I-language Chapter 8: Anaphor Binding

Transcription

1 I-language Chapter 8: Anaphor Daniela Isac & Charles Reiss Concordia University, Montreal

2 Outline 1 2 3

3 The beginning of science is the recognition that the simplest phenomena of ordinary life raise quite serious problems: Why are they as they are, instead of some different way? [oam Chomsky, Language and Problems of Knowledge:43].

4 Outline 1 2 3

5 Problem Account for distribution and reference of anaphoric (reflexive) pronouns like herself. [ote: we are not interested here in the homophonous form that is used for emphasis, as in Mary, herself, killed the snake.]

6 All and only Our model must not overgenerate or undergenerate. It must generate all and only the grammatical sentences

7 Some data: a. *Mary i sees herself j. b. Mary i sees herself i. (subscript indices mark reference)

8 Hypothesis I: herself must be preceded by a coreferent phrase.

9 More data: c. *Mary i knows that Jane j loves herself i. d. Mary i knows that Jane j loves herself j.

10 Hypothesis II: o other noun phrase may intervene between herself and a coreferent preceding noun phrase.

11 More data: e. *The teacher j Mary i likes flogs herself i. f. The teacher j Mary i likes flogs herself j. g. *A friend j of Mary s i flogs herself i. h. A friend j of Mary s i flogs herself j. i. Mary i told Sue j that Jane k likes her i,j, k,l.

12 More data: e. *The teacher j Mary i likes flogs herself i. f. The teacher j Mary i likes flogs herself j. g. *A friend j of Mary s i flogs herself i. h. A friend j of Mary s i flogs herself j. i. Mary i told Sue j that Jane k likes her i,j, k,l.

13 More data: e. *The teacher j Mary i likes flogs herself i. f. The teacher j Mary i likes flogs herself j. g. *A friend j of Mary s i flogs herself i. h. A friend j of Mary s i flogs herself j. i. Mary i told Sue j that Jane k likes her i,j, k,l.

14 More data: e. *The teacher j Mary i likes flogs herself i. f. The teacher j Mary i likes flogs herself j. g. *A friend j of Mary s i flogs herself i. h. A friend j of Mary s i flogs herself j. i. Mary i told Sue j that Jane k likes her i,j, k,l.

15 Hypothesis III: An anaphor, like herself, must be bound in its clause.

16 Some definitions Clause: informally, let s just say that each verb and whatever goes with it constitutes a clause. : A constituent α of a sentence binds another constituent β just in case α and β are coindexed (coreferential) and α c-commands β. C-command: α c-commands β just in case α does not contain β, but every category that contains α contains β. (This is most easily seen if we draw trees for our sentences and translate contain to dominate.)

17 What are the c-command relations in this tree? B A M C D K E F G I L H J

18 Here is what c-commands B A M C D K E F G I L H J

19 Here is what K c-commands B A M C D K E F G I L H J

20 c-command The relationship of c-command is not relevant only to binding phenomena. It is a relationship that pervades syntax. We ll come back to this.

21 Simple case Mary i sees herself i/ j. S P VP Mary i V sees P herself i/ j

22 Simple case with indexes fixed ouns are not referential, but oun Phrases are. Fix up our indices on noun phrases: Mary i sees herself i/ j. S P i Mary V sees VP P i/ j herself

23 Simple case with indexes fixed ouns are not referential, but oun Phrases are. Fix up our indices on noun phrases: Mary i sees herself i/ j. S P i Mary V sees VP P i/ j herself

24 Simple case with indexes fixed ouns are not referential, but oun Phrases are. Fix up our indices on noun phrases: Mary i sees herself i/ j. S P i Mary V sees VP P i/ j herself

25 P within P [A friend of Mary s i ] j flogs herself i/j. S P j VP D P V P i/j a P PP flogs friend P P i herself of Mary s

26 P within P [A friend of Mary s i ] j flogs herself i/j. S P j VP D P V P i/j a P PP flogs friend P P i herself of Mary s

27 P within P [A friend of Mary s i ] j flogs herself i/j. S P j VP D P V P i/j a P PP flogs friend P P i herself of Mary s

28 P within P [A friend of Mary s i ] j flogs herself i/j. S P j VP D P V P i/j a P PP flogs friend P P i herself of Mary s

29 Relative clause The teacher Mary likes flogs herself. S P j VP D P V P i/j the P teacher P i S VP flogs herself V Mary likes

30 Relative clause The teacher Mary likes flogs herself. S P j VP D P V P i/j the P teacher P i S VP flogs herself V Mary likes

31 Relative clause The teacher Mary likes flogs herself. S P j VP D P V P i/j the P teacher P i S VP flogs herself V Mary likes

32 Relative clause The teacher Mary likes flogs herself. S P j VP D P V P i/j the P teacher P i S VP flogs herself V Mary likes

33 Embedded sentence [Mary i knows [ Jane j loves herself i/j ] ]. S P i VP V S Mary knows P j VP Jane V loves P i/j herself

34 Embedded sentence [Mary i knows [ Jane j loves herself i/j ] ]. S P i VP V S Mary knows P j VP Jane V loves P i/j herself

35 Embedded sentence [Mary i knows [ Jane j loves herself i/j ] ]. S P i VP V S Mary knows P j VP Jane V loves P i/j herself

36 Embedded sentence [Mary i knows [ Jane j loves herself i/j ] ]. S P i VP V S Mary knows P j VP Jane V loves P i/j herself

37 There are several types of evidence that support a structural, rather than semantic account of pronoun and anaphor (reflexive) distribution.

38 The binder is not always an agent or doer: John saw himself. John looked at himself. This difference between agent and experiencer is overtly encoded in many languages.

39 Semantic account? A semantic account wrongly predicts that the subject of passives could be anaphors: *Himself was shot by John. can never be subjects because there is never anything high enough in the syntactic tree to bind them.

40 Although all our examples above involved subject antecedents of direct objects, there are other possibilities in English: John wrote a letter to himself. himself is a recipient or beneficiary, not the result of the writing activity. Compare: This letter wrote itself. The teacher assigned Mary herself as a buddy. The psychotherapist revealed Mary to herself

41 Cross-linguistic variation phenomena vary across languages. For example: i. Sigga i segir ad Maria j elski sig i/j ii. Sigga i says that Maria j loves herself i/j

42 Structure dependence of reflexives wh-movement I know Mary s stress assignment rules

43 John squashed Mike. Who did John squash? Who squashed himself? Who i does John i,j think squashed himself i, j, k?

44 Informal Deep Structure shows only base positions S P VP John V S thinks P VP who V squashed P himself

45 Outline 1 2 3

46 Parallelism Can non-structural factors influence interpretation? Janie i asked Loretta j to fix her i,j bicycle at least two readings. Rayette k asked Eve l to fix her k,l bicycle at least two readings.

47 Parallelism Can non-structural factors influence interpretation? Janie i asked Loretta j to fix her i,j bicycle at least two readings. Rayette k asked Eve l to fix her k,l bicycle at least two readings.

48 Parallelism How many readings are available? Janie i asked Loretta j to fix her i /j bicycle and Rayette k asked Eve l to fix her k/l bicycle. how many of the following readings are possible?: i & k; i & l; j & k; j & l

49 Parallelism How many readings are available? Janie i asked Loretta j to fix her i /j bicycle and Rayette k asked Eve l to fix her k/l bicycle. how many of the following readings are possible?: i & k; i & l; j & k; j & l

50 Parallelism How many readings are available? Janie i asked Loretta j to fix her i/j bicycle and Rayette k asked Eve l to fix her k/l bicycle. how many of the following readings are possible?: i & k; i & l; j & k; j & l

51 Sexism!? The pilot called the flight attendant into the cabin because she needed his help.

52 Sexism!? The pilot called the flight attendant into the cabin because she needed his help.

53 Outline 1 2 3

54 From the Fight Club song your bank account. the clothes you wear. the contents of your wallet. your bowel cancer. your grande latte. the car you drive. your c kakhis....and you are not

55 From the Fight Club song your bank account. the clothes you wear. the contents of your wallet. your bowel cancer. your grande latte. the car you drive. your c kakhis....and you are not

56 From the Fight Club song your bank account. the clothes you wear. the contents of your wallet. your bowel cancer. your grande latte. the car you drive. your c kakhis....and you are not

57 From the Fight Club song your bank account. the clothes you wear. the contents of your wallet. your bowel cancer. your grande latte. the car you drive. your c kakhis....and you are not

58 From the Fight Club song your bank account. the clothes you wear. the contents of your wallet. your bowel cancer. your grande latte. the car you drive. your c kakhis....and you are not

59 From the Fight Club song your bank account. the clothes you wear. the contents of your wallet. your bowel cancer. your grande latte. the car you drive. your c kakhis....and you are not

60 From the Fight Club song your bank account. the clothes you wear. the contents of your wallet. your bowel cancer. your grande latte. the car you drive. your c kakhis....and you are not

61 From the Fight Club song your bank account. the clothes you wear. the contents of your wallet. your bowel cancer. your grande latte. the car you drive. your c kakhis....and you are not

62 From the Fight Club song your bank account. the clothes you wear. the contents of your wallet. your bowel cancer. your grande latte. the car you drive. your c kakhis....and you are not

63 Your grammar and you Your grammar is only one aspect of you that determines what you say and how you interpret sentences.

64 What influences acceptability of sentences? John told Bill to kiss himself. John told Bill to kiss him. Bill kissed himself. Bill outlived himself. Mary told Bill to kiss herself. The pilot called the flight attendant into the cabin because she needed his help.

65 What influences acceptability of sentences? John told Bill to kiss himself. John told Bill to kiss him. Bill kissed himself. Bill outlived himself. Mary told Bill to kiss herself. The pilot called the flight attendant into the cabin because she needed his help.

66 What influences acceptability of sentences? John told Bill to kiss himself. John told Bill to kiss him. Bill kissed himself. Bill outlived himself. Mary told Bill to kiss herself. The pilot called the flight attendant into the cabin because she needed his help.

67 What influences acceptability of sentences? John told Bill to kiss himself. John told Bill to kiss him. Bill kissed himself. Bill outlived himself. Mary told Bill to kiss herself. The pilot called the flight attendant into the cabin because she needed his help.

68 What influences acceptability of sentences? John told Bill to kiss himself. John told Bill to kiss him. Bill kissed himself. Bill outlived himself. Mary told Bill to kiss herself. The pilot called the flight attendant into the cabin because she needed his help.

69 What influences acceptability of sentences? John told Bill to kiss himself. John told Bill to kiss him. Bill kissed himself. Bill outlived himself. Mary told Bill to kiss herself. The pilot called the flight attendant into the cabin because she needed his help.