the major pics its field are not fact strgently operative the Afri- can American community: (1) self-division; (2) the mimetic and transitive character desire; (3) the economies displacement-associative and disjunctive; (4) the paradox the life-death pull; (5) the tragic elements couched the transfer social powers from one generation hisrical acrs another; (6) the preement distctions that attach the "Tw Towers" human/social beg-"mama" and "Papa" (this item does vite sustaed attention, because parentg black communities is hisrically fraught with laws that at one time overdetermed the legal status the child as property; but the question is, what extent the legal relations- a child who neither "belonged" the mother nor an African father- might have been translated an affective one); (7) the "paradox the negative,"17 or the sign's power delegate by negation; and (8) the special ed., Between Femism and Psychoanalysis Routledge, 1989); and Richard Feldste and Judith Ro, eds., Femism and Psychoanalysis (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1989). 17. Deleatg the four realms or regions lguistic reference, Kenneth Burke speaks the "paradox the negative" that context: [it] "is simply this: Quite as the word 'tree' is verbal and the thg tree is nonverbal, so all words for the non-verbal must, by the very nature the case, discuss the realm the non-verbal terms what it is not. Hence, use words properly, we must spontaneously have a feelg for the prciple the negative" (The Rheric Religion: Studies Logology [Berkeley: California Press, 1970], 18, Burke's emphasis). For all tents and purposes, the classic distction between sign and thg gaed primacy via the field modern lguistics and one its most fluential teachers the early twentieth century, Ferdan de Saussure (Course General Lguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye collaboration with Albert Riedlger, trans. Wade Bask [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966]). Overlappg Freud's era, Saussure's researches were posthumously troduced a wider audience readers by some his former students. On this side the Atlantic, however, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce carried

15 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary 88 boundary relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8). relationship that adheres between exile and writg (which may be retro- actively viewed here through the lens de Certeau). It seems, then, that the lifeworld fers a qutessential occasion for a psychoanalytic readg, given the losses that converge on its namg, and given the hisric cuts that have star-crossed its journey. The situation the African American community is more precisely ambivalent than any American case we can concoct, light its complete "Americanization" even at this late date. The way it is situated American culture precisely defes the human- social element trapped between divergent cultural mappgs, as well as an oppositional and collusive circuit desire itself. The question, then, for this project is not so much why and how "race" makes the difference- the police will see it-but how it carries over its message on an - terior, how "race," as a poisonous idea, suates itself not only across and between ethnicities but with. What I am positg here is the blankness "race" where somethg else ought be, that emptyg out which I spoke earlier, the evacuation be restituted and recalled as the disciple a self-critical quiry. In callg this process an terior tersubjectivity, I would position it as a sort power that countervails another by an ethical decision, but would this countervalence belong, by defition, what Freud called the "secondary processes"18 consciousness, and would a radical shift consciousness adequately effect the kd root change I mean? In my view, classical psychoanalytic theory fers some terestg sugges- tions along this route by way (1) the fetish object (if we read Freud with Marx on the fetish); and (2) certa Lacanian schemes, corrected for what I would call the "socionom," or the speakg subject's volvements with ideo- logical apparatuses, which would embrace, turn, a theory domation out novative work on semiotics and a theory signs durg the late neteenth and early twentieth centuries; see "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory Signs," Philosophical Writgs Peirce, ed. with tro. Justus Buchler Dover Publications, 1955), Juliet Mitchell fers what appears be an unobjectionable, perhaps even evitable, response norious penis envy, for example, one the reporrial items that renders femist theories and deed some femists edgy about the entire Freudian procol: ".. but I thk the ma problem arises because the suggestion is taken outside the context the mechanisms unconscious mental life-the laws the primary process (the laws that govern the workgs the unconscious) are replaced by these critics by those the secondary process (conscious decisions and perceptions), and as a result the whole pot is missed" ("Freud: The Makg a Lady I: Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious," Psychoanalysis and Femism, 8).

16 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 and Race 89 ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right. ( that extent, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory is simply heavenly, sar as it has no eyes for the grammar and politics power). The sights psychoanalysis might be carefully scrutized for what they might teach, but any vestigar must attempt illumate the ground as the premier statement a theory rather than its "bldness," state systematically why it is important do so. Concerng the latter pot, Freud could not "see" his own connection the "race"/culture orbit, or could not theorize it, be- cause the place their elision marked the vantage pot from which he spoke. Because it constituted his enablg postulate, it went "without say- g." Perhaps we could argue that the "race" matrix was the fundamental terdiction with the enablg discourse foundg psychoanalytic theory and practice itself. But it is the missg element here that helps defe Freud's significance as one the preement punctualities Western time modernity. But how deal with the resistances-both those necessary caveats and those rather revealg fears? 3 "Man got everythg else. Can't have my soul, o," goes the wisdom. Once, a gatherg colleagues, I even heard a heart-wrenchgly dis- daful "F a Freud!" A friend a friend, upon hearg that some people were gog out Santa Cruz for a symposium entitled "Psychoanalysis an African American Context," replied, "That sounds just like that place!" Not real promisg for those who might want have a "tetch" conversa- tion? It need not be idol worship that we engage but a genue desire improve on black tramural relations the here and now. Dog so seems me fairly imperative our takg the next step. But how go? The way here is basically unmapped, except for a handful ven- turers, Frantz Fanon the most ement among them. Because we have serted this proper name the pantheon revolutionary figures, sixties style, we tend forget that Fanon converted political activism by de- gree and, somewhat unusually, from the field medice and psychiatric practice. Not a natural acr on the political stage, Fanon might be con- sidered a man disillusioned with the science and arts healg, turng ever more forcefully ward polemical address and lyrical emphasis order make his pots. While Fanon fers our clearest lk psychoanalysis the African/third world field, there is sufficient enough doubt concerng the efficacy psychoanalysis, implied some his writgs, that he ap- pears withdraw with the left hand what he has prfered with the right.

17 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary 90 boundary If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].) If, as Irene Gendzier suggests,19 Fanon did not evolve thorough contempt for Western psychoanalytic practice, then his ironic stance ward it - creasgly marked his career, most notably, she urges, the shift ne from Black Sk, White Masks Wretched the Earth, written as he ap- proached the premature close his life his thirty-sixth year. if we can be certa anythg, though, it is that our readg the Fanon canon will most likely be adequate, because the writg is shot through with contra- diction. Knowg that, a reader tries isolate the broadest themes his work and should hope reach a few tentative conclusions. Even though the translation Les Damnes de la terre,20 with its troduction provided by Jean-Paul Sartre, became, alongside the saygs Mao Tse-Tung and Ho Chi Mh and The Aubiography Malcolm X, a sacred work for American students revolt a quarter century ago, it is Black Sk, White Masks that Fanon draws and quarters a fictive composite called the "Negro the Antilles" and the complexes that come fect his mental life proximity 19. Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study Vtage, 1974). Fanon's early adulthood and medical trag Lyon, France, stead Paris-" avoid o many blacks"-provide the background for the openg chapter this study, "Biographi- cal Notes 1952," (3-21, passage cited from 16). Gendzier claims that Fanon mataed some reluctance engagg himself the process psychoanalysis (19). In fact, he appears have held psychoanalysis " disda." Workg as a resident durg the sum- mer 1952, under the direction one Pressor Frangois Tosquelles, at the Sat Alban hospital, Fanon performed "with enthusiasm and... learned his lessons well." Accordg Gendzier, French psychoanalytic trag did not require at the time "that potential psy- chiatrists be analyzed" (19). It is not clear me that this mode bypass still operates the French psychoanalyti community, but given Lacan's persistent concern for the tra- g the analyst and the apparently rertionary entanglements embroidered through his troubled relationship with the French establishment and, furthermore, his attentiveness Freud's ethical dimension, we should be surprised if at least Lacan himself had not urged the protege an analytic course. 20. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched the Earth, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, trans. Con- stance Farrgn Grove Press, 1968); origally published as Les Damnes de la terre (Paris: Fran;ois Maspero, 1961); also published Presence Africae, Sartre appears have been, sglehandedly, the stellar one-(white)man imprimatur Francophone tellectuals-those students from "France Overseas"- "troduction" proper French culture. He had also "fronted" for an earlier generation black tellec- tuals, cludg Aime Cesaire, by way his troduction the anthology poets Negritude, "Black Orpheus." Are we correct see such a move an analogy on Fred- erick Douglass's Narrative (1845) and the role wielded there by a couple famous New England tellectual-abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips? (See Nar- rative the Life Frederick Douglass an American Slave Written by Himself [New York: Signet, 1968].)

18 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 and Race 91 Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992). Western white society. In other words, the very text by which the signature Fanon is most vividly scribed "mority" memory not only deals with Maghreb societies, specifically Algeria, but with cultures whose language- Arabic-he never really mastered, accordg one his biographers, and whose religion-islam-he cannot really be said have denied, sce the latter stance would have required sufficient knowledge what exactly one was repudiatg the first place. Further, "Concerng Violence" (the open- g chapter Wretched), twisted out perspective with what surrounds it, apparently tempts one boil Fanon's activist career down a Mani- chaean emphasis that is belied by "The Pitfalls National Consciousness" and "On National Culture" the same work and by ironical, even comic, turns that crosshatch the fabric Black Sk. In brief, the Frantz Fanon we believe we know brgs on a kd astigmatism, a kd superim- position contradicry messages that might have been provocative a forthright self-analysis. A full decade before Wretched, the "apostle" violence, forced an extreme view thgs by the transigence the empowered, we take it, and by the heightened revolutionary tensions that marked the North African field, wrote: "I, the man color, want only this: That the ol never possess the man. That the enslavement man by man cease forever. That is, one by another. That it be possible for me discover and love man, wherever he may be" (BS, 231). Because Black Sk and some the essays that comprise Toward the African Revolution21 fix their laser on the self-deceived "Negro the An- tilles," these writgs strike closer home the desired target, even though the population I am alludg was never strictly colonized (the phenome- non the absentee landlord and its related parasitic economies, as, for example, one Ousmane Sembene's early films, Emitai, demonstrates22) 21. Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution-Political Essays, trans. Haakon Cheva- lier Grove Press, 1967); origally published as Pour la revolution africae (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1964), see especially chap. 2, "West Indians and Africans," 17-29, and chap. 19, "Blood Flows the Antilles under French Domation," Famous Senegalese novelist-filmmaker Ousmane Sembene has garnered a signifi- cant reperry films his credit and as a pioneer the emergence the field West African cema. One Sembene's latest films, Guelwaar, played the U.S. circuit durg 1993 (see New York Times, Livg Arts, Thursday, 29 July 1993, B5). For sustaed commentary on Sembene's films, see Roy Armes, Third World Film Makg and the West (Berkeley: California Press, 1987); "An Interview with Sembene Ousmane," with Nourredde Ghali, Film and Politics the Third World, ed. John D. H. Downg (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Aunomedia, 1987); and Manthia Diawara, African Cema: Politics and Culture (Bloomgn: Indiana Press, 1992).

19 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary 92 boundary but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France, but shares the narratives and emplotment strategies enslavement and domation with groups across the geopolitical-ethnic spread the New World. For that reason, Fanon structs us the general notion that psycho- analytic discourse, with its origatg purposes poted ward European community, might be undersod as the bracketed portions a sociopoliti- cal analysis reference new-world Africanity, but parenthesize is complicate, make potholes the way an otherwise smooth ride. It an- nuls nothg, figurg its traces on the dynamic play signifiers. Precisely because social engagement might be accurately portrayed as a scene massive contagion (sensibilisation), we are all the more compelled - quire not only the psychic character those cultural and social forms that experience "no disproportion between the life the family and the life the nation" (BS, 142) but also those demographic elements cut on the bias a theoretical symmetry. (It must be said that the clical case, at least sar as the lay person might perceive it, already suggests that the synonymity that Fanon posits between European society and European family is as mythic its texture reality as its opposite. In other words, it seems me that "dividual,"family," and "society" are, by defition, particles constant bombardment-across the "race" spectacle, between and with the races, and accordg a modern cultural synthesis, brought on by dustrialized capital its precise hisric formation and its aftermath that divide and specify "persons" from "land," "family," and "other" the competitive macheries livg. The dividual, his/her peculiar nervous temperament, emerges not so much as the solution a willful struggle agast the mass but as the name new relations labor and sociality. The psychoanalytic subject, then, along related les stress, and whether it is Freud/Lacan's or Fanon's, is already cipient the very forces the hisrical labor that will brg the modern world stand.) How does Fanon see the picture? In "The Negro and Psychopathology," the sixth chapter Black Sk, Fanon proceeds on the basis a couple key assumptions: 1. The "Negro the Antilles" is, for all tents and purposes, a Euro- pean, havg been placed under the burden an "unreflected imposition... culture" (BS, 191). Denouncg Carl Jung's cerebrally herited "col- lective unconscious," Fanon proposes that it is "normal for the Antillean be anti-negro," asmuch as he "partakes the same collective uncon- scious as the European." How could it be otherwise, he conjectures, sce, for example, "the works 'our' novelists-balzac, Baz, Anale France,

20 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 and Race 93 among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still among them-utter never a word about an ethereal yet ever present black woman or about a dark Apollo with sparklg eyes"? Havg "breathed and eaten the myths and prejudices racist Europe, and assimilated the col- lective unconscious that Europe, [the Antillean] will be able, if he stands outside himself, express only his hatred the Negro" (BS, 188). 2. The corollary this dishearteng conclusion-even though one would be led concede that the Antillean is likely a cultural persona the tersection divergently potg vecrs-bursts upon a twned contra- diction: (a) there is a "normal" psychic economy that flows from the homoge- neous circumstance-"as long as he remas among his own people, the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" (BS, 149). In Fanon's apparently closed society, which Martican society, for stance, most certaly was not, as a "departement" France, the child emerges from the parental cocoon fd "himself once more among the same laws, the same prciples, the same values. A normal child that has grown up a normal family will be a normal man" (BS, 142). (And beggg the question beat the band, we might pot out!) Even though Fanon sideswipes "nor- mal" by not sayg what he tends by it, he does suggest, a footnote, that the "psychological sphere," the "abnormal man is he who demands, who appeals, who begs" (BS, 142; my emphasis). Takg him where he leaves it, we have already anticipated the obverse the Manichaean allegory he seems be buildg. (b) "a normal Negro child, havg grown up with a normal family, will become abnormal on the slightest contact with the white world" (BS, 143; my emphasis). If colonized societies embed "contact," even the ab- sence "The Man," then it is puzzlg me where a "normal" would come from, or even how it is possible conceive it. Under such circumstances, "same laws, same prciples, same values" are the mirage the homo- geneous social forms, sar as their foundation is already riddled with difference from jump. At the least, we can say that Fanon's fiction, it is algether possible start well. A very curious thg happens, however, if "the little black follows very nearly the same course as the little white" is read exactly the opposite way from my own terpretation. It was recently poted out me that Fanon meant that the "little black" images that he is "white," not "black" as I had assumed, and that Fanon is deployg the elements an abnormal scene-that the colonized. If my colleagues are right, then the followg paragraph turns somersault, except that I still

21 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary 94 boundary want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he? want trouble the "same," and the apparently unruffled, surface affects that the "little black" is believed traverse.23 In either case, the problem with this picture is that it is perfect as far as it goes, but it might not take us the distance. Conceded, African Ameri- can/u.s. culture fers a rather different case, although Fanon believes that the black is "black" wherever he might be the world, whatever the particu- larities his condition. In the U.S. field social relations, African American culture is open, by defition, if by that we mean a constant commerce real and symbolic capital among strugglg tersubjectivities. Even though the "neighborhood" that we spoke earlier comes close, on the mythic level, the cocoon k and relatedness that Fanon images for the black-before- gog--europe, it was always quite literally crossed by somethg else- 23. I wish thank here Ms. Yolanda Pierce, a member my Cornell graduate semar "On Mority Discourse" (fall 1995), and Pressor E. Ann Kaplan, Direcr the Humani- ties Center, SUNY-Sny Brook, for takg issue with my readg this chapter. The opportunity give a version "Psychoanalysis and Race" at the SUNY campus (fall 1995) and follow it up with a semar the next day, suggested a readg strategy me that I had simply not considered: that Fanon's "Negro the Antilles" images that he is French, which I am prepared accept, steps f the deep end when it modulates his thkg that he is "white." This was also Ms. Pierce's observation. In fact, the readg accords with the fe prt a footnote that Fanon works out the course the chapter, but, a way, by no means as transparently as I have stated it just now: the twenty-fifth footnote the chapter question runs about four pages, and it, Fanon explas how the imagary appears work the European subject (on the basis Lacan's "mirror stage") and how the imagary the Antillean complicates the picture. For the white man, "the Other is perceived on the level the body image, absolutely as the not-self-that is, the unidentifiable, the unassimilable." For him, there can be no further doubt, Fanon fers, "that the real Other... is and will contue be the black man" (BS, 161). The black as a "phobogenic object, a stimulus anxiety" (BS, 151 n. 4), may be read agast this elaboration, as the black person begs the biological cycle the white imagary as the "destructuration" the body the latter. But he appears draw a distction at this pot between "visual perception" as the "elaboration the imago" and "the level the imagary" (BS, 163). He contends that "... the Antilles perception always occurs" on that level, as "it is white terms that one perceives one's fellows"-people will say, for stance, that "thus and so" is "very black." In other words, the Antillean is seeg his fellows as a white man would see him. When he adds "that every Antillean expects all the others perceive him terms the essence the white man," is he sayg that every Antillean expects be seen as a white man, or as a white man might see him (BS, 163)? The confusion lies here-the extent which the activity seeg/beg seen, or "visual perception," as Fanon would have it, is already a product the imagary and what the black person sees when he/she stands before the mirror. Takg this problematic on its crudest terms, I should thk that it would be difficult for the black person not see himself as he is, but Fanon must be askg, What is he?

22 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 and Race 95 the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212). the General Mors car, for example, the old assembly-le technologies replaced by aumation and the service economy, the ubiquius television and media blitz-those metropolitan/urban byways and by-the-ways along the borders particular cultural enclosure. If we translate these techno- logical means a figural and semiotic use, then clearly African American personality is situated the crossroads conflictg motivations so en- tangled that it is not always easy designate what is "black" and "white" here. In contradistction, then, Fanon, I actually doubt that the black person is, at botm, the empty vessel that "slightest contact"/"abnormal" would lead us believe. Does he wither "white" air? If Fanon is right about this, then the colonized person has every reason fall abnor- mality when he crosses the Atlantic, because it is on the other side that he becomes the "phobogenic object" that we met with earlier. In that event, the crisis collapse passes over the black and is "answered" the white, whose imagary is sulted and assaulted by this radically different bodily manifestation. This identifies the terra racism and the racist, which re- maed, for Fanon, the white problem. But asmuch as the white problem rebounds on black personality, its burden is generously shared. For Fanon, the activist, a commitment revolutionary struggle would change the entire relation between black and white, colonized and colonizer, the European and the Negro. Fanon seems caught, however, a wholly bary disposition, which ps him everywhere: not only does he deeply engage the ideology "black"/"white" but also "man"/"woman" the classic heterosexual arrangement. He readily acknowledges, for stance, that so far as the "woman color" is concerned, he "know[s] nothg about her" (BS, 180). This familiar repudiation (and Fanon, it seems rather playful), with its riff on Freud and "female sexuality,"24 not only limits his view the "woman color," all tricked out the melodrama one Mayotte Capecia, but also, for that very reason, the conclusions that he draws about the "man color," for it is agast the sexualized bodies "male"/"female," stalled the local effects political economy and the life the culture, that the black and human child-our charmg "little" fellow-will realize his ethical vocation. 24. I am referrg the followg passage from Freud's "Question Lay Analysis": "We know less about the sexual life little girls than boys. But we need not feel ashamed this distction; after all, the sexual life adult women is a 'dark content' for psy- chology" (The Standard Edition the Complete Psychological Works Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey [London: Hogarth Press and the Institute Psychoanalysis, 1959], 20:212).

23 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary 96 boundary It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter. It seems me that the Fanonian approach the psychoanalytic object sps its wheels because it cannot discover a practice "disalien- ation" (Fanon's word for it) with the resources black culture, or an ethical position that is worth deleatg accordg the future those cultures- how, for example, the "Negro the Antilles," and I should like add, for all that, the "Negro Memphis" (Tennessee, where I grew up), sustaed human and social activity, despite the awful press racist sickness not her own that bore down on her. If colonized society, as the colonized ex- perienced it, is entirely predicated on negativity, or I would dare say, on negativity at all, then we should not be surprised that the way out its quite terrible aftermath is shot through with unbearable travail, that the way out appears be entirely impossible. I would go so far as contend that the limitations a nationalist or ethnic analysis will not be surmounted unless and until the culture worker breaks through the "perceptual cramp" that focuses his/her eyeball on "The Man" rather than the dynamics structure that would articulate psychic order and its massive displacements with the realm social-political-admistrative stitutions. To that extent, the cul- ture worker's object vestigation begs where the epistelist said charity started-"at home." The Fanonian narrative the Antillean supposes that this "he" spends every wakg moment (and otherwise) the "presence" "whites," and while, a certa extent, this must be so, sar as the cultural apparatus is commandeered beyond his control, if not his sights, he nevertheless executes an entire human beg whose nuanced particu- larities escape calculation beforehand. Though such propositions fly the face accounts fered by his- rical materialism, as early as the German Ideology, my view does not so much oppose a materialist readg "concrete oppression" as it seeks ga perspective with it. (One contemporary theoretician attributes materi- alist objection " a certa type Marxism," which, his view, misreads portions Capital.)25 In the place the Fanonian narrative, I should like trude a slightly different one: if psychic economy "grows," as it were, with the hisrical subject, doesn't she have one long before she "knows" 25. Ernes Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, "Beyond the Positivity the Social: Antagonisms and Hegemony," Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Poli- tics (London: Verso, 1985), 146 n. 19. Laclau pots out here that capitalist accumulation Marx's procol "is presented as a strictly social logic which only imposes itself through establishg a relation equivalence among materially distct objects" (my emphasis). The writers not only sist on the discursive relations between materialism and discursive positionality but argue the priority the latter.

24 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 and Race 97 that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA. that there is a "white man" and certaly well advance her carg about him at all? If black is "normal," so long as..,then mustn't this nor- malcy persist an economized relationship the shock/trauma white encounter? In other words, this "I," it seems, operates as the embodiment a dialectical field, or sufficiency, the midst normal/abnormal oscil- lations. In this case, beg will stutter-yes-but this can be helped, and the aid, we can very well image, will not come from any the sources friction, even though the latter specifies the moment "cure," the ex- tent that the stutterer is embroiled it. In the brilliantly movg closure Black Sk, begng with "The body hisry does not determe a sgle one my actions" through the disarmgly simple "The Negro is not. Any more than the white man" (BS, 231), Fanon appeals our higher sense moral and imagative darg that locates the pot at which an enlight- ened (small e) political witness commences its work, from Ghandi Kg Mandela, the second half our century. But I must say that order for the address suate itself our deepest determations, the ad- dresser must effect a cold, calculated wager agast the ficial odds: that enough the consciousness agency still resides with colonized and enslaved personalities that liberational movement remas a distct possi- bility. This "enough" may be good enough, but for sure, it is nearly all we have, wherever we may be situated along the spectrum practice. We must assume that the pressures Fanon's rherical choices hustled him on ward teleological closure with his subject, on the one hand, which case an allegory black/white confrontational hostility fered the sole alternative wretched conditions, while, on the other, his sense poetic tensity, everywhere evident the declamary thrusts his argument and the constancy reference Aime Cesaire's lyric voice, run- ng like flame stitch through the texture his own semantics, urged him ward suspicion a programmatic appeal. There is, however, a rather sharp contradistction that refusal, a dogmatic peevishness that occa- sionally erupts across the discourse, sometimes humor: "It is o ten forgotten that neurosis is not a basic element human reality. Like it or not, the Oedipus complex is far from comg beg among Negroes," for example (BS, ). The question, that case, might well be, What is a "Negro"?-sar as at least one iterary psychoanalytic researches Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues, Oedipe africa (Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1984), 9. The translations from this work are my own and come from this edition, which hereafter is cited parenthetically as OA.

25 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary 98 boundary would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995): would suggest that Fanon's sentiment here might mark a leap faith more than a good guess. Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa argues, on the basis their clical observations Dakar, Senegal, West Africa, that the question the father presented itself the African milieu with the same constancy as Europe, and accordg varied familial con- figurations-with the matrileal Serer as well as the patrileal Wol ["Les observations cliques a Dakar nous ont montre que la question du pere se presentait en milieu africa avec la m6me constance qu'en Europe, et chez les Serer matrileaires aussi bien que chez les Wol patrileaires. La reference constante au pere etait un test decisif, un fait undeniable" (OA, 9)]. Whether or not, then, Fanon's conclusions on this pot are tenable is less the issue than the absence Black Sk a systematic quiry differences the psychoanalytic object that would specify the location the "Negro the Antilles," as much a fictive vention as an anthropological ponym, or a signifier a hat. While I can agree that an application clas- sical psychoanalytic theory or its modifications, as "black psychoanalysis" or "black psychology," or even an "African-Caribbean-American imagary," would need exame very carefully the conditions its discursivity and its relations the entire reperire social productions and reproductions question, I would still look askance at an unmediated dismissal: "I have preferred call this chapter 'The Negro and Psychopathology,' well aware that Freud and Adler and even the cosmic Jung did not thk the Negro all their vestigations. And they were right not have" (BS, 151). The dogmatizers classical psychoanalytic theory and practice "did not thk the Negro" because "the Negro," quite literally, did not come before them, even though Freud himself had absorbed, terestgly enough, a heady figurative concoction called the "dark content" his approach his "que- relle de femme."27 Actually, though he tells us quite a lot about "the Negro," Fanon's "Negro" does not have a name, and as worrisome as it is be- have as if he did, the vestigar, from now on, ought quire what it is; it seems that everybody wants tell the black person what he should thk- at least the "races" agree on that-while wantg o quickly dismiss his words as unficial, untraditional, appropriate, or some such thg as that. As a result, we know "the Negro" rather as an ambulary stance what 27. See note 24. An important new readg Fanon and the "querelle de femme" is fered by Gwen Bergner, "Who Is That Masked Woman? or, The Role Gender Fanon's Black Sk, White Masks," Special Topic: Colonialism and the Postcolonial Con- dition, ed. Satya P Mohanty and Lda Hutcheon. Publications the Modern Language Association, vol. 110, no. 1 (Jan. 1995):

26 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 and Race 99 we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27). we have assumed, and it is not at all clear me that Fanon has escaped this general charge reductive terpretation, despite his rivetg commit- ment the notion human freedom. In the play between the discourse racial orthodoxy and its ironic subversion across the rherical surface Fanon's work, a central problematic emerges, my md, and we would call it the dissolution the psychoanalytic object the hiatus that yawns between his "great black mirage" and "great white error." 28 It seems that the status the terrogation, deed its very form, has little altered between his time, over three decades ago, and our own. In tryg, then, specify the breaks (not fill them) a concep- tual crux that attempted site a different psychoanalytic subject, we have recourse Fanon a post-fanonian juncture. (How his theoretical views might have shifted over the terveng decades is anybody's guess, but cer- taly we tend conclude that he would have remaed a dynamic thker.) Havg recourse is also quire: what follows augurates nothg more than a sketch a gambit. 4 It seems me that any vestigation that would make track on this issue must-ironically enough-"forget" "race," or more precisely, "racism," although such a venture is firmly stalled its awful powers, just long enough open the question. I would start there. If we could eventually ex- plicate the "terior tersubjectivity" as a useful concept, or one we could improve on, we must, effect, start from scratch and try rethk "race" as a piece political reality, culcated soon enough, but as somethg that belongs an entire ensemble givens be managed. Part the prob- lem is grasp the whole issue as a feature the human ecosystem that arises the hisrical rather than nature and dive force. What I mean is clear enough, but it would do no harm repeat it-"race" is not ordaed by orders from Providence, even though the politics race might as well be. Related the aims human and hisrical agency, the followg re- marks might be read light some the closg articulations Jirgen Habermas's Knowledge and Human Interests. Addressg the project psychoanalysis related the critique ideology, Habermas contends that both take 28. "It thus seems that the West Indian, after the great white error, is now livg the great black mirage" (Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 27).

27 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary 100 boundary account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508). account that formation about lawlike connections sets f a process reflection the consciousness those whom the laws are about. Thus the level unreflected consciousness, which is one the conditions such laws, can be transformed. Of course, this end a critically mediated knowledge laws cannot through re- flection alone render the law itself operative, but it can render it applicable.29 If such applicability is thkable, then racism and its conceptual mions are consistently revealed as bogus social form. Sppg at such a revelation would not be enough, Marx thought, but tryg see with greater clarity what the problem is might be no mean thg. What is missg African American cultural analysis is a concept the "one." Though there is a hidden allegiance the idea the "super- star"/"hero"-the emplotments both the aubiography and the form the slave narrative are firmly grounded old-fashioned notions bour- geois "dividualism"-it is widely believed that black people cannot afford be dividualistic. I must admit that most the black people I know who thk this are, by the way, the tellectuals who, practice, not only sist on their own particularity but some cases even posit a uniqueness. But if we can, we must mata a distction between the "one" and the "dividual," even though the positions overlap. The dividual black culture exists strictly by virtue the "masses," which is the only image social forma- tion that traditional analysis recognizes. Practically speakg, the "masses" were all there were agast the other great talizg narratives-"white" and "Indian"- the hisrical period stretchg from colonization nation- hood. The dividual the lifeworld does not stand opposition the mass but at any given moment along the contuum might be taken as a supreme stance its synecdochic representation.30 In other words, Every Black Man/Woman is the "race"-as the logic slave narratives amply demon- 29. Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, trans. Jeremy J. Shapiro (Bos- n: Beacon Press, 1968); appendix, 310; origally published as Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1965); reprted as Technik und Wissenschaft als "Ideologie" (Frankfurt am Ma: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1968). 30. The value the synecdochic figure rests its commutability- Kenneth Burke speaks the "noblest synecdoche" entailed the identity "microcosm" and "macrocosm." In this "noblest stance... the dividual is treated as a replica the universe, and vice- versa... sce microcosm is related macrocosm as part whole, and either the whole can represent the part, or the part can represent the whole" (A Grammar Motives [New York: Prentice Hall, 1952], appendix D, "The Four Master Tropes," 508).

28 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 and Race 101 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939 strates-and the elements the formula are reversible and commensurate. Imagg, then, that African American culture, under extreme hisrical conditions, was not simply at odds with the cultural domant but opposed it, the tellectual/activist has concluded that his culture scribes an herent and coherent difference. African American culture, then, on the supposed African model, is advanced as a collective enterprise strict an- tomy the dividualistic synthesis the domant culture, as well as the summation and reification the digenous mass. The dividual--the- mass and the mass--the-dividual mark an iconic thickness: a concerted function whose abidg centrality is embodied the flesh. But before the "dividual," properly speakg, with its overnes property ownership and access, more or less complete, stands the "one," who is both a position discourse-the spoken subject enonce that figures a grammatical - stance31 and a consciousness positionality-the speakg subject the enonciation, the one the act speakg as consciousness position. As the former is mapped on his/her world by social discursive practices, the latter comes the realization that he/she is the "one" who "counts." This one is not only a psychic model layered hisries a multiform past; he/she is the only riskable certaty or grant a social fiction, sar as the pot mimics the place where the speaker/speakg is constituted. In other words, "I" grants its validity assumg the social for itself, and not unlike the other,32 whose gaze floods what it grasps and summons the attention at 31. The speakg subject enunciation marks two distctions: The "I" the enunciation is not the same thg as the "I" the statement (Lacan, "Analysis and Truth," The Four Fundamental Concepts, ). Alan Sheridan translates enonce as the statement, or the "actual words uttered," whereas enonciation refers "the act utterg them" (Ecrits, translar's note, ix). The "I" who makes "the statement is the subject the enunciation (sujet de I'enonciation), or what I am callg here the "speakg subject the enuncia- tion," whereas the "I" that constitutes "the grammatical subject the statement itself is the subject the statement (sujet de I'enonce)" (Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master, trans. Douglas Brick [Stanford: Stanford Press, 1991], 260 n. 20. Hereafter, this work is cited parenthetically as LAM.) Now, the consciousness who "counts" is the one who speaks his position, whereas the statement does not uniquely defe him by virtue the shifter "I" that establishes his relation grammatical context- a position discourse. 32. Jean-Paul Sartre's "bodies" exist three-dimensional space-the "body-for-me," or one's relations with objects the world; the "body-for-the-other"; and the "body-as-seen- by-the-other" (Beg and Nothgness: An Essay on the Phenomenological Onlogy, trans. with tro. Hazel E. Barnes [New York: Philosophical Library, 1956], xli). Lacan and Sartre might have shared a teacher Alexandre Kojeve, whose lectures on Hegel's Phe- nomenology were delivered at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes between 1933 and 1939

29 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary 102 boundary the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5. the same time, the "one" is both conceded and not-oneself; it is not be doubted, as its sureness is tentative. To that degree, the mass is the posited belief that empirical data sist on, but where is it? Could we say the "one," by contrast, is always "here," not "there"? That it is concrete and specific, even if anonymous? This is not choose "one" over the "mass" but ask a different question, for we know no other gauge the tersubjective than the one who would assure the more. On this view, the mass is not only putative and abstract but never emerges otherwise. It would be absurd say that there is no mass but, rather, that its hisrical and social materiality can be brought stand, stage by stage, and bit by bit, a way that begs unimpressively on the smaller scale somethg local and at hand. For openers, it is exactly o massive and disappears under the weight re- port. The picture will change right away when mass movement is required, but that is somethg else aga, and demands several, shoutg. In the meantime, who is this one? I am referrg a structure this stance: the small tegrity the now that accumulates the tense the presents as pros the past, and as experience that would warrant, might earn, the future. In the classical model, the mental apparatus, Freud argued, can be analogized a compound microscope or phographic apparatus.33 Instantly defensive about the "unscientific" status assertion by analogy, Freud claims that his procedure is permissible so long as the "scaffoldg" is not mistaken for the "buildg." The sgle lesson that we take away from Freud, this case, is the split function subjectivity at the heart subject formation. The crux the matter is concentrated The Interpretation Dreams, which assigns consciousness itself a relatively mor role the drama md-life. Consequently, Freud apportions a far greater share mental activity the functions the unconscious and the primary processes that suggest their import, he holds, dreams and (Wilden, Speech and Language Psychoanalysis, ); these lectures became the fluential Introduction the Readg Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology Spirit, assembled by Raymond Queneau, trans. James H. Nicols Jr., ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca: Cornell Press, 1980). This passage the essay is much debted the Sartrean body and "look": "What I constantly aim at across my experiences are the Other's feelgs, the Other's ideas, the Other's volitions, the Other's character. This is because the Other is not only the one whom I see but the one who sees me... fally my essential beg I depend on the essential beg the Other, and stead holdg that my beg-for-myself is opposed my beg for others, I fd that beg-for-others appears as a necessary condition for my beg for myself" (228, 238). 33. See Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Standard Edition, vols. 4 and 5.

30 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 and Race 103 the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity the neurosis. Related the dynamic play mental forces, Freud contends that "psychotherapy can pursue no other course than brg the [uncon- scious] under the domation the [preconscious]."34 As Lacan will have it decades later, the particular aim psychoanalysis is "hisrically defed by the elaboration the notion the subject. It poses this question a new way, by leadg the subject back his signifyg dependence."35 The Freudian and Lacanian fields discourse are not only separated from each other by considerable disparity time, conditions material cul- ture, and the narrative/conceptual modalities that would situate and expla them; but both, because they reach subject formation by an act poetic faith that images subjectivity hermetically sealed f from other formg discourses and practices, are foreign, if not imical, subject formations defed by the suppression discourse. In other words, the social subject "race" is not only gag access her own garbled, private language, as psychoanalysis would have it, but language as an aspect the public trust. (That the language our contemporaneity is beatg a hasty retreat from the tasks consensus and public address does not alter my thesis here, because we have no difficulty imagg a public sphere, or a beyond- ego position, as a desirable goal for several reasons. For one thg, we would not be able expla "politics" and "culture" as the ground conten- tion without acknowledgg a public sphere, even though American politics and culture day, disheartengly, attract ten enough the most cynical and unattractive players.) The one that I am after, then, must be built up from the ground, so speak, asmuch as classical psychoanalytic theory and its aftermath contradicrily pot ward it-a subject its "signifyg dependence," which means that the subject's pround engagement with, and volvement, symbolicity is everywhere social-yet such theories cannot demarcate it. As far as I can tell, African American cultural analy- sis, as black tellectuals carry it out, has not explaed either a subject discourse crossed by stigmata or the nonfantastical markgs a hisry whose shorthand is "race." From that angle, the most promisg trails may be false, sce it does not necessarily lead a destation but circles back the same place. The problem here, which fractures somewhat cha- otically many directions at once, is how break the circle, how pursue a theoretical model that might pose the pacg along the next step, even if such pacg effects a haltg progression. The terior tersubjectivity 34. Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, Freud, The Interpretation Dreams, Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, 77.

31 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary 104 boundary would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others." would substitute an agent for a spoken-for, a "see-er," as well as a "seen." Habermas's self-reflection, which case the laws are operative but do not apply, appears be predicated on the agency self-knowg, but Du Bois's figure the "double consciousness"36 suggests the complications through which such agency must pass. When Du Bois spoke earlier the century about the procol "double consciousness," he was gesturg ward a duality cultural fields metaphorized by "African" and "American." Though the former term had been used self-reference the American Negro long before Du Bois's era and would be aga our own, Du Bois was workg under the assump- tion that "Africa" more than vaguely signaled the origs black culture. It is also noteworthy that his provocative claims, barely elaborated beyond that short paragraph that the student knows virtually by heart,37 cross their wires with the specular and the spectacular-the sensation lookg at oneself and imagg oneself beg seen through the eyes the other/another is precisely performative what it demands a participant on the other end the gaze. To that extent, the Fanonian "phobogenic" object meets up with the Du Boisian "double consciousness," but it seems that Du Bois was tryg discover-deed, posit-an onlogical meang the dilemma blackness, workg out its human vocation the midst over- whelmg social and political power. It was not enough be seen; one was called upon decide what it meant. To that degree, Du Bois's idea posed an stance self-reflexivity. Addressg the aims and objectives consciousness, then, as it negotiated the terra a given reality, Du Bois, writg contemporaneously with Freud, was terested providg a new mythography, or a new way seeg the black problem, for the "souls black folk," as he called it. The subject double consciousness is divided across cultural va- lences, but Du Bois did not exhaust the formulation. For him, nothg was hidden from the sight the man the mirror, who not only recognized the falseness his countenance, as a kd theatrical mask, but how he had come wear it. From that angle, the subject already "knows" as 36. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk Bantam Books, 1989). 37. Du Bois, The Souls Black Folk, 2-3: "After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teun and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight this American world,-a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense always lookg at one's self through the eyes others."

32 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 and Race 105 much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies much as he knew, for all tents and purposes, on the day he was born. But Du Bois's economy doubleness was adequate sar as it prfered a name for cultural ambivalence, while seekg a reconciliation puta- tive opposites; it is clear that the Du Boisian knot cannot be healed or resolved on the level where Du Bois was posg the question, because: (1) the act seeg oneself rested, rests the subject's head and is only partially shaped and motivated by the ficial deed; and (2) the change seeg mostly depends on a change md comg from the direction a power imaged be entirely other, but an entirely other from outside. While Du Bois undersod quite correctly that an effective political solution did rema the hands black community-the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP sprgg from it, constituted his practical response-the latter was conflated his scheme with an onlogy. He was not so much wrong makg this move as o quick reach a conclusion; but, despite that, the dilemma that Du Bois justly posed is the psychocultural situation mi- norities the West, even though he specifically targeted the "problem the color le" as it traversed the body the seventh son, born with a caul over the face, the American Negro. In workg with the Du Boisian double, we recover the sociopolitical dimensions that classical psychoanalysis and its aftermath sutured a homogeneity class terests, just as Du Bois's scheme must be pressured ward a reopened closure: the subject the borrowed mirror is essentially mute. Du Bois is speakg for him. It is time now, if it were not 1903, for him speak for himself, if he dares. That this speakg will not be simple is all the more reason why it must be done. The terior tersubjectivity is predicated, then, on speakg. If we cannot identify a "first" step here any systematic way, we can put our fger on the pot: overcome the ficially imposed silence engendered by exclusive traditions power-state- and corporate-sponsored-that, turn, go on be taken over by "personality," under the fluence those powers that properly belong the reperries learng and namg that both "piggyback" on the self-evidentiary wisdom "received opion" (i.e., IQ testg, bell curves, the crimality the poor, etc.) and help create it; brief, the weight the discursive debris that comes rest on subjects a priori the local and specific fields cultural play that they are called upon negotiate. The unavoidable contradiction what I am proposg, which would hisrically resemble the Freudian "talkg cure,"38 but which would 38. The locution talkg cure was attributed one Freud's colleague's patients-"frau- le Anna O"-whose case hisry is sketched out by Dr. Joseph Breuer Studies

33 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary 106 boundary also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987). also share the dialectics Toni Morrison's character called Sethe,39 is that my solution specifically relates a social positiong vis-a-vis dis- course. Perhaps the speakg tersubjectivity effects a kd mimicry the pressional wordsmith's relationship symbolic capital, but how is the speakg I mean here be differentiated from pressional discourse? There is much sistence, at least our cusmary way viewg thgs, that the pressional has little common with the majority the population. True enough as far as it goes, this truism is tged with animus ward activity perceived be esoteric, elitist, uncommon. But this simpli- fied readg the social map, sealg f entire regions and terriries Hysteria, Standard Edition, vol. 2. Freud opened his Clark lectures, on the occasion the twentieth anniversary the foundg the Worcester campus (Septem- ber 1909), with an examation the progression ward psychoanalytic procedure from hypnosis and the "talkg cure": The hypnotized patient "relives," the presence the docr, the occasion, the connection, and the accompanyg affect the first appearance the sympm disorder (12-13). The patient is also said have jokgly referred the treatment as "chimney sweepg." In any case, the pot was get the patient talk along the mnemic traces the traumatizg event a reverse-chronological order, startg with the latest manifestation the sympm and workg back time. Because Freud came thk hypnosis as a "mystical" and an "arbitrary" ally, he ditched it favor the technique "free association," combed with the terpretation dreams. He called this method treatment "psychoanalysis" (28). When I refer here "talkg," or more exactly "speakg," I am far closer meang the pla speech everyday encounter than the particularized discourse the psycho- analytic hermeneutic. For example, durg the long televised ordeal the 0. J. Simpson murder trial, CNN reported on events surroundg the news phenomenon with unrelieved regularity; one the sries that the cable outlet carried for the cusmary twenty-four- hour cycle coverage was that a black docr (M.D.) Los Angeles, who had turned the site his practice, for a few hours a day, a sort neighborhood den, open members the community, where talk about the trial occurred. In the footage I saw, the scene was arranged like a classroom, as the docr himself both talked and listened what his terlocurs had say. That is exactly the sort procol I would mean for the "talkg cure" as a metaphor for exchange that occurs quite a lot less ten black com- munities than we might image. I see no reason, aga, why black church congregations cannot convert pulpit and altar a public forum at least once a week for the exercise discourse related events that uch the lives the congregants. It seems me that a few valuable lessons might be conveyed this way, the undramatic formal analysis the Event. As the last standg dependent organ black communities, black churches, my opion, have the stellar occasion teach attention (as a function determg how one is situated), criticism (as a function seeg), and articulation (as a function sayg what is on the md and the heart). We do not need psychoanalytic trag for these tasks, but the simpler will communicate. 39. Toni Morrison, Beloved Knopf, 1987).

34 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 and Race 107 experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225). experience from the reciprocal contagion proper them, fers us a slim opportunity understand how the social fabric, like an tricate tweed, is sewn across fibers and textures meang. There is the discourse which the pressional, as de Certeau observes, dares and labors,40 the discourse travail; but there is also the mark the pressional's human strivg terms the everyday world the citizen-person-comg grips with the pa loss and loneless; gettg from pot a b; the exorable passg time, change, and money; the agonies friendship and love, and so on. This speakg, and the one I refer, is nothg less than the whole mea- sure the tirelessly mundane element on which ground, we recall, Freud placed the key the mental theater, the unconscious and the dream life, the apparent junk ssed f by the deepest impulses. In that regard, the pressional's relationship discourse is tiered, but it is also imbricated by forms dialects through which she lives her human and pressional call- g, as work is rent through with the trace the uncommon and the more common. On this level, speakg is democratically impoverished for a range subjects, sar as it is not sufficient the greedy urge revelation motives that the social both impedes and permits, nor is it adequate the gaps ketic and emotional contuity that the subject experiences as discomfort. Psychoanalytic literature might suggest the word desire here designate the slit through which consciousness falls accordg the laws unpredictability. In that sense, the subject lives with desire as trusive, as the estranged, irrational, burdensome illfit that alights between where she "is at" and would/wanna be. On this level the everyday, the pres- sional discourser, if we could say so, and the women commandeerg the butcher's stand at the A&P have common a mutually scandalous secret about which they feel they must rema silent, but which speakg, more emphatically, talkg, about appeases, compensates, deflects, disguises, and translates usable, recognizable social energy. I mean, then, this speakg as it turns us f the track isolation which the preciosity and lowness desire, persistent solid juxtaposition the same person, might tend lead. I believe that this arena the emotionally charged and discharged is not only where the subject lives but is the position through which she speaks a particular syntax. Is it not, then, the task a psychoanalytic procol effect a trans- 40. In La Culture au pluriel (Paris: Christian Bourgois Editeur, 1980), Michel de Certeau makes a distction between discourse as work and discourse as the mark activity gettg at the problematic "culture" (225).

35 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary 108 boundary lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978). lation from the muteness desire/wish-that which shames and baffles the subject, even if its origs are dim, not especially known- an articu- lated syntactic particularity? This seems me a passable psychoanalytic goal, but perhaps there is more it than simply a nice thg happen. At the very least, I am suggestg that an aspect the emancipary hges on what would appear be simple self-attention, except that reachg the articulation requires a process, that makg one's subjectness the object a discipled and potentially displaceable attentiveness. To the extent that the psychoanalytic provides, at least theory, a procol for the "care the self" on several planes tersectg concern, it seems vital the political terests the black community, even as we argue (endlessly) about its generative schools thought. I should thk that the process self-reflection, the pressg urgency make articulate what is left the shadows the unreflected, participates a sociopolitical engagement the utmost importance. If we thk speakg along this le stress, then we cut right through the elitist connotations "discourse" the basic uses literacy, whose attament is currently regarded by the postmodernists as somethg an embarrassment. But if we image such achievement as an emancipary aim, then the perceived advantages it lose their stg privilege. Relatedly, both speakg and literacy, the ways I am stipu- latg, might be undersod as the right use, which certa theoreticians regard as one the premier desties property.41 This entire discussion is caught up questions power the last stance, but we are concerned with only a sgle one its multiple and terpenetrative phases, and that is the power and position a specific speakg. To speak is occupy a place social economy, and, the case the racialized subject, his hisry has dictated that this lguistic right use is never easily granted with his human and social legacy but must be earned, over and over aga, on the level a personal and collective struggle that requires some way a confrontation with the prciple language as prohibition, as the withheld. An irony here ensues that the re- searcher/subject must both surmount and ride: the hisric prohibition can only be spoken with language, yes, but also with discourse (the par- ticular dialects criticism, resistance, testimonial and witness, etc.). What must be emphasized here is the symbolic value the subject's exchanges 41. For a systematic vestigation various positions on property, see C. B. MacPher- son, ed., Property: Mastream and Critical Positions (Toron: Toron Press, 1978).

36 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 and Race 109 with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy." with others, and it is with the tersubjective nexus that the equalities lguistic use and value are made manifest-what one can do with signs the presence and perspective others-and it is only with those circuits that a solution can be worked out. The unalterable difficulty is that such an operation cannot escape the Western context, and this is crucial. As we observed before, the traditional subject psychoanalytic process was de- ceptively "at home" the culture; he seemed believe that he "belonged," whereas the mority subject does not start there. Du Bois clearly under- sod both the Western context and the cut from it that African personality scribed. But can we derive a formal coherence, related the psychoana- lytic, from these general ideas, sprgg up from the hisric, whose pitch and thrust are, by defition, public, defitive, consensus-driven? Though a psychoanalytics related the lifeworld would implicitly mata contact with its predecessor texts, with the conceptual horizon that situates it, it is equally true that such a procol would be guided by a new aim, sar as the analysis must make a place for it-the speakg that self-reflection begs demand. The scarcity, the deficit, is located the occasion for this private discourse that is not satisfied by the pub- lic forms and proprieties narrative, aubiographical and otherwise, that rema substantially malleable market forces and fickle public opion. A cultural analysis revised and corrected for this most difficult tasks is called upon : (1) substitute the problematics culture for that "race," or a determate group terest whose outcome is always already known; and (2) articulate its vestigations along three les stress: (a) the diur- nal, or the everyday; (b) the dimension the practical/pragmatic; and (c) the dimension the contemplative. Of these three registers analysis, the third is the least developed the field. Currently, the cultural analysis fers no theory the "everyday" and appears have no firm grasp social subjects relationship it. Such an understandg would conduce a systematic materialist readg, which would establish "race," turn, perspective with other strategies markg and stigmata. Because its allegiance ideologies empiricism, material success, and the trans- parencies readg,42 the analysis provides no clue the contemplative register the lifeworld. I am not talkg about the recognition the signifi- cance rumor, gossip, and jaw-waggg, nor about armchair readg and 42. I am borrowg this notion from Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Readg Capital, trans. Ben Brewster (London: Verso, 1979), see especially part 1, "From Capital Marx's Philosophy."

37 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary 110 boundary philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN). philosophizg, but rather about a name for the sense time that we could call distancg, standg apart momentarily from the roll and moil Event and ways troduce it the reperire human and social relations that traverse communities terest. Because our analysis the fields the everyday and the contemplative are tangled up the confusions crisis-response (the threat "affirmative action" policies, for example), we flounder, therefore, on the pragmatic pot, or the realm direct politi- cal action and engagement. But it seems clear that the dimension the contemplative practice, contextualized relationship the "science a general economy practices,"43 must be quite literally pronounced as an aspect cultural contuity and struggle. Contrary the position taken by certa black leadership, we would say that "analysis" is not "paralysis," as it certaly seems that the absence it is a livg social death. Practically speakg, the leadership, wherever it arranges itself along the axes responses, must update its "message,"44 send a different one, and, my view, lk its own desty more fully the work scholarship and readg. (Du Bois remas our exemplary figure this.) Exactly how day's leadership-and I do not exempt the tellectu- als as a social formation from the general charge-is itself an elaboration the problem it would solve should be thought about with a careful and, where possible, generous attitude, though such an vestigation is not my aim here. If the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has any bearg at all on the lifeworld, and I believe that it does, then it will enter the picture at the third level stress, even though, dynamically speakg, these layers human 43. See note 13 above. 44. Durg the wter 1995 convocation the Rabow Coalition, Reverend Jesse Jack- son emphatically addressed the question "personal responsibility": "We cannot give up any more ground on that word." His remarks were contextualized, deed necessitated, by what the pundits have called a political "tsunami"-an earthquake at sea-that stunned the nation November 1994, when less than 43 percent the national elecrate report- g brought us a Republican majority Congress and the so-called revolutionary leader the new majority more than four decades, Newn Ggrich Georgia, newly ascen- dant Speaker the House Representatives. The wter meetg had been called as a signal the American ( borrow a term from Brita's Paddy Ashdown) "Lib/Lab/Left" coalition mark this moment as a crucial realignment the sociopoliticalandscape and thk aga, as a result, the uses which the idea alliance might be put. Jackson's remarks also signaled that he was alert the question agency and the imperative refashion a notion it ("Defendg the Family: Strategies for Economic Justice and Hope," 5-7 Jan. 1995, Washgn, D.C., Friday, 6 Jan. 1995, C-SPAN).

38 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 and Race 111 time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg time are terpenetrative. Their articulation, however, very much depends on the extent which we differentiate pieces the social content and demand. The formal coherence that we seek for an apposite psychoanalytic practice, then, does not commence the psychoanalytic at all but is firmly rooted habits and levels communication, readg, and terpretation- short, how communities are apprenticed culture and the ways which lessons are transmitted. Even though we cusmarily attribute readg and terpretive activity an advantageous class position, the conclusion is accurate-the wide dissemation literacies, visual and cybernetic, as well as literary, necessitates the negotiation signs at whatever level, whatever degree competence. Sign readg, or the field the semiotic, is democratically executed, as the culture worker can do nothg more or less than pot this out as a strategy for openg the way the third di- mension social engagement. (To nail down the pot, I will run the risk redundance: the Rodney Kg "event," for example, say nothg the reaction the jury's verdict the 0. J. Simpson trial, the end which was oddly lked by an accident timg the Farrakhan-convoked "Mil- lion Man March," all occurred on two levels stress. In the Rodney Kg case, the event itself and what it ld us yet once more about the potential for the abuse police power and its impact on black communities across the United States were a terrible shock that even exceeded, perhaps, the strange, chillg, nightmarish experience listeng the Fuhrman tapes, troduced by the Simpson defense ward the end this termable trial for double murder. I personally gauged my own shock reaction the Kg occurrence and the "revelation" former L.A.P.D. detective Mark Fuhrman [the man who spoke out his unconscious] by a penetratg sensitivity exactly what my location was durg those days- the latter case, an apartment complex a university wn with the nearest black person I knew at all a car-ride away. With no immediate or visible signs threat on the horizon, I remaed, nevertheless, all ears and eyes the least alter- ation nuance the surround. This response was dictated by my cultural apprenticeship as a black American woman a certa generation U.S. hisry "talk"' me with the acuteness the Richter scale measure. It was also, quite specifically, the immediate reaction shock that brgs one her feet nearly unspeakable anxiety. At some pot, however, one steps back from the horror that recedes as a blow and consumes it a dif- ferent way. I am suggestg that all eventuality comes vested with a timg

39 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary 112 boundary mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities. mechanism that releases one from the shock, that grants us time thk the event; if that were not so, then memory would be neither possible nor thkable.) If we cut through this human section order retrieve schematically the contemplative practice as a pot entry the entire ensemble, then we mean no less than the capacity detach oneself from the requirements self-attention long enough concentrate on somethg else; transfor- mative labor marks a distctive activity, then, from that the everyday and that the practical/pragmatic, but such labor is contextualized and shaped by both, and translates its livg both by other means. In other words, there is a dimension activity the lifeworld that lays claim not only the materiality and immediacy labor but also its difference perspec- tive. Distancg here might be regarded as the mark self-displacement the social given: if the aim a radical democratization is free up more and more subjects their transformative potential-is this not the pot a "pedagogy the oppressed"? 45-wrestg their time farther and farther away from the necessity concentrate on the needs the biological crea- ture and whether or not it is safe and secure, then such an aim will be carried out the sphere political practice and engagement. This is not suggest that the range cultural expression is apolitical, or above the ground, nor is it contend that access work is unrelated the economy and public policy, but it is sist that each these temporal emphases the speakg/hisrical subject bears significance relation the human project. Such an sistence will operate as if we mean, fact, a social divi- sion labor, and so be it, but I mean division as the scissiparous effect with subjects rather than between them. Just as the culture worker ma- tas for himself/herself, so he/she must ever more forcefully hold out for others the subject's right access his double the place where it is created. The double resonates here through tentionalities: it means at once the "add on" that comes the subject her access work and by way that other scene evoked the psychoanalytic readg. We must acknowl- edge what the classical psychoanalytic writers could take for granted, and 45. This powerful text, which the title the quoted passage refers, has become a clas- sic ol thought about the surgent aims education. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos Herder and Herder, 1970). Specifi- cally grounded the Brazilian situation, Freire's work, applyg the thkg Fanon and Marx, might be suggestive for other localities.

40 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 and Race 113 that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris: that is the extent which formation about the other scene was predi- cated on access literacy and economic resources; short, we mean a more or less exact correspondence between the body freed from the harsh- est, most oppressive labor regime and emancipated labor abstracted an tellectual or imagative/creative quantum. In other words, African American cultural analysis must actually knot the relations between work- creasgly rationalized a service economy that counts the turng alphabets on a television game show as a "career"-and self-reflection/self- knowledge, or end up beg choked by it. But it would seem odd, if not downright perverse, sist that only bourgeois subjects operate the way the double, although, for sure, the explanary discourses and en- ablg postulates differentiated speakg and practice are brought about by the same power differential that disperses subjects along the paths political economy unequal ways. In that sense, symbolic economies, which psychoanalytic practice and theories are one, are directly tied the sociopolitical sphere. The culture worker, because he understands this con- nection, or will soon, is called upon, therefore, behave as though his work carried the ultimately political meang that it does. I believe that the problem here, then, has more do with evolvg a language appropriate the subjects differently constructed from the clas- sical moment psychoanalytic theory and its postmodern aftermath than decidg "for" or "agast" the psychoanalytic aim. This task will eventu- ally require a lengthy and patient revisitg the key questions those theories with a result that I certaly could not predict, except that the ma thg appears be, for the culture critic, the articulation a position dis- course and practice along the les a more carefully modulated readg human and social performances the lifeworld than an actual psycho- analytic model for it. Pronouncements, ex cathedra, are, any event, flat wrong. (I am suggestg that such a model can occur only as psychoana- lytic practice and it. The only sources with which I am familiar that fer the reader outles practice based on case hisries African subjects and peoples color are Frantz Fanon's Wretched the Earth and the Ortigueses' Oedipe africa.46 Dr. Ibrdhim Sow's Les Structures anthropolo- giques de la folie en afrique noire,47 as if response Oedipe africa, ar- 46. Anthony Wilden's Speech and Language Psychoanalysis addresses the 1964 edi- tion Oedipe africa as an stance the anthropological uses psychoanalysis (303-6). See also note 11 above. 47. Ibrahim Sow, Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire (Paris:

41 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary 114 boundary gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot. gues that an efficacious psychoanalytic strument can be fabricated solely relation a global cultural harmony: his monograph, West African structures belief are traced back African systems cosmology, which irradiate, turn, the grids sociology and religious practice.48 But Sow and the Ortigueses agree that the age group, the horizontal relation among confreres the same biological age, proposes a crucial thematic Afri- can social and psychic organization.) I am suggestg that such a model for diasporic communities might itiate its procols: (1) with a practice "on the ground"-the case hisries subjects who speak their word the analyst, not unlike John Gwaltney's quite different venture Drylongso;49 and (2) on the other side, as it were, the "white man." It seems me that such a model cannot be based, does not commence with, "race" but rather the timate spaces where his almighty form is, fact, "forgotten" and misbegotten the funny and satirical. It would be neither accurate nor useful propose an irreparable split between the timate and the pub- lic, for dog so would simply reverse and compound the error that I am contendg traditional analysis has made all along. Rather, a subtler modu- lation the flows from one the other must be sought. As the critics have correctly mataed, much the activity self-defg, which describes Payot, 1978), 48, hereafter cited parenthetically as SA; trans. Joyce Diamanti, as Anthro- pological Structures Madness Black Africa International Universities Press, 1980), 53, hereafter cited parenthetically as AS; trans. mod. The translations here are me. 48. Pressor Valent Mudimbe's work on the African problematic has been rich and steady; among other titles, his Surreptitious Speech: Presence Africae and the Poli- tics Otherness (Chicago: Chicago Press, 1992) is not be missed. 49. One the most excitg works African American culture studies over the last fif- teen years has been John Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait Black America (New York: Vtage, 1981), a veritable me black talk on every conceivable subject, from sex the economy. Drylongso foregrounds ordary "members the tribe," as Ralph Ellison might have put it. I am uncerta the origs the locution, but it was well- known my household and neighborhood Memphis: when some character had not shown particular flair or aplomb carryg out some task, my mother, for example, would describe his/her behavior as "just drylongso." This was not simply an explanation but was accompanied by ketic gestures and a trill the voice whose register a musician could identify with accuracy. My mother, whose every gesture exudes more or less passion one sort or another, could "collapse" her voice and posture with great skill tellg what a "drylongso" looked like. In Gwaltney's book, however, the characters are anythg but un- terestg, as they make no pretense, as far as we can tell, any particular competence or "expertise." I believe that Gwaltney was drivg home this pot.

42 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 and Race 115 the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971). the goal self-reflection, or what I am callg here the "terior tersub- jectivity," has occurred the transgressive unpredictable play language. For that reason, a psychoanalytic model appropriate the lifeworld and courageous enough forego the refuges delusion that wrap around this world like a shroud would risk its occasions language, not only the locus the subject's practice culture-both the natal and the broader one that traverses it-but the sgle feature cultural apprenticeship that has been the most denied. Above all, we must admit the scandalous: African subjects and subjectivity are fitely more unknown "at home" than anywhere else. 5 When I was young and free and used wear silks50 (and sat the front pew, left center, I might add), I used thk that my childhood m- ister occasionally made the oddest announcement. Whenever any one our three church choirs was vited perform at another congregation, our mister, suspectg that several his members would stay home or do somethg else that afternoon, havg already spent some hours at worship, skillfully anticipated them. Those who were not gog with the choir were importuned "send go." The junction always tickled me, as I ok con- siderable pleasure conjurg up the image a snaggle-othed replica my seven-year-old self gog f my place. But the mister meant "send money" (i.e., pass the collection plate). Decades later, I decided that the "send go" my childhood had an equivalent the semiotic/philosophical discourse as the mark substitution, the translated flections selves beyond the threshold the fleshed, natural girl. It was not only a delightful but useful idea me that one herself need not always turn up. One and one did not always make two but might well yield some determate sum, accordg the context which the arithmetic was carried out, deed which arithmetic was performed. I have been suggestg that we need work the double this discussion. Perhaps this is as factual as I know: any vestigary procedure concerng African American culture, a given episteme fractures nega- tive and positive stresses that could be designated the crisis quiry that reveals where a kd abandonment-we could also call it a gap- 50. This sentence alludes a wonderful collection short sries by the Barbadian Canadian writer, Aust Clarke, When He Was Free and Young and He Used Wear Silks (Toron: House Anancy Press, 1971).

43 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary 116 boundary has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master. has occurred. Rather than runng straight ahead ward a goal, the posi- tivity (a given theoretical strument) loops back and forward at once. For example, the notion substitutive identity, not named as such the litera- ture sociocultural critique, is analogous the more familiar concept negation. On the one hand, negation is a time-honored concept philo- sophical discourse and is already nuanced and absorbed, if not left behd, by lked discursive moves, from Hegel Marx, from Kojeve Sartre and Lacan.51 On the other hand, it is a useful concept "troduce," alongside the psychoanalytic hermeneutic, a particular hisrical order located the postmodern time frame as a move ward self-empowerment, but an era discourse that needn't spell out the efficacy either. (The same might be said for the concept the subject.) We are confronted, then, by divergent temporal frames, or beats, that pose the problem adequacy- how reclaim an abandoned site quiry the critical discourse when the very question that it articulates is carried along as a part the method- ological structure, as a feature the paradigm that is itself under suspicion, while the question itself foregrounds a thematic that cannot be approached any other way. If one needs a subject here, with its reperire shifts and transformations, and negation, with its successive generational clo- sures and displacements, though both might be regarded as a disappeared quest-object at best, or a past tense for theory at worst, then we have come the crisis that I have ld, the strument trapped a loopg move- ment or behd-time momenusness that need jump ahead. One tries, this fog claims, keep her eyes on the prize; if by substitutive iden- tities-the "send go"-we mean the capacity represent a self through masks self-negation, then the dialectics self-reflection and the strate- gies a psychoanalytic hermeneutic come gether at the site a "new woman"/"man." That, I believe, is the aim the cultural analysis. A break ward the potentiality becomg, or the formation sub- stitutive identities, consists gog beyond what is given; it is also the exceedg necessity. While this gesture ward a theory the transcen- dent is deeply implicated the passage and iterary modern philosophy and the Cartesian subject, it is not so alien the narratives and teachgs overcomg long associated not only with native traditions philosophy the lifeworld (via the teachgs the Christian church) but is entirely consonant with the democratic prciples on which the United States was 51. For a lucid readg Jacques Lacan's debtedness Hegelian philosophy by way Alexandre Kojeve, see Borch-Jacobsen, Lacan: The Absolute Master.

44 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 and Race 117 founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- founded (though immensely simplified the discourses liberal democ- racy). But the resonance that I would rely on here is less dependent on a narrative genealogy, whose plotle culmates an epiphany triumph, than on a different relation the "Real," where I would situate the politics and the reality "race." Even though it is fairly clear that "race" can be flected (and should be) through the Lacanian dimensions, its face, as an aspect the "Real," brgs light its most persistent perversity. In Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen's readg Lacan's "lguisteries," the "Real" is said be "'pure and simple,' 'undifferentiated,'... 'without fissure,'" and "'always the same place'" (LAM, 192). As these Lacanian assertions seem match precisely the mythical behavior "race," or any "myth day,"52 they potedly refer the situation the subject enunciation-his or her own most "Real," or the status quo. In the classical narratives psycho- analytic theory, the status quo, the standg pat, does not by error open on death's corridor asmuch as it freezes and fixes subjectivity a status permanently achieved. The outcome breezes by us the very notion status, with its play on statue, s, stant, and so on. In this sense, "over- comg" is the cancellation what is given. Borch-Jacobsen fers this explanation: "Thus language, the manifestation the negativity the sub- ject who posits himself by negatg (himself as) the Real, works the miracle manifestg what is not; the tearg apart, the ek-sistence, and the per- petual self-overtakg that 'is' the subject who speaks himself everythg by negatg everythg" (LAM, 193). "Speakg" here is both process and paradigm, the extent that signifyg enables the presence an absence and registers the absence a presence, but it is also a superior mark the transformative, sar as it makes somethg by cuttg through the "pure and simple" the "undifferentiated" the gaps and spacgs signifiers. If potentiality, then, can be said be the site the human, rather than the nonhuman fixedness-more precisely, if it is the "place" the subjec- tivity, the condition beg/becomg subject-then its mission is unfold, through "words, words, words" (LAM, 193), yes, but "words, words, words" as they lead us out the re-presentational where the subject commences its journey the lookg glass the symbolic. Thus, represent a self through masks self-negation is take on the work discoverg where one "is at"-the subject led back his signifyg dependence. Freud had thought a different idea-brgg un- 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 52. Compare Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975).

45 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary 118 boundary consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," consciousness under the domation the preconscious-while Lacan, Freud's post-saussurian poet, revised the idea as the "mapped" "network signifiers" brought existence at the place where the subject was, has always been: "Wo es war, soil Ich werden."53 We could speak this process as the subject makg its mark through the transitivity reobjecti- vations, the silent traces desire on which the object the subject hges. This movement across an terior space demarcates the disciple self- reflection, or the content a self-terrogation that "race" always covers over as an already-answered. But for oneself, another question is posed: What might I become, sar as...? To the extent that "I" "signs" itself "elsewhere," represents itself beyond the given, the onus becomg boo- merangs54-ralph Ellison's word-as it rebounds on the one puttg the question. But what impedes the function the question? Once posed, the terrogative gesture, the terior tersubjectivity, would fill up the Fanonian abime, "the great white error... the great black mirage." Might we suggest, however, that a different question could come about with the acquisition a supplemental literacy, one that could be regarded as alien and, for that very reason, be learned and pressed service? Frantz Fanon assumed that his great positivities (conceptual narratives) were always and constantly equal themselves, and he was exactly right. But he went further by sayg that both them were "not" the sense that they were borne on the wgs an illusion and the extent that they were both unsatisfacry as self-sufficient pots the sta- tionary, and this seems right, o. He did not, however, ask himself and his formulation, So what? Such a question could not have been posed by him, because his allegory had not only responded the "so what?" but had preempted, deed, any other impudent tervention. But if we move back the direction a "prior" moment, the seven year old the front pew, for stance, we can then go forward with another set competencies that origate, we might say, the bone ignorance curiosity, the child's gift for strange dreams flyg and bizarre, yet correct, notions about the adult bodies around her-how, for example, her father and brothers bent forward a grimace when mischievously struck a certa place above the knees by a little girl, propellg herself f a rollaway bed their arms. The foreignness had already begun the stant grasp sexual and em- 53. Sigmund Freud, quoted Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts, For the "boomerang" effect and an quiry it, see Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man Modern Library, 1992), particular, the "Prologue," 3-14.

46 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 and Race 119 bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all bodied division. But from that moment on, the imposition homogeneity and sameness would also be undersod as the great text the "tradition" "race." The Fanonian abyss requires this urtext as the "answer" that fos- ters a two-way immobility. But before "race," somethg else has happened, both with the context "race" and alongside it. Does tradition, then-deposiries discourse and ways speak- g, kds social practice and relations-enable some questions and not others? It seems so, but tradition, which hides its own crevices and ter- stices, is fered as the suture that takes on all the features smoothness; order present itself as transparent, unruffled surface, it absorbs the rejects accordg its most proment configurations. But it seems that the move ward self-reflexivity demands a test herited portions cultural content order discover not only what tradition conceals but, as a result, what one, under its auspices, is forced bldside. What difference did it make that Fanon was a native speaker French? That he had earned a significant place French tellectual circles? His response seems appro- priate-the sideways glance, the superbly ironical look, which marked the effect scission at the heart the disasporic utterance. What he could not do, however, was read its outcome reference the "Negro the An- tilles," as well as "Frantz Fanon." To have admitted that the diasporic African is cut on the bias the West, and not sharply at odds with it, would have volved him a contradiction that his polemic agast the West could not abide. Nevertheless, the problematic that he carved out remas tact, and that is the extent which the psychoanalytic hermeneutic has the least relevance African diasporic lifeworlds. We already know what Fanon might have thought this question and the limited usefulness raisg it reference psychoanalytic theory as "we know it," at least from the pot view those portions Black Sk, White Masks that we've examed.55 With the neurosis and the oedipal complex out the wdow, the black man does not have time make racist practice "unconscious."56 But turng now another procol, we have the 55. Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks. See note Fanon, Black Sk, White Masks, 150: "Then there is the unconscious. Sce the racial drama is played out the open, the black man has no time 'make it unconscious.'" Yes, but one wonders along a reperire unanswered, choately posed questions-how expla tramural "colorism," as Alice Walker nomated it, which embarrassg trend did not die out, I recently discovered, with the black nationalist sixties? Exactly how does one thk about, though it is not particularly her busess, the md-bogglg tendency black men a certa generation and a certa prile "success" clude any and all

47 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary 120 boundary chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well. chance pose the question aga an altered context. I want look briefly at aspects Marie-Cecile and Edmond Ortigues's Oedipe africa as an stance psychoanalytic reference a non-european community subjects and as a systematic examation symbolic currency (sym- bolization) as a response the riddle that Fanon advances concerng the "Negro the Antilles." Aga, it is important, my md, sist that even though diasporic African and contental African communities share "race," they potedly differ cultural ways and means; the contrary view, which flattens out black the same thg despite time, weather, geography, and the entire range complicatg facrs that go the fashiong persons, is difficul put rest, given, especially, what seems be the un- changg face racism. But unless we troduce cultural specificity the picture, we run the risk reforcg the very myth that we would subvert. In that regard, the emphasis that Oedipe africa places on the processes symbolization, not only the workgs psychoanalytic practice but the makg human culture, more broadly speakg, fers a powerful antidote reductive formulations. I have also examed aspects Sow's Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire as a franco- phone readg from "side" African culture. I try brg the texts here dialogue. Oedipe africa is not available English translation and was origi- nally published 1964 by French psychoanalysts who carried out clical practice and observation Dakar, Senegal, from ; a redacted version, which text I use for this essay, came out While the au- thors acknowledge that the analyst must attempt understand the patient the entire context his or her lifeworld and that no pot comparison can be sustaed between one culture and another along a particular le stress without an examation the whole, they do contend that the oedipal complex pertas all human societies. Its nuances will differ, how- ever, accordg one's standg the social order and the strategies acculturation that are available subjects with a given natal community. women, if he is heterosexually defed, as potential love objects, except black women? It is not so much that "the black man" ought love "the black woman" as he might love anyone but... At the moment, this question is posed as the "black man/black woman thang," which the African American popular press covers with notable frequency. Why do we pose it over and over aga? Perhaps we might say that if "the black man" does "not have time" for the unconscious penetration the "race" question, then he ought make time and the "black woman" right along with him, asmuch as "she" has some work do as well.

48 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 and Race 121 The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis). The authors suggest here that "a practitioner at work a society foreign his own defitively illustrates an essential characteristic the analytic attitude; that is say, no proposition can be undersod without reference a familial, social, and cultural context."57 If the knowledge that the analyst has about the tal context is not exhaustive, "then what counts above all else is the analytical attitude that seeks understand the place the subject what he says."58 It seems me that all dogmatic pronouncement, before and despite "what the subject says," is precisely the way which traditional analyses, various schools thought, have failed, cludg all brands nationalist thkg, as well as more formed opions that have evolved a template values which "the black man" is supposed conform, and, moreover, "the black man" as a formulation itself. This whole vital soul, imaged be snorg be- neath the wisdom the ages, conveniently poised for the exact liberary moment, or "leader," is actually an unknown quantity this very "soul" we thought we knew. Because the analyst, from the Ortigueses' pot view, awaits a content, he has, effect, no program "sell." But the analyst here does not even do that much; he or she responds a seeker. Attemptg understand the subject his or her discourse, the Ortigueses address the specificity illness by way a number case studies (references aggression, the persecution complex and its tri- cate functions, and so on). But each stance, the docrs, uch with patients who have sought them out or have been referred them by par- ents or school admistrars, are not treatg a sgle dividual alone but an ensemble. Even the latter is not limited the familial nucleus but may clude ancestral and religious figures; some cases, these might be the rab-an otherworldly figure-and the marabout, both whom are active cultural agents the Wol, Lebou, and Serer communities Senegal. The unseen seen, the "evidence" thgs not seen, the rab, who may be either perverse conduct, "or possessively lovg regardg a subject," is ten felt be responsible for certa facets the subject's behavior. In 57. En decrivant dans ce chapitre la situation d'un psychanalyste travaillant dans une civilisation etrangere la sienne, nous n'avons fait en defitive qu'illustrer un caractere essentiel de I'attitude analytique puisqu'aucun propos ne peut se comprendre sans reference au contexte familial, social, culturel (OA, 57). 58. Faudrait-il en conclure qu'une formation sociologique poussee doit preceder le tra- vail clique? Nous repondrons que, si un mimum d'formations est necessaire, ce qui importe avant ut c'est I'attitude analytique qui cherche a comprendre la place du sujet dans ce qu'il dit (OA, 57; my emphasis).

49 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary 122 boundary this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal. this cultural settg, "illness is not a clical entity at all," and certaly not foremost, but is "attributed by subjects magical causality or the terven- tion the dive."59 The cultures question are not only not the West but are situated on the cultural map Islam. The Western docrs, then, are attemptg work with the limitations posed by lguistic difference as well as differences religious and ethnic reference. If "the element coherence," or consistency, by which illness is represented is embodied the rab, then this tervention would pose one more reason, among a variety others, why "the docrs and their con- sultants might have been derailed their terrogation."60 In any case, however, this complicatg facr the relationship between a speakg subject and the grammar his speakg brgs focus one the key dif- ferences between ols Western practice and the African context, as Sow will spell out: who is the subject treatment? In the African context, there are no lone subjects mental illness. A proundly anthropological readg subject disorder and its essentially communal and familiar character traditional (and this distction is crucial for Sow) African societies defes the project Les Structures anthropologiques de la folie en afrique noire. While the Ortigueses are aware that their project comes freighted with its own peculiar cultural baggage and bias, they nevertheless take their chances with the framework certa psychoanalytic assumptions, as we have seen. Sow, on the other hand, locates the subject at last with a global scheme readg that exames the basic tenets West Afri- can culture. As formative as this method may be, it is its own way as general and generalist as he claims that the classical descriptions mental illnesses are the African field. Too "superficial and artificial" ac- count for "psychological, social, human, and clical realities" encountered traditional African communities, the nosographical and nosological cate- gories and tables, Sow argues, are themselves less objectionable him than the adequate supplement their means with culture-specific strate- gies (SA, 48; AS, 53).61 In Les Structures anthropologiques, he attempts 59. Et, en effet, ici, la maladie n'est pas une entite clique. Pour les maladies mentales, il n'y a de classification que par la causalite magique ou le dest voulu par Dieu... On se refere soit a une action contrariante des rab, soit a "I'amour" possessif de rab lies a une famille, etc. (OA, 40). 60. 'element de coherence dans la representation de la maladie c'est le rab... C'est pourquoi nos consultants sont deroutes par nos terrogaires (OA, 40). 61. At the time the work's publication, the author was apparently a researcher and lec- turer at the Laboraire de Psychopathologie at the Sorbonne, Universite Rene Descartes (Paris V), after havg practiced psychiatric medice his native Senegal.

50 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 and Race 123 go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe, go beneath the manifestations Western practice penetrate its leadg premises, address and correct the problem, except that, dog so, his chief acrs are the macroelements narrative and belief-the thematics myth, ancient tale and report. In that regard, he pats with a broader brush, as it were, and covers a canvas wider scope, but, ironically, it seems that we lose the import the psychoanalytic the process pre- cisely because, Sow, it is unimpressively grounded the messess the everyday world, the utter evasion the neat and rational category. For example, madness Sow's critique is similarly configured the way it is sketched Oedipe africa-as a mishap an ensemble sociocultural relations. Sow calls it a "'sign'" that dicates straightaway that the subject is expressg conflict between himself and the constitutive authorities his personality that are external him (SA, 42; AS, 44). Sow consistently distguishes between personnalite and personne.62 It is the role traditional therapy, then, alongside the teractive participation family and community, read and terpret the sign, determe at what pot the constitutive network the timate structure personality there has been breakdown or rupture an otherwise highly articulated social function (see SA, 42; AS, 44). While it is fairly clear that Sow's "exterieures" look and behave suspiciously like the Lacanian "supports" through which the subject enunciation is "spoken," Sow appears so disjo particular acts enunciation from the culturally permissible that the neurosis itself erupts "oneness." The double dose narcissistic desire, therefore, fol- lows from "dividuality," when the neurotic personne behaves as if he were an end with himself: In effect, what is signified for the neurotic is buried his dividu- ality and, the fal analysis, "doubles" or duplicates his narcissistic desire, which functions as if he were his own end himself. For man confrontg the sacred, however, what is signified is the Word, Law, Tradition- short, man's Orig, the sacrifice the foundg Ancesr, crear the Law, guaranr peace and coexistence among present-day human begs. (AS, 207) The French text reads: "En sa lecture la plus pronde, la folie est 'signe'; elle dique d'emblee que le sujet affecte exprime un conflit: conflit entre lui et les stances con- stitutives de sa personnalite qui lui sont exterieures, selon la conception traditionnelle" (SA, 42). 63. En effet, on pourrait dire que le signifie du nevros6 est enfoui dans son dividualite et, au bout du compte, "double" son desir narcissique qui fonctionne comme s'il etait, en lui-meme, sa propre falite; alors que le signifie de I'homme face au sacre, c'est le Verbe,

51 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary 124 boundary But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42). But the real question for me, light this formulation, is, What is the re- lationship between the Word and the word which personne, neurotic and otherwise, is orchestrated? It appears that we pass here rather o quickly- droppg the ball is more like it-from a social dysfunction a coerced repair the formidable evocation overwhelmg devices, the great di ex macha that silence all before them-the Law, the Orig, the Tradition. "Man confrontg the sacred" is a mighty idea, but who can stand before it? And isn't it quite possible that such standg would be unique? would represent an imitable moment or an origary and irrecoverable act? Nevertheless, Sow's sistence on a constitutive network resres the psychoanalytic hermeneutic its social coherence, its tersubjec- tive function. As traditional therapy his account seeks transform mental illness an articulated language, it would repair the broken lk which the dividual is not alone located: "Reestablishg order the subject re- constitutes the loose connection and reserts the subject the place from which he has been expelled, cut f from his source nourishment by an 'aggressor'" (AS, 44).64 An "affliction" the structure communication implies an aversive meetg paroles, and, that extent, the anthropological elements madness African society do not deny, at the very least, conflict at the heart human relations. Sow's "answer," however, by deferrg or displacg the source illness on a global abstracted Outer, envisages an absolute otherness, whereas the struggle for meang appears "reduce" the abso- lute by dispersg its centrality. In other words, the subject, a different order thgs, must discover the degree which he has engendered his own alienation. Consequently, the Western subject, it seems, sprouts guilt and big shoulders takg on responsibility for an outcome, whereas his African counterpart, at least if Sow is right, does not acquire a discourse for the guilty conscience asmuch as his ultimate ground social and moral reference is situated "outside" himself. In a sense, the universe projected Les Structures anthropolo- giques is vestibular both the hisrical and posthisrical sar as it is fished and elegantly arranged accordg an immemorial Law and Order that Sow elaborates at length. We can do no more than sketch some la Loi, la Tradition, en un mot: I'Orige, dans le sacrifice de I'Ancetre fondateur, createur de la Loi, garant de la paix et de la coexistence entre les humas actuels (SA, 162). 64. Coupe de ses stances constituantes par "I'agresseur." Asi, ut d'abord, il faudra transformer I'affection en structure de communication (SA, 42).

52 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 and Race 125 its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27). its proment features here. In West African cosmography, human and social order is based on an imbricated, yet hierarchical, grid functions marked accordg three levels stress: (1) the sensible, given world the microcosmos-the world that is immediate and given, the world the social; (2) "the termediary world the genies, the spirits, and a reper- ire malevolent and beneficent forces the mesocosmos"; and (3) "the suprasensible world the Spirits elect, the Ancesrs, the Godhead" (SA, 45; AS, 48). But there are ancesrs and the Ancesr(s), as it seems ap- parent that the capitalized Ancetre is the equivalent the Godhead, if not exactly synonymous it. Given this elaborate schematization, there is, effect, "no one" - a rather different sense from the "nothg" and "no one" Western philosophical/psychoanalytic discourse-with its eye traed, fally, on an eclipsed God, or the One about whom silence is order. In African discursive and social practice, as Sow narrates the scene, "one" is nothg more or less than a lk through which the three great valences order reverberate. Therapy thus consists brgg one back harmo- nious relations with a cosmogonic prciple whose tent can be teased out various mythic narratives. There, "the prescriptions, rules, terdictions, and models conduct" aim ward a defitive suggestion: that "cultural order and coherence repose on a delicate, subtle balance the differenti- ated identity each and all" (SA, 154; AS, 159), primarily the contuity the generations the passage the biological age group, wave on wave horizontal confraternities progression ward the status ancestry. In such a system, the strategies rapprochement between God and human appear language-" speech, prayer, and dream, as the dialogue be- tween distant terlocurs must pass through the privileged tercessory fice the Ancesrs" (AS, 210 n. 9).65 From this perspective, mental illness is read as the terrupted cir- cuitry between carefully deleated parts (see SA, 10-11; AS, 6). But the texts role and agency are not discoverable, asmuch as they are already known from a transmitted structure articulated cause and effect. More- over, this symbolic economy, which rests a transcendent signifier, gener- ates a Sry, unlike the discourse that breaks up the amized particles evasive meang, or a meang delayed the "effects" the signifier. We would regard the latter as a sympm modern social analysis that fol- 65. Parmi les moyens du rapprochement, il y a la parole, la priere et le reve... mais, comme ujours en Afrique, le dialogue entre Dieu et les hommes passe par I'tercesseur privilegie qu'est I'Ancetre (SA, 164 n. 27).

53 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary 126 boundary lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).] lows the trails fragmented social objects- short, a world defed by the loss hierarchy, privileged moments, and eluctably declarative-ambi- guity expelled-utterances. We know this world as our own-the scene scission and displacement. But where would this buzz the harmonious leave the culturally "illiterate," the one who misreads the traffic signals? In the openg chap- ter Les Structures anthropologiques, Sow treats at length the occur- rence and frequency mental illness West African communities. As he adopts nosographical categories description familiar Western psy- chiatric practice, he is convced that the categories themselves are ill- equipped treat key questions, such as "the problem the sta, the pure and impure, that domates Swedish psychopathology, for stance" (SA, 31 n. 36; AS, 32 n. 10), or the phenomenon "la bouffee psychotique": the most characteristic formalaspect African psychiatry (AS, 31; SA, 31). If the "bouffee psychotique" is a characteristic form African medice, then persecution is the most frequently and meangfully recurrent thematic Contental practice (see SA, 34; AS, 35). He claims that it not only colors the entire field practice but that it also occupies a privileged place the anthropological system representations across Black Africa. The en- semble premises agast which Sow leads up his readg the African conception cosmos and its signifyg role the mental theater might be summarized accordg two barily opposed tables value: traditional African stitutions, their preventive or prophylactic capacity, effectively mata personal, terpersonal, and communal equilibrium. The psycho- logical defenses are cultural and collective and may be compared with what we spoke earlier as the Western implantation or teriorization guilt.66 In other words, the persecur African culture embodies the externaliza- tion guilt, whereas Western culture, the guilt function is assumed by the person. Sow evaluates the ternalizg guilt as (1) "the orig the morbid structure" and (2) "the sociocultural context s and blame" (SA, 25 n. 20; AS, 24 n. 7). But is it possible that the bary disposition is less than dispositive, even a traditional African settg? Is it possible that tra- ditional structures, precisely because they are time-honored, do not always respond a particular demand? 66. "Facrs that are ten cited are... effective psychological- effect, cultural-de- fenses, such as the externalization conflict, with precise group identification with a persecur" (AS, 38). [On souligne souvent, en effet... des defenses psychologiques- en fait, culturelles-efficaces telles que exteriorite du conflit avec nomation collective precise d'un persecuteur (SA, 36).]

54 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 and Race 127 Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101). Among the case studies presented Oedipe africa, the Ortigueses' Samba C., a fourteen-year-old Wol Muslim, might raise terestg prob- lems for Sow's scheme. "Accordg the psychotherapeutic material pre- sented them," the authors believe that Samba did reach the ternalization conflict, which process Sow identifies as the orig morbidity West- ern disorders, and that a dream reported them by the analysand not only signaled such ternalization but announced it as the onset a series psychotic episodes. The dream, which occurrence led him the Western docrs, is described this way: "The baobab tree" (the renowned tree Afri- can lore and legend) " Samba's itial vision, at the time this dream..., cried out that the dead must be buried at his feet and not the cemetery; the terrifyg persona Samba's hallucations was transformed a man who declared these words: 'It is the father fathers.' "67 Samba's confron- tation with representative stances the paternal image- the baobab tree and the transformations that it duced-suggested the docrs that Samba's troubles were related the ancesrs. In attemptg retrace the trajecry the Ortigueses' conclusions, which follow below, we hope see at least the divergence terpretation between two styles analytic practice and assumption. We can only guess how Sow might have read Samba's case. Samba C. first encountered trouble, when, passg under a bao- bab tree on returng school one day, he heard a voice that called out him by his family name three times. Samba does not answer, for respondg would have been correct, but he does not contue on his way, and quite frightened, turns back ward home. He takes his bed, tremblg, vomitg durg the night. For the rest the followg day and for some months afterward, Samba keeps his eyes closed, as if he feared a terrifyg vision, "like children, somethg big, a devil." He suffered from migrae headaches the course thgs, refused eat, and any case only imbibed small amounts food and drk. He remaed ert, prostrate, arms bent moan- g. His groans would tensify for hours at a time, extended and mononous plat. The words that escaped from him came rn, 67. Le materiel de la psychotherapie montre qu'arrive au seuil d'un affrontement assume personnellement, Samba... situe I'image paternelle et la castration dans la rapport aux ancetres: le baobab de la vision itiale, lors d'un reve (il figure dans le nombreux reves), reclame que I'on enterre "le mort" a son pied et non au cimetiere; le personnage terrifiant des hallucations'est mue en un homme au regard bon qui prononce ces seuls mots: "C'est le pere des peres" (OA, 101).

55 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary 128 boundary babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour babbled, barely audible, and were accompanied by an voluntary shakg the head. Samba's parents reported that the outbreak persisted for several months, and he was eventually led neurological consultation and hospitalized. All the tests admistered him proved negative. Dur- g hospitalization, Samba's state was unchanged three weeks later; he left the hospital after sistg upon it, havg attempted escapes daily. Shortly thereafter, he was hospitalized the psychiatric unit. In the course a year, he was hospitalized three times and durg terim periods was treated as an outpatient, subjected, durg each term hospitalization, a series electroshocks at the same time as psychotherapy. A neuroleptic treatment was pursued as well. In Samba's case, it is legitimate speak psychoanalytic psycho- therapy the most classic sense the term. Samba's demand was clear: He came " talk order get well." A rich transfer- ential relation was quickly established, as his treatment lasted a year and cluded some fifty-one sessions with the docrs. Samba was regarded as telligent and sought verbalize everythg that he lived Les troubles de Samba ont commence le jour ou, passant sous un grand baobab en revenant de I'ecole, il entendit une voix qui I'appela trois fois par son nom de famille. Heureusement, il ne repondit pas car "quand on repond c'est mauvais, on devient fou, ou on est sale et seul dans la brousse" (comme un homme que Samba a vu jadis); il ne s'est pas reurne non plus. II a eu tres peur et est rentre chez lui en courant, s'est cou- che tremblant et a vomi dans la nuit. Depuis ce jour et de mois durant, Samba tient ses paupieres closes comme s'il redoutait un vision terrifiante: "comme des enfants, quelque chose de gros, un diable." II souffire de cephalees tenses, refuse de s'alimenter et en aucun cas ne porte lui-meme a ses levres le peu de nourriture ou de boisson qu'il ab- sorbe. II rester, erte, prostre, le dos voote, en geignant. Ses gemissements peuvent, des heures durant, s'amplifier en de longues plates monones. Les quelques mots que I'on parvient a lui arracher sont murmures, a pee audibles et accompagnes d'un mouvement de negation de la tete. Ce tableu persistant plusieurs mois, au dire des parents, Samba est conduit a la con- sultation de neurologie et hospitalise. Tous les examens pratiques sont negatifs. Son etat etant change trois semaes plus tard, Samba sort sur sa demande sistante, apres de quotidiennes tentatives de fugues. II est hospitalise peu apres en psychiatrie. En un an il y sera hospitalise a trois reprises et suivi entre-temps a titre externe. A chaque hos- pitalisation une serie d'electro-chocs est pratiquee parallelement a la psychotherapie. Un traitement par neuroleptiques est poursuivi egalement. Dans le cas de Samba, il est legitime de parler de psychotherapie psychanalytique au sens le plus classique du terme. La demande de I'enfant est claire: il vient "parler pour

56 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 and Race 129 Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98). Summarizg, we would make the followg observations: 1. After two months and ne sessions treatment, Samba barely got beyond the hallucations that haunted his nights. "The visual representa- tions ranged from children, snakes, a very large black man, who fright- ened him." Samba reported audiry and visual hallucations that cluded "snakes vadg his body, drkg his blood, and the attacks made him feel that he would die soon."69 The docrs were caught by the bary equa- tion Samba's description-"fear"/"bliss-happess" ("peu/'l"bonheur')- as they came discover "that the voice the baobab, which was the voice the devil, was actually the projected persona an older companion Samba's, one Malik, who, Samba's eyes, corporated at once the man- hood virtues boldness, physical force, and endurance, as well as the temptations fall that led Samba's madness" (OA, 98). 2. "La folie" was undersod by the docrs have conformed "desocialisation," which Malik had led his younger companion over a few years-disobeyg and deceivg parents, solence ward authority, thievery, and the violation a fundamental prohibition, "gog out at night." The latter activity was strictly forbidden children, especially treks the bush or the countryside, those reputedly dangerous places thought be habited by evil figures. This crossg the bar, we might say, manifested various antisocial behaviors that challenged authority, was accompanied by gross misconduct ward Malik's and Samba's female peers. The docrs observed that "Malik's 'leadership' was exercised a decidedly sadistic nality" and that none the authority figures, cludg parents and teach- ers, were ever able brg him le. "Above all, Malik embodied for Samba an element undeniable fascation" (OA, 98). 3. Samba, then, "was frightened by his desire look like Malik, be Malik [d'6tre un Malik]. The temptation was projected as the 'devil'"- the "saytane." The attendg marabouts, precedg consultation with the Western docrs, believed that the problem was the "devil," who wanted harm Samba. But as it turned out, Samba's family, "his enurage," had themselves had similar experiences, "sce childhood, with the evidentiary 6tre gueri." Une relation transferentielle riche s'etablit rapidement. A ce jour le traitment dure depuis un an et a comporte 51 seances. Samba est telligent et cherche a verbaliser ut ce qu'il vit (OA, 96-97). 69. (... Des enfants ou un serpent ou un homme noir tres, tres grand, viennent lui faire peur, comme un diable... ) "II me faisait peur. II m'a montre le bonheur..." Des ser- pents sont dans son corps, sur son corps ils vont le mordre, ils boivent son sang, il va mourir dans I'stant (OA, 97-98).

57 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary 130 boundary presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100). presence djns and devils" ("Pour le pere et la mere de Samba, pour ut I'enurage, I'existence des dje et saytane est une evidence quotidienne depuis I'enfance; chacun a une ou plusieurs experiences personnelles les concernant") (OA, 98). 4. "Samba fally arrived on the threshold an teriorization" guilt. The "devil" was Malik, wantg him do ill, yet "he realized that he admired the older boy and that the latter was a thug" ("celui-ci etait un voyou ignorant") (OA, 99). Over time, "his fantasies concerng the per- sonae the devil... terrifyg and attractive at once, were doubled and divided among three or four persons, as this game doublg, couplg, and dividg allowed Samba ever greater suppleness projectg himself variable positions regardg his desire and its related anxiety."70 Even though Samba's condition was ameliorated by treatment, the authors mata that his state, for all that, proved irreversibly psychotic. To the question, what if the prognosis were ept, or unrelated the strategies cure available Wol society, the Ortigueses respond with what is, for all tents and purposes, a question their own: "Did not Samba's culture impose on him, or propose him a privileged way the solution his hallucary psychosis, vis-a-vis the theme persecution?"71 The docrs believed that Samba had "jumped"-my word-his circumstance by ter- nalizg his dilemma, by seekg resolve it at the level personality. In a sense, cuttg loose from certa communal beliefs, feelg himself driven the wall, he had sought other means address and "become a stranger himself while dog so, accedg the level personal conscience that had situated him 'well ahead the fathers.' "72 In the culture question, one did not reach for advancement beyond or away from the group, as they 70. Dans ses fantasmes le personnage du diable, monolithique au depart, terrorisant et fascant, s'est progressivement dedouble puis scde en un groupe de 3 ou 4 personnes, ce qui permettait a Samba un jeu de plus en plus souple ou il se projetait dans des positions variees a I'egard de son desir et de son anxiete (OA, 99). 71. Mais cela ne peut empecher de se demander si la culture qui est celle de Samba ne lui impose pas ou ne lui propose pas de maniere privilegee la solution de la psychose hallucaire a theme de persecution (OA, ). 72. II est en effet bien difficile d'imager Samba gueri grace a un traitement psychana- lytique, apres avoir teriorise ses tensions, les avoir resolues "personnellement." Cela supposerait que, seul de son milieu, de sa famille, il se desolidarise des croyances com- munes, qu'il se sgularise d'une maniere telle qu'il deviendrait comme etranger chez lui, qu'il aurait accede a un niveau de conscience personnelle qui le situerait bien "en avant de ses peres" (il se trouve que I'on ne peut attendre aucune evolution du groupe familial). Est-ce possible? Est-ce souhaitable? (OA, 100).

58 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 and Race 131 read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have read the picture. At best, Samba's condition the end "appeared fragile, as the 'devil' remaed discretely present" (OA, 100). What I have terpreted the foregog paragraphs as declarative assertions are advanced as quiries the text, and this fact is important note, asmuch as the docrs are themselves aware that their speculative struments are adopted from a very different cultural framework. For - stance, they question whether or not it is thkable that Samba had arrived at the teriorization the conflict that he clearly expressed and whose im- plications he could expla-"est-il pensable qu'il parvienne a terioriser sa culpabilit?" (OA, 99). Furthermore, they handle certa conclusions that they have tentatively reached a subjunctive appeal: In effect, Samba's assumption guilt would suppose that he had disconnected himself from certa communal values, and is such delkg not only possible but even desirable? The Ortigueses go on say that everythg durg the course itial treatment happened "as if" Samba, feelg no way out, had placed all his hope, had articulated all his demand the openg dialogue the first terviews and as if "he assumed the risk an unknown outcome" ["il assumait le risque de I'issue connue"] (OA, 100). His parents, "feelg anxious, powerless, and overwhelmed by Samba's au-aggressive con- duct," followg the failure traditional treatment, "sought turn him over 'the docrs' and also accepted the risks." Durg the course the doc- rs' treatment, Samba's family consulted "un marabout 'plus fort' que les precedents," as the docrs were accord with the decision. "This proce- dure, no more than prior consultations with the marabout, did not terrupt the psychoanalytic course," as the differg strategies were simultaneously pursued (OA, 100). As a reader goes back and forth on this, grapplg another lan- guage, about a vastly different culture, not Western, French, English, or diasporic, for that matter, tryg see through other eyes the truth the matter or even ga some clarity concerng it, we are confronted with mutu- ally exclusive questions. Perhaps all the docrs and theorists are right, or more precisely, know how be, with the particular parameters sight and bldness that frame their discourse. But the affectg le, "ut son espoir, ute sa demande" (OA, 100), sketches a face before us whose de- tails are unreadable, except that we hear its trace the paraphrase the stunng bafflement one at pas know why he suffers, and it seems that we are captivated there- the scription particular address. There is the society, doubtlessly so, but what about Samba? Another way ask this question is the impossible, What does he say he wants? Unless I have

59 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary 132 boundary misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes misundersod the matter, the "hermeneutic demand" the psychoana- lytic iterary unfolds from each the Sambas' articulated wannas-be, but what world? Is it thkable that a Samba was raisg, the depths his beg, a question that his culture could not answer, even though the latter had opened the place the question by givg it its props, its materiality? Is the quest conditioned by the epistemic choices available the want- -be the subject? And if the subject "overreaches" the given discursive conditions, does madness attend, no one quite knowg what he is say- g, as deed it was reported have happened at the onset Samba's psychotic course? For the Ortigueses, Samba's dilemma raises the ques- tion recognition by the brothers, which they contend is routed through "Oedipe africa." It is at heart an quiry concerng status and the variable positions through which it is expressed. In Samba's society, "the search for status recognition by the 'brothers' is a domant mode manhood affirmation" [La recherche d'une recon- naissance de mon statut par les 'freres' est un mode domant de I'affirma- tion virile] (OA, 135). As we observed before, the brothers are the progres- sive, or processual confraternity age-mates precisely lked by the time birth. "The wish be a man expresses itself here a form and con- tent different from the ones that we know European societies," say the Ortigueses. "In Europe, young Oedipus wishes be a rival tasks, ac- tions, and realizations; it is a rivalry that is manifest by objective sanction," or we could say that the objectifiable nature goals acts mediate the rivalry-makg a better boat, for stance, or hurlg a discus farther than another. In brief, it seems that the socius the objectifiable aim may be called competitive. In the Senegalese field, rivalry is accentuated by a stress on status, on prestige. It has do with demonstratg or show- g a certa image the self the "brothers," or dog what they believe conforms with the image the eyes the brothers... For the young Dakarois whom we saw, plans for the future... were hardly based on performance or personalized activity, as it was small measure a question ventg somethg, or exceedg some achievement, but was tied up with the theme givg oneself be looked at. [II est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser qui ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder.] A sub- ject might have said, for stance, that he wanted wear beautiful clothes, or have a good position, but the precise activity, the metier, the vocation that supported the good position or the beautiful clothes

60 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 and Race 133 was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37. was not considered and for itself. The wish, then, had less do with a more terestg or efficacious performance some task, but more do with achievg higher visibility for socially proment rea- sons.... To improve one's status, one might say "I did this or that," or "Such and such admires me," or "such and such said that I was telligent" [or]... "great."... If a subject reported: "I have more success with the females than my buddies," he was appealg less his relationship with the girls question than reflectg on the admiration or the jealousy his comrades.73 It is difficul decide from what the authors report about such asser- tions whether or not braggg among the young is common across cultures. I actually thk that it might well be, but one is nevertheless struck by the importance the specular and the spectacular here, which is precisely where Du Bois placed the significance the look regardg the "seventh son," albeit for radically different hisrical reasons.74 Yet, I believe that this stunng thematic runng through a milieu West African society is well worth keepg md. Though far o quick, as it were, be given more than passg thought, the concern about "how's it hangg"-which would mark an especially male anxiety-may actually "translate" diasporic communities as the analogous stress on looks, prestige, success, and the entire reperire tensions that have do with the outer trappg, that is, one's appearance. The Ortigueses suggest that with all their subjects, "ref- 73. Ici I'accent est davantage mis sur I'affirmation d'un statut, d'un prestige. II s'agit plut6t de montrer aux autres, aux "freres," une certae image de soi-meme, de faire qu'ils y croient pour pouvoir soi-meme cocider avec cette image... Pour les jeunes Dakarois que nous avons vus, les projets d'avenir, le "quand je serai grand," ne portent guere sur des performances ou des activites personnalisees: il est peu question d'venter quoi que ce soit, ou de depasser quoi que ce soit, son en se donnant a regarder. On dira que I'on veut porter de beaux vetements, que I'on veut veux avoir une bonne situation, mais I'activite precise, disons le metier, que suppose la bonne situation ou I'acquisition des beaux vetements, est peu consideree pour elle-meme. Le vceu est mos celui d'une activite plus teressante ou plus efficace que d'une place plus en vue, d'une raison sociale plus emente. Le fantasme sous-jacent est d'imager ce que les autres pensent en vous regardant. Pour se valoriser on dira autant: "J'ai fait ceci ou cela," que: "Un tel m'admire... Un tel a dit que j'etais telligent... Un tel a dit que j'etais un grand" (ce sont la paroles d'etudiants). Si I'on dit: "J'avais plus de succes fems que mes camarades," ce sera mos pour evoquer ses relations avec les filles que pour renvoyer a I'admiration ou a la jalousie des camarades (OA, 101-2). 74. See note 37.

61 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary 134 boundary erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard erences fathers and uncles bore the character spectacle, witness, and display fered the look others. The child felt empowered by the father, loved by the father, when he was well-dressed by him, when he imaged others lookg at him well-dressed."75 Among Europeans, they contend, "a boy a certa age might thk: 'My father is stronger than a lion... my father has the biggest car... my father is rich and commandg,'" whereas among the young Dakarois, "the boy thks: 'My father is gog buy me a beautiful shirt, a beautiful suit.' "76 The stances could be multiplied, they tell us, but they sum up the pot: "The desire for better clothes, for more beautiful clothes, was the first desire expressed by the young men, the desire show their father, and for those who suffered his difference or estrangement, it was not rare encounter an obsessive concern about ap- pearance the extent seekg homosexual engagement the search for ostentation."77 By "the look... the subject decides if he is mocked, held con- tempt, thought be disagreeable," and so on. "The frequency with which distressful sensations were triggered by the look another, or perceived at the level the sk or the superficial musculature" because another's "regard," was considerable their estimation. Relatedly, the Ortigueses evolved from the cases a veritable "grammar" the look: "formidable," "contemptuous," "masked," "averted," "eyes turned sideways," "looks and laughs," "looks down (or lowers head)" ("formidable," "meprisant," "est mas- que," "deurn6," "les yeux de c6te," "regard et il rit," "garde la t6te bai- see").78 Promently placed the discourse "the first terviews was 75. Chez us nos sujets la r6ference au pere ou a I'oncle a le caractere d'un spectacle, d'un temoignage fert au regard des autres... L'enfant se sent en puissance de pere, aime du pere, quand il est bien habille, quand il image les autres le regardent bien habille (OA, 102-3). 76. Chez nous, selon son age, un garcon pensera: "Mon pere est plus fort qu'un lion... mon pere a la plus grosse voiture... mon pere est riche et commande..." Ici, I'enfant pense: "Mon pere va m'acheter une belle chemise, un beau costume" (OA, 102-3). 77. Le desir d'habits meilleurs, plus beaux, est le premier desir exprime par les jeunes garcons, desir de montrer leur pere. Et chez ceux qui souffrent de son difference ou de son eloignement, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer un souci obsedant de leur apparence jusqu'a evoquer I'homosexualite dans la recherche apportee aux colifichets (OA, 104). 78. La frequence avec laquelle le declenchement de sensations douloureuses, percues au niveau de la peau ou de la musculature superficielle, est attribue au regard des autres. Dans bien des cas, I'angoisse parait etre secondaire a la douleur percue, a la crampe, comme si I'eprouve corporel etait directement modele par le regard d'autrui... Lattention portee au regard dans les descriptions de comportement qui nous sont faites: il a un regard formidable; il a un regard meprisant; il est masque; il a un regard

62 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 and Race 135 the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989), the subject's concern about the troublg look; from stances hysteria, havg do with a transient evil eye [d'un mal aux yeux passager]... fantasies surgg up the here and now, we were always ld: 'Je ne me donne pas le droit de voir.'" Because one's own look is disabled, or because one cannot seize the right look, as I understand this, which fre- quently occurs one's own bad dreams, perhaps we bear this rubric away from the scene: "The sight appears as a privileged place castration" here (OA, 105). By a deur f the cusmary path, the oedipal problematic travels this stance through the peer group, snared the coils lookg and beg seen. The Ortigueses do not pause elaborate on what is, my md, a pot saturation their iterary that could possibly bridge across Old and New World African cultures a consideration unconscious material, but I am not, for all that, claimg that there would be good reason on that basis pose or even anticipate moments a transhisrical (black) collec- tive psyche. Nevertheless it seems me that any sustaed vestigation along these les might usefully isolate the gaze its discrete cultural prop- erty as a route organization for a comparative readg tersubjective signals divergent lifeworlds. But I should try be clear about this. The quiry that I am describg would occur under some other auspices than that the psychoanalytic, even though it might be formed by its pro- cols. In any case, the look and its dynamics would brg focus several pics that come gether the name subjectivity, that is, the extent which self-formation is authored elsewhere, the split between the wanna- be and its objectivations the place another. The eyes this case are nothg more or less than the crucial relay a "message" that either pr- fers or denies, though denial, as we know, is also a most powerful fer. The tales the young Dakarois reforce the unthkable-it is all o ten up someone else-and for my money, we have little idea what this particular exchange subtextual motives, "choreographed" the rise and fall the eyelid, actually "sounds" like cultural theory concerng black communi- ties. Relatedly, is there not this conundrum: If the young male consultants the Ortigueses' "recits" are bound the "look" others-as femist film theorists have suggested that the female "star" is79-then what revision- deurne; il ne te regarde pas; ii tient les yeux de cote; il regard et il rit, ce n'est pas I'enfant reglementaire; il garde la tete baissee (OA, 104; my emphasis). 79. I am referrg here the very fluential and suggestive writg by Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cema," Visual and Other Pleasures (Bloomgn: Indi- ana Press, 1989),

63 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary 136 boundary ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its ary notions might be troduced the conceptualization the gaze as heterosexual currency? At least the extent that it duces more ques- tions than it disposes, the "recit" the consultation expands the genre narrative art. The coil the looks for the Ortigueses, however, is entirely related the psychoanalytic aims Oedipe africa, and that is explore how the oedipal crisis-fdg one's place the social order-is resolved a cultural context where the symbolic function the father remas tied the ancesrs. We can only sketch out a few more details this runng narrative: 1. In the case where the father mediates between the dead ances- rs and the livg sons, the sons cannot thk themselves as the equal the ancesr (and therefore not the father either) and certaly not his superior. What one must confront stead is the right claim his place with the group, as castration here is based on the collective register obedience the law the dead, the law the ancesrs. To be excluded from the group or abandoned by it is the equivalent castration (see OA, 75). When Samba, the case that we have examed, was confronted by the baobab tree his disturbg dream, he was essentially comg face-- face, as it were, with a representative ancestral figure, as the baobab holds a privileged place the culture as the site the wisdom the dead and the livg fathers. It is, therefore, collectively possessed. The appearance the tree the young man's dream apparently signaled his arrival on the threshold manhood. In contrastg European Oedipus with its African equivalent, the Ortigueses suggest that the youth the latter settg does not image killg the father but must be referred the ancesrs through him. 2. Because the ancesr is "deja mort" and "attaquable" the sons constitute their brothers rivalry, the group that they must enter. This hori- zontal social arrangement yields two crucial representations-"the collec- tive phallus and the unbeatable ancesr," which conduces "the game rivalry-solidarity between the brothers." In this setup, everythg that the brothers do regardg one another acquires pround weight, asmuch as one's successful achievement status is predicated on it. "Rivalry, then, appears be systematically displaced on the 'brothers' who polarize the aggressive drives," as "aggression itself is primarily expressed under the form persecutive reaction-formations." "The network tersubjective relations would be strongly colored here by the fact that everyone is easily perceived as both vulnerable persecution" and capable servg its

64 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 and Race 137 ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94). ends through the medium a superior force or talisman. "Under all cir- cumstances, it is appropriate protect oneself agast harmful tentions," agast apparently aggressive moves the other, which energy, the authors observe, is deflected away from self-affirmation through action ward self- defense. "Blame, then, is barely ternalized or constituted as such," sce the material cause the harm "lies outside oneself," where the "badness" reigns: "Everythg happens as if the dividual cannot bear be perceived as ternally divided and driven by contradicry desires." Les Structures anthropologiques and Oedipe africa seem strike a common chord on this pot. We would also read Samba's predicament this light.80 "To the extent that the aggressive drives are not projected on another, the subject remas conscious them, but represses them, tries control them. Aggressive fantasies and emotions might then take the route the secretive, muted, destructive, unacknowledgeable material about which silence is deemed appropriate," because mouthg it might "'discourage my parents,'" or "'they would count agast me,'" or express- g it would expose one's vulnerability, his "location," as it were. "Often, somatizations appeared as a means hibitg the stantaneous expres- sion fantasies and aggressive impulses." What might occur the event a repression is the dissimulation mistrust and suspicion under the guise an "imperturbable gentilesse" that is aimed at wardg f a blow. But such a "separate peace" might not yield the expected "detente," but could well result "immediate depression" or the "emergence aggressive fan- tasies." 80. Dans le modele europeen du complexe d'oedipe, le fils s'image tuant le pere. Ici la pente typique serait plut6t: le fils se referant par l'termediaire du pere a I'ancetre deja mort donc attaquable et constituant ses "freres" en rivaux. C'est pourquoi les repre- sentations que nous avons utilisees, phallus collectif, ancetre egalable, ne peuvent se comprendre qu'en fonction du terme ou elles conduisent, le jeu de la rivalit6-solidarite entre les freres... La rivalite nous paraft ut d'abord etre systematiquement deplacee sur les "freres" qui polarisent les pulsions agressives... L'agressivite s'exprime prcipalement sous la forme de reactions persecutives... Lensemble des rapports terpersonnels est forte- ment color6 par le fait que chacun se percoit facilement comme persecute. On pourrait dire qu'une partie de I'energie qui, dans un autre contexte, serait employ6e a s'affirmer en agissant, est ici consommee a se defendre. En utes circonstances, il convient de se proteger des tentions menacantes... La culpabilite est peu teriorisee ou constituee comme telle. Tout se passe comme si I'dividu ne pouvait pas supporter de se percevoir divise terieurement, mobilise par des desirs contradicires. Le "mauvais" est ujours situe a I'exterieur de moi, il est du domae de la fatalite, du sort, de la volonte de Dieu (OA, 79, 92, 93, 94).

65 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary 138 boundary Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96). Unless a subject sought solitude order protect himself agast anxiety reactions that had become overwhelmg, the young consul- tants described us the high degree which they felt compelled be with their friends.. be part the group, the crowd. Even if nothg particular importance accrued from a sportg event, a dance outg, an termable round talk...., the real thg was the presence others-necessary and reassurg- keepg the latent aggressive fantasies the background.81 Could it be that male bondg or confraternity is based on keepg the latent aggressive fantasies at bay? In that sense, perhaps, the solidarity piece the rivalrous relations would sheathe, at all times, a decidedly violent possibility, all the more so for what it covers over. The "gang" diasporic communities may well replicate this pattern repression and closure. We recall that the social formation the brothers, banished the Freudian myth for the crime patricide and other impressive famies, is the triggerg mechanism the cest taboo and the cut human commu- nity. But Freud's exiled issue have the opportunity "return" with the boon guilt. As we thk about the African Oedipus, accordg the Ortigueses' sketch it, several half-formed, obscure questions crowd : Did African Oedipus show a break the fabric narrative, the contestable roll and contuity generation after generation, reachg the shores death and the "full fatherhood" ("pere a part entiere" [OA, 110]), by way the Atlan- tic slave trade? The question sprgs md from a suggestive passage Claude Meillassoux's Maidens, Meal, and Money, where Meillassoux, elaboratg the role elders and juniors the African "domestic com dans la mesure ob les pulsions agressives ne sont pas projetees, on peut constater qu'elles sont conscientes mais reprimees, contr6lees, non exprimees. Les fantasmes ou emois agressifs sont presents comme une longue souffrance, sourde et secrete, ecra- sante, avouable qu'il convient de taire "pour ne pas decourager mes parents"... "parce qu'ils comptent sur moi" et aussi pour ne pas se montrer vulnerable. Bien souvent des somatisations apparaissent comme le moyen d'hiber dans I'stant I'expression des fantasmes ou impulsions agressives. Le comportement de ces sujets est de mefiance dis- simulee sous une imperturbable gentillesse visant a ne pas donner prise aux attaques... A mos qu'ils ne recherchent la solitude pour se proteger des contacts devenus trop anxiogenes, les jeunes gens decrivent us comment ils sont pousses irresistiblement a aller avec les amis, comment pour eux etre "bien" (heureux, dynamique) c'est etre par- tie d'un groupe, d'une foule. Peu importe souvent qu'il s'agisse d'une reunion sportive, dansante, de palabres termables ("faire la nuit blanche")... La presence des autres est rassurante, necessaire; elle desamorce ou repousse a I'arriere-plan les fantasmes agressifs latents (OA, 95-96).

66 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 and Race 139 munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47. munity," cites other hisrical research on the matter: populations that had been "brutally subjected the effects the European slave trade" ten used the juniors not only as producers, "but ultimately commodities as well." Their severity ward them exaggerated by greed, the elders banished the juniors "for real or imaged crimes," as the young "were transformed goods for the slave trade."82 The latter, course, bears none the advan- tages myth but shows some its earmarks, as the Atlantic trade might be thought as one the foundg events modern hisry and econ- omy. But for our purposes here, the execrable trade, radically alterg the social system Old and New World "domestic community," is as violent and disruptive as the never-did-happenstance mythic and oneiric evi- tability. In other words, this hisrical event, like a myth, marks so rigorous a transition the order thgs that it launches a new way gaugg time and human orig: it underwrites, short, a new genealogy defed by a break with Tradition-with the Law the Ancesrs and the paternal termediary. From my perspective, then, African Oedipus is the term that medi- ates a new symbolic order. It allows us see that "father" designates a function rather than, as Meillassoux pots out, a "genir": the father is "he who nourishes and protects you, and who claims your produce and labor return."83 In that regard, the African Oedipus removes the element sen- timentality from the myth and exposes it as a structure relations stead. The riddle orig that the Oedipus is supposed constitute, first, as a crisis, then as a resolution order and degree, was essentially canceled by the Atlantic trade, as the "crisis," for all tents and purposes, has contued on the other side, the vantage from which I am writg. I spoke earlier about a subject discourse, crossed by stigmata, as the psychoanalytic differ- ence that has yet be articulated. I am defg the stigmatized subject as he or she whose access discourse must be established as a human right and cannot be assumed. I am specifically referrg here the hisry slavery the Americas and not only its traditions and practices "chattel property" but, related it, the strictures agast literacy imposed on the bonded. Inasmuch as classical psychoanalytic practice works transform sympmaticity a narrative, I take it that discourse constitutes its pri- mary value. The raced subject an American context must, therefore, work his way through a layered imperative and impediment, which deeply impli- 82. Claude Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money: Capitalism and the Domestic Com- munity (1975; reprt, New York: Cambridge Press, 1981), Meillassoux, Maidens, Meal, and Money, 47.

67 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary 140 boundary cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun. cates Hisry any aubiographical iterary. I thk that I am prepared say that those markgs on the social body New World Africanity are the stripes an oedipal crisis (for male and female children) that can only be cleared away now by a "confrontation" with the "scene" its occurrence, but as if myth. In other words, the discontuity that the abandoned son demarcates here must be carried out as a kd new article faith the non-traditional, the discovery the Law the livg, not the dead, and the circulation a new social energy that confronts the future, not the past. Carryg out that le thkg, we might be able see an appo- site psychoanalytic procol for the subjects "race," broken away from the pot orig, which rupture has left a hole that speech can only pot and circle around, an entirely new reperire quiry human relations. Perhaps I come out here where I least expected: Fanon, that extent-my hisry must not imprison me, once I recognize it for what it is-might well have been right. 6 Among all the thgs you could be by now, if Sigmund Freud's wife were your mother, is someone who understands the dozens, the tricate verboseness America's ner city. The big-mouth brag, as much a sort art form as a strategy sult, the dozens takes the assaulted home the backbone by "talkg about" his mama and daddy. It is a choice weapon defense and always changes the pic; bloodless, because it is all woundg words and outrageous combations imagery, and democratic, because anyone can play and be played, it outsmarts the Uzi-not that it is pleas- ant for all that-by re-sitg (and "recitg"?) the stress. The game livg, after all, is played between the ears, up the head. Instead dispatchg a body, one straightens its posture; stead ferg up a body, one sends his word. It is the realm the ludic and the ludicrous that the late jazz bass- ist Charlie Mgus was playg around when he concocted, as if on the spot, the title the melody from which the title this essay is borrowed. Respondg his own question--"what does it mean?"-that he poses himself on the recordg, he follows along the les his own cryptic signa- ture, "Nothg. It means nothg." And what he proceeds perform on the cut is certaly no thg we know. But that really is the pot- extend the realm possibility for what might be known, and, not unlike the dozens, we will not easily decide if it is fun.

68 and Race 141 We traditionally understand the psychoanalytic a pathological reg- ister, and there must be a very real question as whether or not it remas psychoanalysis without its prcipal features-a "third ear," somethg like the "fourth wall," or the speech that unfolds the pristely silent arena two star witnesses-a patient and he or she "who is supposed know." The scene assumptions is completed the privileged relations client and docr the atmosphere the confessional. But my terest this ethical self-knowg wants unhook the psychoanalytic hermeneutic from its rigorous curative framework and try recover it a free-floatg realm self-didactic possibility that might decentralize and disperse the knowg one. We might need help here, for sure, but the uncertaty where we'd be headed virtually makes no guarantee that. Out here, the only music they are playg is Mgus's, or much like it, and I should thk that it would take a good long time learn hear it well.