Post-Apartheid South African choral music: an analysis of integrated musical styles with specific examples by contemporary South African composers

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1 University of Iowa Iowa Research Online Theses and Dissertations Fall 2012 Post-Apartheid South African choral music: an analysis of integrated musical styles with specific examples by contemporary South African composers Allyss Angela Haecker University of Iowa Copyright 2012 Allyss Angela Haecker This dissertation is available at Iowa Research Online: Recommended Citation Haecker, Allyss Angela. "Post-Apartheid South African choral music: an analysis of integrated musical styles with specific examples by contemporary South African composers." DMA (Doctor of Musical Arts) thesis, University of Iowa, Follow this and additional works at: Part of the Music Commons

2 POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICAN CHORAL MUSIC: AN ANALYSIS OF INTEGRATED MUSICAL STYLES WITH SPECIFIC EXAMPLES BY CONTEMPORARY SOUTH AFRICAN COMPOSERS by Allyss Angela Haecker An Abstract Of a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Musical Arts degree in the Graduate College of The University of Iowa December 2012 Thesis Supervisor: Assistant Professor David Puderbaugh

3 1 ABSTRACT The use of music as a social and political symbol in South Africa did not end with the fall of apartheid. In fact, some of the music in post-apartheid South Africa encountered a significant change from protest music to reconciliatory music. For example, several white South African composers have intentionally juxtaposed, borrowed, imitated and quoted indigenous African music to bring attention to the issues of race relations within their country. In addition, these composers have made use of African musical styles to show appreciation for the indigenous culture of South Africa and have been rewarded with a fascinating palette of rhythms, harmonies, timbres, and texts. Interestingly, this method of compositional integration and double-meaning parallels the manner in which the black South Africans used traditional African songs and texts as a means of protest during apartheid. The results of this synthesis are not only innovative musical compositions, but may also reflect an endeavor to unify a divided nation. For nearly twenty years, South African composers have played a crucial role in the fostering of new music as well as appreciation of both Western European and African styles. Perhaps this fusion is to be expected in a society as varied and pluralistic as South Africa s; however, there are specific motivations and influences that make this musical integration a conscious choice of the contemporary South African composer. This intentional blending of European and African styles raises an interesting issue which will be the focus of this research. Specifically, this study will examine the methods and materials used when integrating musical features of indigenous South African and

4 2 Western European art music. The representative composers include: Peter Klatzow, Hendrik Hofmeyr, Péter Louis van Dijk, Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph, and Niel van der Watt. The study of South African choral music is significant because choral music and choral singing has played an important role in the transforming culture of post-apartheid South Africa. For nearly three centuries, choral music and music education in South Africa provided a means of fostering segregation and developing ethnic identity. Only recently has choral music and choral singing been used to reconcile cultural differences through the intentional integration of musical styles and the coming together of multi-racial ensembles. Furthermore, South Africa has a rich history of choral performance and composition that has been largely unexplored by conductors and musicologists in the West. South Africa s composers and stylistically integrated choral compositions represent some of the best examples of merging traditions and are worthy of international attention. Abstract Approved: Thesis Supervisor Title and Department Date

5 POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICAN CHORAL MUSIC: AN ANALYSIS OF INTEGRATED MUSICAL STYLES WITH SPECIFIC EXAMPLES BY CONTEMPORARY SOUTH AFRICAN COMPOSERS by Allyss Angela Haecker A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Musical Arts degree in the Graduate College of The University of Iowa December 2012 Thesis Supervisor: Assistant Professor David Puderbaugh

6 Copyright by ALLYSS ANGELA HAECKER 2012 All Rights Reserved

7 Graduate College The University of Iowa Iowa City, Iowa CERTIFICATE OF APPROVAL D.M.A. THESIS This is the certify that the D.M.A. thesis of Allyss Angela Haecker has been approved by the Examining Committee for the thesis requirement for the Doctor of Musical Arts degree at the December 2012 graduation. Thesis Committee: David Puderbaugh, Thesis Supervisor Timothy Stalter Katherine Eberle Christine Getz James Giblin

8 To Artie ii

9 TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES iv CHAPTER I: SOUTH AFRICAN MUSICAL HISTORY AND IDENTITY... 1 Introduction Brief History of Apartheid...3 Brief History of Choral Music in South Africa.10 Pre-Apartheid: Colonization and Missionaries..10 The Period of Apartheid.14 Post-Apartheid...19 The Influence of Music on Collective Identity..23 South African Musical Identity...27 The Integration of South African Choral Music...33 The Motivation of Integration 34 Inherent Familiarity with African Music...41 Paying Homage to African Music Traditions 42 Sense of Exoticism.43 Political Statement.45 CHAPTER II: AFRICAN MUSIC IN COMMUNITY AND THEORETICAL CONTEXT AND METHODS OF ANALYSIS 47 African Music in Community Context..48 Music-Making in African Rites and Ceremonies..50 Music-Making in Labor.52 Music-Making in Socialization..52 Music-Making as a Means to Preserve Tribal History..54 Music-Making in Leisure Activities..55 Methods of Composition in African Song.56 Formal Structure and Organization 57 Melody and Tonality..63 Speech-tones and Song Texts 67 Rhythmic Structures...71 Dance.74 Methods of Analysis: Form or Function, Familiar or Foreign...77 Comparative Musicology...79 Cultural Anthropology...83 Combined Methodology 85 iii

10 CHAPTER III: REPRESENTATIVE SOUTH AFRICAN COMPOSERS.. 89 Peter Klatzow.90 Hendrik Hofmeyr.105 Péter Louis van Dijk 123 Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph 137 Niel van der Watt.152 Conclusion APPENDIX A: MAP OF SOUTH AFRICA APPENDIX B: DISCOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY 172 iv

11 LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES Example 1.1 National Anthem of South Africa, music by E M Sontonga, arr. Mzilikazi Khumalo. South Africa SINGS, Volume 1: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation, ed. J. S. M. Khumalo Example 2.1 Excerpt from Masithi Amen, Traditional Xhosa folksong. Transcribed and reprinted by the author Example 2.2 Excerpt from Ke Nna Yo Morena, Traditional Tswana folksong. Transcribed and reprinted by the author Example 2.3 Excerpt from Uqongqot hwane, Traditional Xhosa folksong. Reprinted, by permission, from the arranger Hendrik Hofmeyr Example 2.4 Excerpt from Jikelele, Traditional Zulu folksong. Transcribed and reprinted by the author Example 2.5 Excerpt from Vuka, vuka Deborah! by John Knox Bokwe. South Africa SINGS, Volume 1: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation. ed. J. S. M. Khumalo...64 Example 2.6 Excerpt from Vukani, Mawethu!, by Hamilton John Makhoza Masiza. South Africa SINGS, Volume 1: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation. ed. J. S. M. Khumalo..65 Example 2.7 Excerpt form U Ea Kae?, by Joshua Polumo Mohapeloa (Lesotho). South Africa SINGS, Volume 1: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation. ed. J. S. M. Khumalo..66 Example 2.8 Excerpt from Bawo, Thixo Somandla, Traditional Xhosa folksong, arranged by Mzilikazi Khumalo. South Africa SINGS, Volume 1: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation. ed. J. S. M. Khumalo. 67 v

12 Example 2.9 Excerpts from Sizongena Laph Emzini!, based on a Zulu wedding song, by J. S. M. Khumalo. South Africa SINGS, Volume 2: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation. ed. J. S. M. Khumalo..69 Example 2.10 Excerpt from Ihele, based on Zulu tradition, by Simon Bhekathina Phelelani Mnomiya. South Africa SINGS, Volume 2: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation. ed. J. S. M. Khumalo.69 Example 2.11 Amavolovolo, Traditional Zulu folksong. Reprinted, by permission from the arranger Michael Barrett Example 3.1 The Great Amen, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Peter Klatzow..97 Example 3.2 The Great Amen, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Peter Klatzow..98 Example 3.3 The Great Amen, measures 1-6. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Peter Klatzow..99 Example 3.4 The Great Amen, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Peter Klatzow Example 3.5 The Great Amen, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Peter Klatzow Example 3.6 The Great Amen, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Peter Klatzow Example 3.7 Desert Sun, measure 66. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr Example 3.8 Desert Sun, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr..115 vi

13 Example 3.9 Desert Sun, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr Example 3.10 Desert Sun, measure 69. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr Example 3.11 Desert Sun, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr Example 3.12 Desert Sun, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr Example 3.13 Desert Sun, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr Example 3.14 Horizons, measures 1-9. Reprinted, by permission, from The K. S. Music Co.Ltd., Example 3.15 Horizons, measures Reprinted, by permission, from The K. S. Music Co.Ltd., Example 3.16 Horizons, measures Reprinted, by permission, from The K. S. Music Co.Ltd., Example 3.17 Horizons, measures Reprinted, by permission, from The K. S. Music Co.Ltd., Example 3.18 Horizons, measures Reprinted, by permission, from The K. S. Music Co.Ltd., Example 3.19 Horizons, measures Reprinted, by permission, from The K. S. Music Co.Ltd., vii

14 Example 3.20 Lifecycle, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph Example 3.21 Lifecycle, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph 148 Example 3.22 Lifecycle, measures 1-6. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph 150 Example 3.23 because of you, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt Example 3.24 because of you, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt.160 Example 3.25 because of you, measures 1-3. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt.162 Example 3.26 because of you, measures 5-7. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt.163 Example 3.27 because of you, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt.164 Example 3.28 because of you, measure 3. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt.165 Example 3.29 because of you, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt.166 viii

15 1 Introduction CHAPTER I: SOUTH AFRICAN MUSICAL HISTORY AND IDENTITY Though Western European art music maintains a significant presence in South African choral music, the inclusion of musical and textual elements of traditional African music represents one of the most important trends in recent South African choral composition. The fact that this musical integration parallels the reconciliation of longstemming social and political divisions established during apartheid merely adds to its significance. After the fall of apartheid in 1994, various South African composers blended Western European and African compositional styles for specific reasons and with particular methods. The purpose of this study is to examine the specific reasons and methods by which South African composers have integrated Western European and traditional African musical features after apartheid. Specifically, this study explores the motivations and methods of five South African composers who have integrated Western European and traditional African musical features into their choral music. The composers examined in this study are Peter Klaztow (b. 1945), Hendrik Hofmeyr (b. 1957), Péter Louis Van Dijk (b. 1953), Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph (b. 1948) and Niel van der Watt (b. 1962). These prolific composers are well known within South Africa, and each recently composed a choral work that integrates Western classical and traditional African musical elements. The first chapter of this study includes a history of South African choral music in the twentieth century and a discussion of music s function in forming South African

16 2 cultural identity. In addition, chapter one investigates the role music played in influencing cultural identity through the integration of musical styles. The conclusion of chapter one provides four possible motivations for integration. The second chapter includes an examination of traditional African music within a community context. Also included is an analysis of the compositional features of African song. A thorough understanding of African musical elements and social functions allows for clearer identification of formal structures, melody and tonality, speech-tones and texts, rhythmic structures, and dance within integrated works. Chapter two will also contain an explanation of the analytical methods needed to understand South African music as well as the analytical process used in this particular study. The final chapter is dedicated to biographical information and stylistic study of five contemporary South African composers. Additionally, analysis of an integrated choral work by each composer clarifies the compositional methods used to combine Western European and African musical features. The central question of this chapter is how Western European art music and traditional African music coexist within the choral music produced in a post-apartheid, multi-ethnic South Africa. Of equal interest is the question of why these selected composers have sought to represent South Africa s ethnic and musical pluralism in their choral music. Personal interviews with each representative composer provide insight into the motivations, techniques, and results of their musical integration. This study concludes that South African composers are motivated by a variety of factors, including an inherent familiarity with African traditions, a desire to pay homage, a fascination with exotic sounds, and a wish to make a political statement.

17 3 This study is relevant to contemporary choral music because interest in and performance of traditional African music has increased in Western musical culture. Knowledge of the cultural and compositional traditions of another society enhances the performance of ethnic-inspired choral music by adhering to specific performance practices. Furthermore, an understanding of the social context in which some pieces are composed allows for a more convincing communication of the composer s intent. Attention to African musical features and an understanding of South Africa s political and social struggle during apartheid will inform the performance of any post-apartheid, integrated choral work. Therefore, this study aims to illustrate the creative methods developed by South African composers to blend Western European and traditional African musical elements within the context of post-apartheid South Africa. Brief History of Apartheid To understand post-apartheid South African choral music it is necessary to have knowledge of the making and dismantling of the apartheid system. Begun in 1948, apartheid was the legalized racial discrimination established by a body of laws put in place by the Afrikaner Nationalist Party. The Nationalists plan to separate the races was made legal with the Population Registration Act of This legislation categorized ethnicity to maintain a race-based society. The four categories of ethnic division included Whites, Blacks, Coloureds and Indians. 1 Black South Africans were persons who possessed only sub-saharan African ancestry. 1 The term Coloured referred to persons whose ethnicity was mixed possessing combinations of sub- Saharan African, Indian, Indonesian, Malaysian, British, and Afrikaner ancestry.

18 4 The Group Areas Act of 1950 also promoted racial separation within South Africa by dividing the country into residential areas based on racial classification. Ultimately, white South Africans were allotted the urban areas and the prime agricultural land. Because many of the non-white South Africans worked in the cities yet were not allowed to live there, settlements called townships developed just outside of major urban areas. Townships lacked most forms of infrastructure such as running water and electricity. Although official racial segregation ended with the repealing of the Group Areas Act in 1991, townships continue to exist. The largest townships include Soweto and Alexandria outside of Johannesburg, Khayelitsha outside of Cape Town and Mamelodi outside of Pretoria. Migration into the cities was controlled by the Native Laws Amendment of This meant that all non-europeans were required to carry a reference book (often referred to as the pass or dompass stupid pass). The pass contained information on an individual s ethnicity, work, and residence rights. Racial separation continued with the 1954 Native Resettlement Act. This policy allowed for the forced removal of black residents from an area within and next to Johannesburg. In response to growing injustices under apartheid, the African National Congress, composed primarily of black South Africans, spearheaded the Defiance Campaign during the early 1950s and composed the Freedom Charter in June of During the 1960s, resistance to the apartheid government grew, and with it, legislation for the arrest and detention of political activists. By 1964, leaders of the ANC, including Nelson Mandela and Govan Mbeki, were sentenced to life in prison for sabotage and treason. Governmental reaction to rising opposition led to the Terrorism Act

19 5 of This law stated that anyone suspected of involvement in terrorism, defined as actions that might endanger the maintenance of law and order, could be detained for sixty days without a trial. 2 Throughout the 1980s, domestic and international groups continued to coordinate resistance to apartheid. One of the most influential domestic anti-apartheid activists during the 1980s was Archbishop Desmond Tutu. In 1984, Tutu was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his outspoken, non-violent struggle against apartheid. International resistance to apartheid reached its pinnacle in 1986 when 25 nations declared economic and cultural sanctions against South Africa. By this time, many of the early apartheid laws had already been dismantled. Although there were reforms to apartheid legislation in the late 1980s, the government was unable to withstand the growing internal and external pressures against apartheid. This discontent led to the election of Frederik Willem de Klerk as president of South Africa in Conservative in reputation, de Klerk had recently aligned himself with the verligte (enlightened) faction of the Nationalist Party and is best known for engineering the end of apartheid. By 1990, de Klerk had lifted the ban on political organizations and announced the release of Nelson Mandela. De Klerk worked with the African National Congress (ANC) to form the Convention for a Democratic South Africa which began to draft a new constitution with full democratic dispensation for all people in The first free democratic elections in South Africa were held on April 27-29, 1994, with the ANC winning 62% of the popular vote. As leader of the ANC, Nelson Mandela became president and was inaugurated on 2 Carol A. Muller, South African Music: A Century of Traditions in Transformation (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2004), 28.

20 6 May 10. In 1995, Mandela established The Truth and Reconciliation Commission as a means of disseminating human rights violations while promoting healing. Today, South Africa s racial groups are divided between all nine provinces. All of the four main ethnicities Black, White, Coloured, and Indian are represented in the constitution and parliamentary republic government system. The country recognizes eleven official languages, the most common of which are Zulu, Xhosa, Sotho, Afrikaans, and English. Although South Africa has overcome incredible political and social oppression, the country continues to struggle with severe unemployment, high rates of violent crime, AIDS, and a massive influx of immigrants. Despite the recent democratization of social and political policies in South Africa, the issue of reconciling the cultural disparity and racial conflicts within the country is certainly not a new concern. The following statement by Isaac Schapera in his 1934 book Western Civilization and the Natives of South Africa: Studies in Culture Contact, reveals accurate insight into the interdependency of Europeans and Native Africans within South Africa: The Native problem as it exists today in South Africa is not a phenomenon of recent growth. The issues confronting the country are the product of many decades of inter-racial contact and adjustment during which the Europeans and Natives have exercised a steadily growing influence upon each other s lives. Under the influence of European civilization many of the Natives have abandoned their original tribal customs On the other hand, the presence of the Natives has so profoundly affected the social and economic development of the Europeans as to have become an indispensable part of the whole structure of civilization in South Africa. It is no longer possible for the two races to develop apart from each other. The future welfare of the country now depends upon the finding of some

21 7 social and political system in which both may live together in close contact 3 Contrary to Schapera s realization, racial isolation in South Africa intensified and cultural identity became increasingly politicized within the Afrikaner National Party s administration from 1948 until Throughout South Africa s apartheid government, cultural identity was not an issue of integration but of intentional separate development. This philosophy maintained a distinct segregation of European and African economies, religion, education, art, and music. Allegiance to a cultural heritage was not only expected but encouraged. Another socially devastating aspect of apartheid policy was the principle that culture must remain pure. 4 It was this drive for cultural purity that stood in the way of greater societal pluralism throughout South Africa s history. Ironically, as Schapera stated, the fundamental aspects of indigenous African life and European culture in South Africa had been so influenced by ever-widening cross-cultural interaction for nearly three centuries that the concept of any one pure culture was moot. Despite the centuries of cross-culturalism described by Schapera, apartheid policy did encourage the development of two distinct musical cultures, each assuming the heritage of the corresponding racial group. 5 Not surprisingly, various stereotypes concerning the two musical cultures emerged. This European-African dichotomy, as it 3 Isaac Schapera, Western Civilization and the Natives of South Africa: studies in culture contact (London: Routlede, 1934), ix. Though it can be inferred, the Native problem to which Schapera refers is the issue of cultural preservation (both indigenous and European) within the racially-integrated society found in South Africa. 4 Ibid., Ibid., 14. I fully recognize that a distinct African music culture after European colonization is a debatable issue, considering the tremendous influence of missionaries and Euro-centric music education. I will argue, however, that traditional African music has persevered through colonization and apartheid as a separate art form.

22 8 pertains to music, often maintained such contrasts as modern-primitive, melodicrhythmic, individual-communal, aesthetic-functional, and intellectual-emotional. For many black South Africans, Western European art music was not only culturally foreign, but exemplified exclusivity, privilege, and oppression. South African musicologist Christine Lucia describes the political associations of Western European art music by stating that the monolith Europe-driven cultural institutions of twentiethcentury South Africa so clouded the view of [cultural] plurality for the past 100 years that, until 1994, Western music seemed to constitute a homogenous block, supporting the Nationalist edifice both metaphorically and literally. 6 In other words, Western European music became one of many representations of cultural and political oppression over traditional African customs. Additionally, Western European art music was supported by the government and presented to white South Africans as propaganda for apartheid and cultural division. This practice of culturally specific music allowed Western European art music to become ideological propaganda and, thus, it became unappealing to the black majority. The culturally-specific, and often segregationist, interests of South Africa s performing arts organizations censored state radio and television, and unequal education and cultural opportunities increased racial division. In essence, Western European art music was seen by all South Africans as a tool of apartheid policy, encouraging racial segregation and cultural isolation. 7 6 Christine Lucia, ed., The World of South African Music: A Reader (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2005), xxii. 7 This perception may still be the case in modern South Africa. Western European music maintains an association with white South African society and is not widely embraced by black South Africans.

23 9 During apartheid, white South Africans demonstrated a preference for Western European art music while black South Africans showed a preference for traditional African music. While Western European art music was typically an appeal to European ethnicity and heritage, traditional African music began to symbolize a social consciousness namely, a vehicle for resistance and protest. African music represented a shared sense of community that spurred an awareness which, in turn, provided an environment for black South Africans to display political and cultural resistance to apartheid. 8 Just prior to and during the early years of apartheid, musical resistance against segregation policies consisted of blatant, fervent opposition by the disenfranchised population. Although traditional African music became a symbol against apartheid for decades, the result was an increased appreciation for the musical traditions of native African culture. Music for some South Africans was an attempt to change beliefs, behavior and even policy within apartheid South Africa. This brief examination of South Africa s musical segregation provides a framework for further discussion of South Africa s choral music history as well as the formation of musical identity. 8 Johanna Mannergren Selimovic, Music, Power and Diversity: Encountering South Africa (Göteberg: Musikhögskolan, 2002), 24.

24 10 Brief History of Choral Music in South Africa Pre-Apartheid: Colonization and Missionaries For nearly three centuries, choral music and music education in South Africa provided a means of fostering segregation. Only recently have South African composers and choral directors aimed to reconcile cultural differences through the intentional integration of musical styles and the assembly of multi-racial ensembles. Although largely unexplored by Western conductors and musicologists, the stylistically integrated choral compositions of South Africa s composers represent some of the best examples of merging traditions and are worthy of international attention. An exploration of South Africa s choral history provides context for the emerging stylistic integration of the past fifteen years. Traditional African singing, dancing, and drumming played an instrumental role in pre-colonial South African life; no communal ceremony or rite of passage occurred without vocal music of some kind. Though music varied between regions and societies, its purpose was for communicating people s concerns in life, their jubilation, their tragedies, their celebrations, their rituals [and] their beliefs. 9 Despite the disruptions of colonialism and the persecution of apartheid, collective singing remained a fundamental part of South African life. Colonialism fundamentally altered African musical traditions. With the arrival of the Dutch East India Company in 1652, native Africans were exposed to European 9 Vuma Jonathan Dumakude, The Lives of Important Contemporary Zulu Composers and Their Contribution to Choral Music in KwaZulu/Natal, (B.M. Honours Thesis, University of Pretoria, 1996), 1.

25 11 musical trends for the first time. The primary source of imported choral music was the Genevan psalter, Calvinist hymns and simple Dutch folksongs called liederwysies, the majority of which used sacred texts and were unaccompanied. 10 As the Dutch settlers began to move further inland and away from the Cape coast, it was these simple hymns and folksongs that they shared with the native African population. Throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, African traditions were completely immersed in Dutch and British customs. Few traditional African rituals went untouched, but the most dramatic transformation took place with native African song. Previously, rhythmic complexity, pentatonic or modal tonality, overlapping call-andresponse forms, percussive quality, and melodic inflections dictated by African speechtones characterized traditional African song. 11 As a result of colonization, though, native South African songs assumed the characteristics of hymns: rhythms were simplified, tonality was altered to reflect major tonalities, a three- or four-part homophonic texture prevailed and typical African speech-tones were modified to fit the syllabification and stress of hymn phrases. 12 The cultivation and imitation of Western art music within the native population had a profound influence on indigenous collective singing in South Africa that would be maintained into the twentieth century. 10 Barry Smith, South African Christian Music: A) Christian Music in the Western Tradition in Christianity in South Africa: A Political, Social and Cultural History, ed. Richard Elphick and Rodney Davenport (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), Alexander Akorlie Agordoh, Studies in African Music (Ghana: Comboni Printing School, 1994), 6-7, Kofi Agawu, Representing African Music: Postcolonial Notes, Queries, Positions (New York: Routledge, 2003), 8-11.

26 12 Most black composers, of which there were few, composed in close imitation of the four-part hymn. 13 Many of these compositions, if written down, employed the tonic sol-fa system, which Christian missionaries taught as a quick means to acclimate blacks to major/minor tonality and the English language. 14 Because most blacks were illiterate, the tonic sol-fa system eventually morphed into dual notation. 15 This is a series of dots, commas, and dashes to indicate rhythm in conjunction with solfege letters to indicate pitch (Example 1.1). The ease with which blacks could learn sacred hymns or European folksongs with dual notation served to integrate Western styles further into African life. Example 1.1: National Anthem of South Africa, music by E M Sontonga, arr. Mzilikazi Khumalo. South Africa SINGS, Volume 1: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation, ed. J. S. M. Khumalo. The tonic sol-fa notation includes the use of the first letter of solfege syllables and periods, colons, commas, and vertical dashes. The modern notation below is a realization of the tonic sol-fa notation. European musical customs and styles also influenced the music used in religious activities. A religious sect called the Nazarites founded in 1911 by a Zulu named Isaiah Shembe endeavored to adapt Christian beliefs to Zulu ceremonial customs. 16 Much of the religious integration is illustrated in the Nazarites music. Their songs 13 I use the term composing rather loosely in this instance since much of the music by black composers during this time was not written down but passed on through an oral tradition. 14 Lucia, Ibid., Irving Hexham and Gerhardus C. Oosthuizen, eds. The Story of Isaiah Shembe: Early Regional Traditions of the Acts of the Nazarites, trans. Hans-Jürgen Becken (Lewiston, NY: E. Mellen Press, 1999), xxvi.

27 13 included a mixture of Zulu text, pentatonic melody, quasi-improvised upper parts within a four-part texture, and simpler rhythmic relationships. 17 While the Nazarites represent an impressive attempt at cross-culturalism, they are in the minority, as much of the choral singing in South Africa takes place in large Christian church choirs and continues to follow European customs. Although almost all art music was imported during the first two decades of the twentieth century, later developments began to encourage the work of white South African composers. For example, institutions such as the South African Conservatorium of Music and the South African College of Music were created to train professional musicians. As musicians began to pursue music degrees within the country, the interest in choral compositions by white South African composers increased, and almost all compositional training was rooted in European styles and genres (i.e. masses, cantatas and motets). In 1936, an act of Parliament formed the South African Broadcasting Company. The SABC was controlled by the National Party and, though its broadcasts would eventually be used to spread propaganda in favor of apartheid, its early years were formative in the development of art music in South Africa. 18 The SABC created one of the first orchestras in South Africa, commissioned numerous works by South African composers, held composition and performance competitions, and began one of the first music and recording libraries in the country, allowing composers to listen to and study works from around the world. 17 Muller, Muller,

28 14 The educational system in South Africa was inherited from Western European countries, specifically the Netherlands and Great Britain, through the combined activities of Christian missionaries, merchants, and colonial governments. Schools for whites included choral music as a part of the core curriculum. Black South Africans who pursued an education were also encouraged to study choral music, but were restricted to learning Western European choral music within the missionary educational system. 19 Thus, the colonial educational system had a devastating effect on the continuity of African music within the schools and urban areas. On the other hand, black South Africans residing in rural locations or townships rarely encountered Western European art music and, therefore, continued to perform indigenous choral music in much the same way they had before colonialism. However, by the middle of the twentieth century, Western European art music dominated most of the country s educational systems, and indigenous musical practices took on Western traits. The Period of Apartheid During the period of apartheid, collective singing by black South Africans developed in two ways. First, choral competitions began to emerge. The competition music, or amakwaya, typically contained elements of European hymnody such as fourpart writing and I-IV-V-I harmonic structures. These competitions were, and still are, organized by churches, schools or work places. Just before and during the early years of 19 Dave Dargie, African Methods of Music Education: Some Reflections, African Music: Journal of the International Library of African Music 7/3 (1996): 37. If a black student wished to continue their education in South Africa, missionary schools were typically the only option throughout the first half of the twentieth century. The music experienced during school was to be high-quality performed standing still and all music must be harmonized using the Western diatonic system.

29 15 apartheid, choral competitions would also include a popular musical form called isicathamiya. This form of collective singing originated in the migrant worker communities just outside of urban areas. Isicathamiya, translated as tread lightly, is characterized by simple rhythms, tight four-part blending, and small, light choreography. 20 These all-male vocal groups, ranging in size from four to twenty members, were evaluated on the precision of their singing, dancing, and the neatness of their appearance. This style became wildly popular with the black population and allnight isicathamiya competitions took place in the migrant townships. Second, as music became more politically motivated against white South Africans, native African musicians looked toward their traditional music and customs as a source for protest songs. These songs ranged from laments for the loss of their country (the song Tina Sizwe), to praise songs for resistance leaders such as Harry Nkumbula. In addition, African singers performed church hymns with texts they discovered to represent their protest, such as Lead Kindly Light, Amid the Encircling Gloom or Nkosi Sikele iafrika [God Bless Africa]. There is a sense of irony embedded in this use of hymns as musical protest since church hymns were synonymous with the influence of white, Christian missionaries. Importantly, African songs and texts reflected black South Africans cultural concerns and their desire for social change. The songs and texts combined to contribute to the correction of those aspects of behavior to which they call attention they serve as direct social control to affect actual change in the behavior of the erring members of the 20 Veit Erlmann, Migration and Performance: Zulu Migrant Workers Iscathamiya Performance in South Africa, Ethnomusicology 34/2 (1990): 216.

30 16 society. 21 For example, the traditional Shona song Vamudara is sung to chide a man in the community who drinks too much and neglects his communal responsibilities. The song explains that he is disappointing his family and community and encourages his sobriety. When a song articulates the solution to a problem that plagues a community, song texts provide psychological release for the participants and a suggestion for correction for the offender. A popular protest song used during apartheid, Asikatali (translated from Zulu as We do not care if we go to prison ), allowed black South Africans to voice resistance while validating traditional culture through the use of African song. The ability to say publicly with music what may be difficult, or impossible, to say to a person s face represented a freedom of expression that was rare for blacks under apartheid. Musical resistance to apartheid policies increased in the late 1950s with township concerts, demonstrations, boycotts, and underground recordings. The apartheid government attempted to control and suppress these forms of resistance, but the form, function, and frequency of the protests was too varied to be restrained. Occasionally, the texts of protest songs veiled the political meaning with words that, on the surface, seemed innocuous. For example, the song Meadowlands, which translates as We love the Meadowlands, we re moving night and day, was sung as black South Africans were forcibly removed from their homes in Sophiatown. The ironic interpretation of the text made Meadowlands one of the most popular protest anthems against forced removals. As the resistance movement gained momentum, the Nationalist government retaliated with harsh censorship and intense propaganda. In 1960, most probably in 21 Agordoh, 45-6.

31 17 reaction to the Sharpeville Massacre, 22 the South African Broadcasting Company established Bantu Radio. The purpose of Bantu Radio was to encourage black South Africans to relish their traditions and not create political havoc. 23 Most of the airtime was dedicated to traditional music in indigenous languages with the intent of cultivating communal identity. While censorship slowed apartheid resistance within South Africa s musical scene, a second wave of protest soon gathered momentum. The renewed protests, coupled with the Black Consciousness Movement of the 1970s and 1980s, sought to reaffirm the importance of indigenous African music beyond that provided on Bantu Radio. Black South Africans were determined to put a positive spin on black culture which had been previously demonized by missionaries and civilizing projects. 24 There was a call for the reemphasis of indigenous African song and, with it, a recapturing of lost or prohibited traditions. Within the urbanized black South African population, there was a prevailing socio-political discourse that may be said to typify township choral music. 25 That discourse was centered on a sense of loss of culture and communal identity. The urge to recapture their traditional musical culture motivated many black South Africans to participate in music-making during apartheid. 22 The Sharpeville Massacre occurred on March 21, 1960 in the township of Sharpeville, outside of Johannesburg. Police fired on a Pan Africanist Congress protest against pass laws demanding that all non- Europeans carried a booklet detailing ethnicity, work, and residence rights. 60 (some accounts claim 69) are killed and 178 are wounded. 23 Stephanus J. van Zyl Muller, Protesting Relevance: John Joubert and the Politics of Music and Resistance in South Africa, South African Journal of Musicology 19 (1999): Grant Olwage, Scriptions of the Choral: The Historiography of Black South African Choralism, South African Journal of Musicology 22 (2002): Zelda Potgieter and Vuyani Mazomba, Liberating voices: narrative strategies and style in township choral music, with specific reference to selected works by three Xhosa composers, Journal of Musical Arts in Africa Vol. 2/1 (2005): 23.

32 18 Art music during apartheid also developed as a political device. In an effort to sustain separate development, the national government gave financial support to white South African composers and created organizations for South African composers, such as the Southern African Music Rights Organisation, Performing Arts Councils, and the Foundation for the Creative Arts. 26 Numerous white composers found a population eager to consume their conservative, European choral music. Some of these pieces became known as lekkerliedjies (nice songs) because of their pro-afrikaaner, pro-apartheid messages. 27 In addition, because of cultural boycotts by UNESCO, 28 music-making in South Africa relied heavily on its own composers. In contrast to the state-funded, Euro-centric musical culture, white resistance against apartheid began to grow during the 1980s. Ironically, an example of music from this protest genre grew out of the pro-apartheid lekkerliedjies. These songs, referred to as luisterliedjie (listen songs), targeted the same conservative audience, but inserted meaningful often socially critical and anti-apartheid lyrics to the simple melodies. 29 Similarly, another style, known as Alternatiewe, became increasingly popular during the 26 Hans Roosenschoon, Keeping our Ears to the Ground: Cross-Culturalism and the Composer in South Africa, Old and New, in Composing the Music of Africa: Composition, Interpretation and Realisation, ed. Malcolm Floyd, (Aldershot, England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 1999), Roosenschoon briefly outlines the formation and history of these organizations in his article. 27 Ingrid Bianca Byerly, Mirror, Mediator and Prophet: The Music Indaba of Late-Apartheid South Africa, Ethnomusicology 42/1 (1998): UNESCO, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, in agreement with the UN Security Council condemned apartheid as a crime against humanity and promoted international reprimands, including the isolation of South Africa, diplomatically, economically, culturally, and militarily. The UN General Assembly asked Member States to sever diplomatic relations with South Africa, boycott South African goods, and refrain from exporting to the country. 29 Byerly, 15.

33 19 late 1980s and early 1990s. 30 Composers found ways of including criticism in their choral music through carefully chosen texts or the brief inclusion of traditional African melodies, rhythms, instruments, styles, and texts. Integration occurred not only within the musical composition, but between the musicians themselves. These combinations included traditional musicians and symphony orchestras performing ethnoclassical works and rock groups and jazz bands working with indigenous musicians to create afro-rock and afro-jazz styles. 31 An example of this integration included translations of well-known European works into indigenous languages. For example, Mendelssohn s Elijah and Verdi s Chorus of the Hebrew Slaves from Aida were translated into Afrikaans, Handel s Messiah into Zulu, and Mozart s Die Zauberflöte into Xhosa. 32 Post-Apartheid After the fall of apartheid in 1994, many social and political leaders in South Africa were intent on laying the foundations of a unified nation, while respecting the cultures of its different racial and ethnic elements. 33 This search for a new national identity did not entail the rejection of Western culture, but rather sought to integrate African and European heritage, Christianity, and Western modernity into a new cultural identity. Musically, the process of political and social integration manifested itself in the 30 Byerly, Ibid. 32 Ibid., Leonard Thompson, A History of South Africa (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001), 274. Symbolically, the South African government unveiled a new flag on April 27, 1994 replacing the British and Dutch symbols in favor of a multi-colored, geometric design.

34 20 composing of a new national anthem. Nkosi Sikelel iafrika (God Bless Africa) begins with the Xhosa, Zulu, and Sotho versions of the popular hymn of the same name. The anthem then continues with the opening lines of the Afrikaans anthem Die Stem van Suid Afrika (The Voice of South Africa) and concludes with a translation of the Afrikaans text in English. Xhosa: Zulu: Sesotho: Afrikaans: English: Nkosi sikelel' iafrika (Lord bless Africa) Maluphakanyisw' uphondo lwayo, (Let Africa's horn be raised) Yizwa imithandazo yethu, (Listen also to our prayers) Nkosi sikelela (Lord bless us) Thina lusapho lwayo. (We are the family of Africa) Morena boloka setjhaba sa heso, (Lord bless our nation) O fedise dintwa le matshwenyeho, (Stop wars and sufferings) O se boloke, O se boloke setjhaba sa heso, (Save it, save it, our nation) Setjhaba sa, South Afrika South Afrika. (The nation of South Africa South Africa) Uit die blou van onse hemel,( From the blue of our heavens) Uit die diepte van ons see, (From the depths of our seas) Oor ons ewige gebergtes, (Over our everlasting mountains) Waar die kranse antwoord gee, (Where the crags give answer) Sounds the call to come together, And united we shall stand, Let us live and strive for freedom In South Africa our land. 34 The hymn-like tune, composed by Enoch Sontonga in 1897, was adopted in 1925 by the African National Congress as its official anthem. For many Africans, Nkosi Sikelel iafrika was a musical representation of the struggle against apartheid, and singing it was an act of defiance. Likewise, Die Stem van Suid Afrika was sung at the opening of each 34 Khumalo, J.S.M., South African Sings, Vol 1: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation, (Braamfontein, South Africa: SAMRO Publications, 1998), 58.

35 21 Parliamentary session beginning in 1938 and was played by the SABC at the close of every daily broadcast. While these two songs possess deep-seated racial associations, their combined use is a strong indication of how symbolically important choral music is in the representation of a new South Africa. In post-apartheid South Africa, the choral genre was, and still is, one of the most prevalent methods of African and Western European musical integration. Perhaps the most popular form of integration is the neo-traditional or amakwaya genre. Amakwaya, as mentioned earlier in the chapter, refers to the choral music used in competitions typically composed by black South Africans using dual notation. Though these competitions originated in black townships, they are now common throughout South Africa. Many of the annual competitions were, and still are, produced by various Teachers Associations or are sponsored by corporations. 35 The amakwaya choral practice, combining Western European and African musical features, bears traits of colonial and missionary influences such as hymn-like structure and four-part harmony. However, other features such as calland-response, polyrhythmic texture, and vernacular text maintain associations with traditional African song. Amakwaya performance and competition is thus a powerful means whereby cultural identity can be communicated while acknowledging the influence of missionary education and values. The popularity of the amakwaya tradition in South Africa has encouraged similar musical integrations by classically trained South African composers. These works 35 Markus Detterbeck, South African Choral Music (Amakwaya): Song, Contest and the Formation of Identity, PhD dissertation (University of Natal, Durban, 2002), 1. Numerous competitions developed as a means to promote the amakwaya tradition, the most recognized of these being the Old Mutual National Choir Festival. The Festival was founded by Khabi Mngoma in 1978 and has grown tremendously with corporate sponsorship since 1988.

36 22 integrated many of the same musical styles and features such as diatonic scales and European functional harmony blended with rhythmic ostinato, call-and-response, and traditional African instrumentation. 36 New commissions by the Foundation for the Creative Arts included cross-cultural works, such as Louren Fauls Multiracial Choral Cycle and Henk Temmingh s requiem setting in Zulu, entitled Imisa Labafileyo. Additionally, African composer Michael Moerane wrote numerous choral works as well as his famous symphony Fatse la heso ( My Country ), with a fusion of Western European and African musical styles. Much of post-apartheid arts culture looked to reassume lost cultural identities as well as repair traditions that had been distorted. Choral music and collective singing was a way of retrieving, expressing, and preserving the traditional African musical identity. 37 Choral music s unique role in the struggle against apartheid once was to disseminate information, promote traditional unity, and express hope and solidarity. Now, South African choral music has expanded its political messages. It is common to find texts that urge for the cessation of violence, encourage awareness about HIV/AIDS, and promote traditional African cultural identity. 38 Perhaps the most important motivation for collective singing in South Africa is that choral music has provided a means of healing. For example, the Alexandra Youth Choir was formed in 1988 as an alternative to a life of crime in the black townships. The 36 Anri Herbst, Meki Nzewi and Kofi Agawu, eds. Musical Arts in Africa: Theory, Practice and Education (Pretoria: University of South Africa [Unisa], 2003), This was not only true for the native Africans but for the Dutch population as well. In the years following apartheid, there was a revival of traditional Dutch folksongs (volkliedjie) and dances (boeremuseik). 38 Susan W. Mills, Freedom Song: Post-Apartheid Expression in South African Music, (accessed on January 7, 2011).

37 23 First Massed Choir Festival was held in Johannesburg in 1989 as a means of fostering reconciliation and social reconstruction. 39 In addition, the Drakensburg Boys Choir, though formed in 1967, began performing traditional African folksong and dance during the late 1980s and 1990s to express the plurality of South African culture. And, in 1989, the Libertas Choir of Stellenbosch was founded for the purpose of demonstrating reconciliation, solidarity, peace and freedom through the shared experience of choral music. 40 The Libertas Choir was one of the first and most recognized multi-racial choirs in South Africa. Its mission includes the promotion of indigenous musical traditions and the commitment of financial resources to social projects and disadvantaged communities. While these are only a few examples of reconciliation through choral music and singing, the racial integration of public music education and community choirs throughout postapartheid South Africa has produced a wealth of cross-cultural ensembles. The Influence of Music on Collective Identity Prior to any discussion of the motivations of musical integration in South African choral music, it is important to explore, albeit briefly, the notion of music as a form of collective influence. This is not a new concept, but it merits examination with respect to the cultural and political situation in post-apartheid South Africa. While music is 39 Mokale Koapeng, The Sowetan Nation Building Massed Choir Festival Africlassical, (accessed April 21, 2009). 40 Our Mission. Stellenbosch Libertas Choir. (accessed on April 17, 2009).

38 24 undeniably a symbolic expression of social identity, the objective of this section is to recognize relationships between music and a shift in culture and ideology. Collective identity is based on communally accepted beliefs, and music is an integral part of that belief system. In fact, music plays an essential role in the formation of culture and belief systems. For example, music and communal music-making reinforce shared beliefs and attitudes. This shared set of criteria then allows for critical judgment of what is right and wrong within the community. An expression of the belief system in this case, through music is also judged according to how well it embodies cultural beliefs. Pierre Boulez, when comparing non-western musical traditions to Western art music, stated that in non-western music nothing is based on the masterpiece, on the closed cycle, on passive contemplation, on purely aesthetic enjoyment. Music has a way of being in the world, becomes an integral part of existence, is inseparably connected with it; it is an ethical category, no longer merely an aesthetic one. 41 Boulez asserts that within non-western cultures, music is inextricably tied to function and its value is measured in accordance to its cultural usefulness. Music s aesthetic beauty or form is merely the conduit for expression of shared existence. Non-Western music invites communal participation, and with it, a reaffirmation of collective identity. Therefore, it is ineffective to separate aesthetic criteria from cultural beliefs and attitudes with respect to non-western music Boulez s statement is accurate with regards to South African choral music. For example, understanding the effect of apartheid on all styles of music in South Africa provides a context for the belief systems of each culture. Music composed after the fall of apartheid is laden with the expectation of function uniting musical cultures and 41 Pierre Boulez, Sonate, Que me Veux-tu? Perspectives of New Music Vol. 1/2 (Spring 1963): 34.

39 25 developing new musical forms. The marriage of form and function within South African choral music blends the composition with the experience, the aesthetic with the ethical. There is a tendency within the Western European art music tradition to judge music on the basis of its intrinsic, compositional qualities alone; however, knowledge of cultural history and social function influences understanding and response. One may conclude that there is an intimate correlation of cause and effect between the social conditions and musical styles and structures. Due to centuries of racial and political strife in South Africa, musicians and composers sought, and still seek, to invoke a response or more precisely, a change within the country s social dynamic. In this way, music influences collective identity by reflecting and commenting upon the social and political environment. Societies such as South Africa adapt and reform through active participation in musical culture and the demonstration of social norms. While there may be a shift in emotion or attitude because of musical culture, there is no certainty that the shift will be universally accepted. Austrian ethnomusicologist Gerhard Kubik is wary of music s ability to influence collective identity. He states that music is only influential in the sense that it provokes a reaction, and these reactions are culture-specific and personality-dependent. 42 In fact, Kubik claims that no two people perceive, understand or interpret a musical event in exactly the same manner. 43 Kubik is stating that not everyone within a given society will recognize or identify with a musical style, and if they do, that understanding will be affected by their personal experiences. For example, a black South African may hear a traditional African song and be reminded 42 Gerhard Kubik, African Music: The Dimension of Cross-Cultural Understanding, South African Journal of Musicology 5 (1985): Ibid.

40 26 of their native musical culture, while another black South African may be reminded of the missionary influence on native music customs. Each interpretation is based on personal context and cultural relationships as perceived by the individual. Thus, the music is characterized by personal and cultural projections and cannot effectively transform collective identity. South African anthropologist and ethnomusicologist Ingrid Byerly disagrees with Kubik s limited sentiments concerning the social influences of music. Byerly acknowledges the power of music as a means of both conversation and conversion when she states: Music presents an elegant yet complex model of non-violent conflict resolution that stresses the essential bi-directional nature of protest and resolution. It also reveals the importance of exposure to alternative environments, styles, and social groups, so that striking or meaningful musical works have the opportunity to be heard. These then have the prospect of becoming musical markers in individuals lives, potentially leading to moments of truth and consequential changes of heart. 44 The significance of musical integration lies in fact that it can challenge preconceptions of aesthetics and tradition. The argument that music was, and still is, a motivating element in the resistance to and the recovery from apartheid is undeniable. This argument is supported by the fact that music, specifically choral music, is a crucial form of communication in South Africa and plays an important role in many forms of social interaction. Musicians and composers adjust existing musical forms and texts in the hopes of moderating collective behavior and motivating a society in search of a new identity. 44 Ingrid Bianca Byerly, Decomposing Apartheid: Things Come Together. The Anatomy of a Music Revolution, in Composing Apartheid: Music For and Against Apartheid, ed. Grant Olwage, (Johannesburg, SA: Wits University Press, 2007), 260.

41 27 The solution to South Africa s musically divided identity is the integration of culturally specific elements in music. As politicians and activists found an equitable solution to establishing a democratic society in South Africa, so musicians have to find a solution for a national musical culture which will embrace the nation s pluralism. 45 For example, Western European art music is associated with the exclusivity and privilege of white South African society. Likewise, indigenous South African song maintains connotations with communal rituals and apartheid protest. The integration of musical elements from each style in a piece dilutes the associations attached to the separate cultural styles. In arguing for an inclusive, pluralistic musical society, culture-specific musical elements can transcend their associations with oppressor and oppressed to validate each other. 46 The erosion of previous musical stereotypes is vital not only to the co-existence of both musical styles, but to the development of a new, integrated musical style. South African Musical Identity Music can function as a tool for the formation, development, and expression of identity. For both black and white South Africans, music is a symbol of identity a means of retrieving, expressing, and preserving culture. This process of establishing identity be it individual, communal, or national involves balancing the notions of 45 Jan Buis, Should Bach Survive in a New South Africa?: Redefining a Pluralistic Music Culture in Post- Apartheid South Africa, in Papers Presented at the Tenth Symposium on Ethnomusicology (1991), ed. Carol Muller (Grahamstown: Rhodes University, 1995), Buis, 17.

42 28 difference with similarity within the context of shared experiences. South African anthropologist Mary Robertson states that music is a language by which identity becomes standardized as it is capable of creating and reinforcing an awareness of shared experience. 47 Robertson claims that the formation of cultural identity relies heavily on music. In fact, the recognition of shared experiences is crystallized in the communal expression through music and music-making. For example, South Africans shared the experience of apartheid and used music as a means of expressing their cultural identity under its policies. Music encourages the recognition of difference or similarity with other members of a society, thereby allowing the listener to establish an identity congruent with or apart from the music s meaning. A discussion of musical identity, either Western or African, is ineffective and incomplete when separated from the cultural and social context with which it is identified. South African musicologist Martina Viljoen claims that all cultural expression is committed to the production of a particular historical moment and a particular sense of reality. 48 Viljoen s statement places a cultural identity within the larger scope of place and time. For example, the cultural identity of white South Africans has shifted since the fall of apartheid from privileged to marginalized. Likewise, black South Africans developed a cultural identity through the collective experience of oppression during apartheid and emancipation after apartheid s collapse. The perception of South African culture is displayed in the artistic expression of its people. Therefore, in 47 Mary Robertson, Imaging ourselves : South African music as a vehicle for negotiating white South African identity, Journal of the Musical Arts in Africa, Vol. 1 (2004): Martina Viljoen, Ideology and textuality: speculating on the boundaries of music, Scrutiny2: Issues in English Studies in Southern Africa, Vol. 9/1 (2004): 72.

43 29 the case of South Africa, the music has taken on the characteristics of the new cultural identity, specific to the historical moment and sense of reality, that of a unified nation. The concept of a South African musical identity is at a crucial crossroads. Following the first democratic elections in 1994, the ruling political party in South Africa, the African National Congress, developed the Rainbow Nation concept. This concept drew on the notion of multiple identities and multiple voices, each with its own, distinctive character, co-existing with and contributing to the collective. 49 The collective must then decide what is worth developing and what should be abandoned within their musical society. In any society, musical identity is defined by what the listeners assign priority to, what has or will become symbolic to a given group of people. In the case of South Africa, political and social change has so profoundly shaken the already unstable foundations of an unpredictable, poorly defined identity that it is difficult to separate music from its racial associations. 50 Martina Viljoen warns that fifteen years into the New South Africa, the critical dimensions and ideological inspirations of a more relevant, socially-engaged music are uncertain, vague, and ostensibly more ambiguous than the stark black/white dichotomies of the past era. 51 Attempts to probe the ideological and cultural disparities after apartheid do not necessarily result in productive dialogue, but in some cases yield still more hostility and uncertainty. South Africa s musical identity, therefore, must be shaped carefully, finding a balance between integration and distinction. 49 Nicol Claire Hammond, Singing the Nation: Negotiating South African Identity through Choral Music, in Music and Identity: Transformation and Negotiation, eds. Eric Akrofi, Maria Smit and Stig-Magnus Thors n, (Stellenbosch, South Africa: Sun Press, 2007), Viljoen, Ibid., 73.

44 30 Many musicologists within and outside the country have stated that South African musicians and composers must transform their musical identity. South African musicologist Winfried Lüdemann affirms this sentiment by recognizing that the profound social and political changes we are undergoing will of necessity, or even mechanically, lead to cultural changes of an equal order. A natural and desirable outcome of such change would be a new and more truly South African musical style. 52 The issues in developing a truly South African musical style lie not only in erasing racial antagonism or cultural dominance, but in renegotiating and reimagining the role music plays in forming individual, communal, and national identity. The need for a new musical identity after the fall of apartheid is necessary for reconciliation. South African choral music is a natural point of integration for the creation of this new identity. The difficulty lies in forgetting past divisions, stereotypes, and guilt. There has been, and some musicologists argue that there still is, a habit of constructing an imagined musical history within South Africa that gravitates around European perspectives and ideology. Indeed, the West has an understandable tendency to lament the loss of African cultures [while] exhorting Africans to recover and adhere to their own traditions and resist Western corruption. 53 In other words, South Africa may be searching for musical identity in what was only an imagined symbol, an exotic expectation. 52 Winfried Lüdemann, Music in Transition: In Search of a Paradigm, South African Journal of Musicology 13 (1993): Karin Barber, Cultural Reconstruction in the New South Africa, African Studies Review, Vol. 44/2, Ways of Seeing: Beyond the New Nativism (Sep 2001): 177.

45 31 The pitfalls of this imagined identity this urge to maintain a symbolic African musical identity are twofold. First, and perhaps most detrimental, is the portrayal of African music as artifact rather than art. 54 The notion that African music must only be considered in reference to its cultural context, that it lacks the emotional, philosophical, spiritual, or aesthetic quality that distinguishes it as art, is a dangerous one. Within a pluralistic society such as South Africa, the result of this distinction could place one culture in the position of caretaker or preserver of the other culture. Dr. Barbara Titus, a Dutch musicologist, also cautioned against the assumption that Africans mainly engage in musical practices and Europeans in discourses of thought about these practices. 55 Any position that places one musical culture on a higher level of musical intellect is not only condescending, but racially antagonistic. Second, there is a poignant irony between African music s absorption into the modern South African identity while, for so long, being excluded from it. For centuries, African music was little more than the antithesis of Western European musical style, and any attempts to reproduce it focused little on authenticity or symbolism. While African music connects with many black South Africans as an emblem of redemption and political symbolism, Veit Erlmann argues that some African music may not be seen as unmediated and authentic expressions of a mythic African past. 56 Erlmann is stating that what is perceived to be traditional African music is merely a reproduction with little regard for musical or cultural authenticity. Therefore, African music emerges as an 54 Barbara Titus, Global Maskanda, Global Music Historiography? Some Preliminary Enquiries, South African Journal of Musicology 28 (2008): Titus, Veit Erlmann, Music, Modernity, and the Global Imagination: South African and the West (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999),

46 32 imagined cultural identity sounds and customs that symbolize Africa to the non- African. The symbolic African musical identity has the potential to be inauthentic and contrived. The issue becomes whether African musical identity can overcome the ambiguity and alienation to contribute an authentic identity to the new South Africa. Additionally, one must consider where Western European music lies in the new South African musical identity. This is an equally problematic issue due to the political and racial overtones associated with Western European musical traditions in South Africa. There are some who believe that since the majority of the South African population has no allegiance to these Western traditions, the practice of non-western music should increase and dominate music education. 57 Thus, the prominence and influence of Western ensembles, genres, and styles should decrease in visibility and importance. But the elitist and racially exclusive subtext associated with Western European musical traditions in South Africa is difficult to overcome. Perhaps the resolution exists in a symbiotic relationship between Western European and African music. This includes a musical identity where South African musicians and composers establish a definition of themselves and of their goals which would reflect the privilege of being a transformed African musician, both white and black. 58 A new musical identity, one that reflects the unification of South Africa, has the potential to influence the collective identity of the entire country. 57 Buis, Ibid., 16.

47 33 The Integration of South African Choral Music The concept of identity is an important one when considering the social atmosphere in post-apartheid South Africa. After 1994, the desire for a new South Africa permeated each aspect of society, and music was no exception. There was a governmental expectation that music must appeal to the aesthetic and cultural values of a multi-cultural country as opposed to a racially divisive one. Hence, composers recognized the importance of integrating of Western European and traditional African musical styles. Some South African composers and musicians embraced this musical movement and had even done so before Others were cautious, claiming the social and governmental pressure to define or acknowledge only one distinctly South African style may therefore be viewed as a reactionary, highly-politicized move that not only goes against the grain of postmodern identity critique, but also potentially deprives South African music of its rich cultural diversity and differentiality. 59 The contemporary South African composer must be cautious of diluting multiple musical cultures into one generalized and acceptable identity. The post-apartheid South African composer is confronted with multiple options in terms of identity in music. Within any stylistically-integrated composition, there is a delicate balance to be struck between tradition and originality, conformity and diversity. The balance between the society and the individual within integrated musical styles is what J. H. Kwabena Nketia describes as the challenge of tradition versus originality. The challenge lies in how to respond to and express creative inclinations and remain at the 59 Viljoen, 83.

48 34 same time true to the norms of a musical culture. 60 In other words, it is a blend of perspective and intent for the post-apartheid South African composer. If an integrated composition is approached with the perspective of authenticity, there is an intention to sustain a cultural and/or musical tradition, whereas originality may be compromised. On the other hand, if the integrated composition is seen from the perspective of originality, there is an intention to innovate upon preconceived or established musical elements, and tradition is hindered. Nketia claims that the successful integrations of Western European and traditional African musical styles seek to balance perspective and intention, authenticity and originality. 61 The result is a unique composition that portrays a reinterpreted perspective of identity coupled with the intention of imagination and understanding. The Motivation of Integration Typically, the intentions of a composer are not easily distinguished, let alone discussed. What is certain is that the composer was motivated to express a personal sentiment in the hope that it would resonate with others. The purpose of art is to capture force with form: the force of individual human experience and the form of collective cultural experience, [thus] the artist must communicate the force of his expression to others. 62 In the case of South African composers, it is reasonable to suggest that 60 J. H. Kwabena Nketia, Ethnomusicology and African Music: Collected Papers, Volume I; Modes of Inquiry and Interpretation (Accra, Ghana: Afram Publications Ltd., 2005), Ibid., John Blacking, The Value of Music in Human Experience, in 1969 Yearbook of the International Folk Music Council (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1971), 64.

49 35 intentional musical imitation and stylistic integration are the motivation. This suggestion leads to two important questions. Can South African composers influence a new sociocultural identity with the integration of indigenous African and Western European musical elements? Should this be a composer s sole purpose in the composition of new choral works? It is highly unlikely that any South African composer s music has not been influenced in some fashion by the socio-cultural atmosphere of their country; however, the manner in which each composer reflects this influence in his or her compositional process is entirely unique and personal. As previously mentioned, the segregation of culture through music, specifically Western European as distinct from African, has been extensive in South Africa. Paulla Ebron makes a valid point when she states that, for many musicologists and ethnomusicologists, Western art music has long been the pinnacle from which standards of judgment could be made. 63 For centuries, non-western music, especially African music, has been invoked as antithetical to Western European art music. It was a musical style whose new sounds and new rhythms were considered opposite in form and function. One must then ask the question: in South Africa, when a Western-trained composer includes indigenous material in his or her composition, what is the motivation and how is it interpreted? The subject of motivation when integrating styles has already inspired interesting debates between South Africa s composers and musicologists. Composer Peter Klatzow discussed this issue: My impression is that at this stage of our musical development, we are in a critical stage of transition, both politically, culturally and in terms of our 63 Paulla A. Ebron, Performing Africa (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), 39.

50 36 awareness of the country that we live in and its traditions, and there may well be an analogy between our situation and the situation that Bartok and Kodaly found themselves in. 64 Klatzow uses the early twentieth-century composers Béla Bartók and Zoltán Kodály to represent the practice of collecting and integrating traditional Hungarian folk songs into Western genres. For decades, musicologists and theorists have discussed the manner in which this synthesis should be interpreted, often resulting in debates between traditionalism and modernism, homogeneity and eclecticism, summarization and innovation. Observing the similarities between Bartók and Kodály and the modern South African composer led Klatzow to claim that the composer who wishes to assimilate indigenous music into his or her composition has only two options: nationalism, wherein the music wholly absorbs the traditional music of the country, using it as the sole basis of material, or exoticism, which selects only certain elements from the traditional source music and incorporates it as the composer sees fit. 65 The comparison between Bartók and Kodály and the contemporary South African composer is unconvincing; however, the concepts of nationalist and exoticist may resonant with the racial division within the country. Perhaps as apartheid recedes further into the past, the distinction between nationalist and exoticist will not be as clear-cut as Klatzow proposes. Klatzow has a legitimate point, however, when one considers the cultural context in which most indigenous African songs are performed. The traditional music of Africa 64 Roosenschoon, 266. Roosenschoon quotes Klatzow s ideas which were originally found in a paper presented at the Fifth Annual Symposium on Ethnomusicology held at the University of Cape Town in Roosenschoon, Paulla Ebron also explores the concept of exoticism in the first chapter of her book Performing Africa (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), Her interest lies with the definition of African music in the midst of Western concepts and generalizations. She claims that musicologists have long assigned a cultural stigma to African music and are, therefore, unable to differentiate between authenticity and exoticism.

51 37 possesses a crucial socio-cultural connection based on the format of its performance. The music, the language, the dancing, the drumming, and the occasion are so interdependent that its traditional essence is a near impossibility for a Western-trained composer. Therefore, composer Hans Roosenschoon provides a persuasive argument when he states that the gap between [indigenous music] and Western music is particularly wide, it is impossible for a composer of Western art-music, when taking material from African sources, to be anything else except an exoticist. 66 If a composer does not understand the cultural context of borrowed material, then the imitation or integration is nothing more than an exotic generalization, a means of evoking or representing another place, people, or culture. The difference between nationalism and exoticism is equivalent to the concept of cultural insider versus outsider. A nationalist composer would interpret African musical elements as inherent and familiar features for integration. On the other hand, an exoticist would use African music precisely because the sounds are unfamiliar and unique. This distinction is entirely based on the perspective and motivation of the composer. In the case of post-apartheid South Africa, that perspective and motivation is typically influenced by the political ideology and cultural environment of the composer. Within the context of post-apartheid South Africa s political and cultural environment, music has played a fundamental role in identity, revolution and, ultimately, reconciliation. South African musicologist Christine Lucia crystallizes music s role in the country s political and cultural development when she states that one must take into account the noise music can make, with its ability to question and disrupt the status quo, paralleling society and even foreshadowing in sound what a new political order might 66 Roosenschoon, 267.

52 38 look like. 67 The notion that musical compositions may parallel or precede the development of a political order is an interesting one. Essentially, this means that as South Africa moves toward a completely racially integrated society, the music behaved in a similar fashion. Likewise, the musical integrations continue to foreshadow what South Africa might become as the country continues toward a racially-integrated society. While there is a desire to transcend the socio-cultural conditions of post-apartheid South Africa through integrated musical forms, there are also white South African composers who incorporate African music simply for the musical merit. The search for new or familiar but previously unavailable musical experiences that broaden the composer s imagination and understanding is not merely a pursuit of the exotic nuance but of musical concepts beyond those inherited. South African composer Michael Blake points out this movement to adopt African musical features as a part of an identity as a musician in Africa. 68 The application of African musical characteristics also provides the composer with a means of expanding and refreshing their own musical language. Indeed, there is a consistent push by many South African composers in African music to focus less on the melody of the music or an attractive theme, and more on the deeper construction of music rooted in African styles. This includes its cyclical nature, the interlocking techniques, the scales, the tuning, even the instruments, and the original function of the music. Geoffrey Poole, a British composer known for his integration of 67 Christine Lucia, Travesty or Prophecy? Views of South African Black Choral Composition, in Music and Identity: Transformation and Negotiation, eds. Eric Akrofi, Maria Smit and Stig-Magnus Thors n, (Stellenbosch, South Africa: Sun Press, 2007), Michael Blake, "The Emergence of a South African Experimental Aesthetic," in Proceedings of the 25th Annual Congress of the Musicological Society of Southern Africa, ed. Izak J. Grové (Pretoria: Musicological Society of Southern Africa, 1999), 29.

53 39 African and Asian musical features, goes on to explain the difficulties in practical application: There is no doubt that African music has enormous treasures to offer materially in its polyrhythmic techniques, its hocketing textures, its attitude to the perception of repetition, vocal sonorities, call-response activities, and unfamiliar instrumental resources. Unfortunately these treasures are seldom transferable directly, for all sorts of reasons. Thus the challenge is to understand how such music relates in its own terms (not as an exotic extra) to African sensibilities and feeling, to custom, and to fundamental spiritual needs and then try to see how the warmth of that relationship might be transferred to the benefit of our own post-everything situation. 69 Poole understands that traditional African music is alluring to a non-african composer precisely because of its exotic characteristics. Yet he also recognizes the relationship between African music and African belief systems and customs. He is not suggesting that composers refrain from borrowing or integrating African musical features, but to do so with an appreciation of the cultural traditions instilled in those sounds. It is this genuine interest in developing contemporary musical styles out of traditional African materials that allows for creative combinations and relationships. One of many challenges lies in creatively assimilating traditional African musical features with Western European styles in a way that maintains the dignity of both genres while producing something original. For example, Poole claims that what we may realistically strive to do within the contemporary classical field is not, therefore, to present reliable copies of transcriptions of what already exists in another place but to assimilate the spirit, or rather to allow African music to stimulate the dormant quarters of our own musicality, and use that as the basis to create something new Geoffrey Poole, Black-White-Rainbow: a Personal View on what African Music means to the Contemporary Western Composer, in Composing the Music of Africa: Composition, Interpretation and Realisation, ed. Malcom Floyd, (Brookfield, VT: Aldershot, 1999), Poole, 296.

54 40 In other words, compositions that integrate Western European and African musical characteristics should not present an interpretation of what can already be heard, but approach a compositional style with the unique musical qualities offered by other cultures. Therefore, musical appropriation is an act with multiple implications musical, cultural, and political. If the composition is remarkable in its integration, the composer s process has originality and authenticity, moving past the sense of cultural outsider to that of cultural insider. It is understandable that as apartheid fell and significant changes in culture developed, white South African composers looked less and less toward Western European art music for influence and inspiration. Western European art music had little to do with the new South African identity, and the desire to create original and relevant musical idioms became the primary motivation. If cultural and political changes inspire shifts in music compositions, perhaps the most crucial question is how conscious is the composer of the musical apartheid within South Africa and how far does he or she wish to go in reconciling the division? The answer to this question goes a long way to discovering the motivations of integration. For over fifteen years, South African composers have played a vital role in the fostering of integrated music as well as transforming the culturally specific stereotypes of Western European and African styles. Perhaps this fusion is to be expected in a society as varied and pluralistic as South Africa s; however, there are specific motivations and influences that make this musical integration a conscious choice of the contemporary South African composer. The following categories were derived after completing research on stylistic integrations in South Africa and interviews with numerous South

55 41 African musicologists, conductors, and composers. The motivations of musical integration include an inherent familiarity with African traditions, a desire to pay homage, a fascination with exotic sounds, and a wish to make a political statement. Inherent Familiarity with African Music First, for many South African composers, traditional African music is just as familiar and valid as the Western European musical tradition. The inclusion of indigenous music is not so much a conscious choice as it is an incorporation of familiar surroundings. Identifiable African rhythms, melodies, and texts can be heard every day. Therefore, their inclusion is commonplace for some South African composers. In fact, it could argued that South African composers choose to integrate Western and African musical style because they are acting within a tradition which limits the range and probability of the choices available in a particular situation. 71 In other words, there may be a higher probability for South African composers to select and manipulate the musical material that is most readily available in their particular situation. That traditional African music is so familiar to Western-style South African composers makes it a common compositional choice when exploring new and interesting sounds. The resulting integration is less about experimentation and statement and more about reflecting the soundscape of everyday life. Prominent South African composers may consider that the African music tradition gains a sense of legitimacy as they write original compositions in the indigenous African 71 Leonard B. Meyer, Music, the Arts and Ideas: Patterns and Predictions in Twentieth-Century Culture (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1994), 59.

56 42 style and arrange traditional folk songs. Understandably, this view is condescending in its assumption that indigenous African music can only achieve the status of fine art music through the process of notation or through the acceptance of classically-trained composers. However, one can argue that the use of African musical features within a Western European classical form or choral ensemble brings the indigenous music to a wider audience. Paying Homage to African Music Traditions The inclusion of indigenous African musical features into the choral works of South African composers may be used to pay homage to a respected musical tradition. In many ways, the composer becomes an advocate of indigenous musical culture. Thus, the composer recognizes the equal value of different cultures, preserves their traditions, and encourages their survival. 72 Motivation for this process of integrated composition may also be the preservation of traditional African melody, rhythm and text. Nigerian composer and author Dr. Akin Euba has defined this specific process as creative ethnomusicology: where musical information obtained from field research is used in composition rather than academic writing. 73 This process of composition is less about imagining a unique, 72 Johan Degenaar, Multiculturalism: How Can the Human World Live Its Difference? in Race and Reconciliation in South Africa: A Multicultural Dialogue in Comparative Perspective, ed. William E. Van Vugt and G. Daan Cloete, (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2000), Akin Euba, Issues in Africanist Musicology: Do We Need Ethnomusicology in Africa? in Proceedings of the Forum for Revitalizing African Music Studies in Higher Education, ed. Frank Gunderson, (Ann Arbor, MI: The U. S. Secretariat of the International Center for African Music and Dance, The International Institute, University of Michigan, 2001), 138.

57 43 new music, but focuses on the recapturing of lost or overlooked musical timbres, tonalities and texts. When intentionally paying respect to traditional African music through integration, the approach is systematic and pragmatic, often including ethnomusicological and anthropological methods. This can consist of field recordings, the use of specific musicians, or even the recreation of ritualistic settings for performance. The goal is not to fuse the musical material in such a way that the borrowed features have dissolved, but to enhance recognition and, ultimately, preservation of those features. Sense of Exoticism Somewhat contrary to the motivation to pay homage to indigenous music, the South African composer may choose to include African elements in a dominant Western sound environment [whereas] the African elements are seen as The Other, creating a sense of exoticism. 74 Western European-trained South African composers are drawn to the distinctive features of indigenous African music because of a fascination with exoticism, a technique or genre used to evoke a place, people or social milieu that is, or is perceived to be, profoundly different from a familiar culture or experience. 75 This attraction to the unfamiliar, namely the unique features of indigenous African music, can inspire innovative trends in the conventional design of classical music. The motivation 74 Poole, Ralph P. Locke, "Exoticism," in Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online, (accessed July 28, 2009).

58 44 for integrating styles lies in the compositional challenge of blending the familiar with the unfamiliar. Within the context of South African music, exoticism manifests itself in two ways. First, exoticism can be used as a broad, encompassing method where the composition gives off an atmosphere of the unfamiliar. On the other hand, exotic musical features function as tangible examples of specific stylistic devices that the composer, and presumably many of the listeners, associates with the distant country or people in question. 76 Furthermore, the desire to integrate exotic African musical features into a substantially Western European composition may stem from a genuine interest in new sounds as opposed to a musical characterization. Indeed, the value of exoticism in South African music may be partly attributed to the fact that the mobility of the imagination far exceeds the mobility of the body, and that, while outwardly the creator often leads the most uneventful of lives and spends his years in a study or studio, his mental existence is full of adventure and surprise 77 For the white South African composer, the use of traditional African musical features allows for a creative mobility into a cultural realm previously disregarded or deemed taboo. While a sense of The Other may be an honest attempt to enhance or enrich the South African composer s sound palette, there is a danger of being inauthentic or disingenuous. There is little argument that musical borrowing be it melody, rhythm, text or even timbre changes the definition of that which is being borrowed. There is a change of dimension and connotation that distorts cultural context and meaning. An attempt to reconnect with the past or the exotic becomes symbolism or, worse yet, 76 Ralph P. Locke, A Broader View of Musical Exoticism, The Journal of Musicology, Vol. 24/4 (Fall 2007): D. C. Parker, Exoticism in Music in Retrospect, The Musical Quarterly, Vol 3/1 (Jan 1917), 134.

59 45 parody. As South African composers are motivated to integrate Western European and traditional African musical styles, the use of exotic musical elements must find a balance between originality and mimicry. Political Statement Finally, the integration of Western European art music and indigenous African music is employed to send a social or political message. These messages include asking for forgiveness, encouraging cultural acceptance, and improving race relations. Apartheid ideology had an impact on each member of South African society, and it is difficult to believe that a South African composer would not, on occasion, find the topic of revolution and reconciliation a tempting one. As previously mentioned, Western European art music sustains a strong association with the apartheid regime and, thus, became politically incorrect in the new South Africa. The integration of traditional African music into Western European forms and styles proves to be an appealing means of countering the old political association of the latter. South African composers can conceivably oppose this link to a specific political ideology by claiming that their work has no political agenda or by arguing that their music embodies an active endorsement against the apartheid ideology. 78 The framing of political opposition or commentary within the context of musical composition not only makes it accessible, but also provides an opportunity for listener interpretation. 78 Muller, 33.

60 46 The motivation to integrate musical styles in South Africa may stem from the desire to comment on the apartheid or post-apartheid political landscape. South African musicologist Stephanus Muller notes that attaching extra-musical (political) meaning to music by means of the musical setting of politically rich literary texts is one method for music to accumulate political overtones. 79 Whether the composer uses text with strong political relevance or invokes an anti-apartheid song, the resulting composition communicates the composer s political ideology. The musical composition is typically a symbolic representation of co-existence and the text is a vehicle for conveying humanitarian or moral content. While it is logical to hypothesize that composers are motivated by a combination of the above perspectives, one aspect may be certain: the compositional preference and process is not only a matter of what one encounters but of what one believes. The motivations of musical integration include the inherent use of African musical sounds; the use of traditional African musical features as a means of paying homage to a culture; an interest in the exotic characteristics of unfamiliar sounds and the compositional possibilities presented; and finally, the desire to make a political statement or to provide commentary on the social situation in post-apartheid South Africa. Each of these motivations can be found in the post-apartheid choral music of representative South African composers and will be discussed in detail in chapter three. In the following chapter, this study categorizes African music within a community framework and outlines compositional features. This provides a cultural and theoretical context for the analysis of integrated choral works. 79 Muller., 35.

61 47 CHAPTER II: AFRICAN MUSIC IN COMMUNITY AND THEORETICAL CONTEXT METHODS OF ANALYSIS Knowledge of traditional African music within its social context and an understanding of its compositional structure are essential for discerning the methods and motivations for musical integration in South African choral music. This chapter will explore African music within ceremonies, within labor activities, in the formation of social identity, as a means of preserving communal history, and within leisure activities. In addition, the compositional features of traditional African music will be discussed, including formal structure and organization, melody and tonality, speech-tones and song texts, and rhythmic structures. The incorporation of dance within African music will also be examined. The exploration of the various ways in which traditional African songs are created and performed will guide the analysis of integrated works. The peoples of Africa are certainly not a musically homogenous society. The variety of environmental, political, and economic conditions has greatly influenced the development of music and culture within particular African regions. Cultural isolation or integration, distinct languages, and varied spiritual beliefs account for much of the diversity in African musical traditions. However, within Africa, one finds societies whose musical cultures form a network of related traditions that overlap in certain aspects of style, practice, or usage, and share common features of internal pattern, basic procedure, and contextual similarities. 80 Therefore, despite some differences in development, African musical traditions maintain a similarity of function and structure. 80 J.H. Kwabena Nketia, The Music of Africa (New York: W.W. Norton & Co. Inc., 1974), 4.

62 48 Ethnomusicologist J.H. Kwabena Nketia summarizes these similarities best when he states that the most important characteristic of [African] musical traditions is the diversity of expression it accommodates, a diversity arising from different applications of common procedures and usages. 81 Although African music may express a variety of cultural distinctions, its overall function within a community context represents a common usage. African Music in Community Context Music is one of the most prevalent social activities of the African people. This is almost exclusively due to the interrelationship between music-making and everyday human activities. In this way, the purpose of African music is not necessarily to produce agreeable sounds, but to translate everyday, communal experiences into living sound. 82 The African musical environment recognizes, as its main objective, the depiction of life, nature and the supernatural; therefore, an aesthetic criterion, such as beauty of tone, is often quite arbitrary. Perhaps the most important characteristic of African music is the fact that it is common property. This is especially true of African song. In fact, vocal music is considered the essence of African musical art. In addition, the primary motive of African instrumental music is to replicate spoken or sung language. The fact that singing is not a specialized endeavor suggests that any individual who has the desire to sing is urged to do so. While instrumental performance requires familiarity with traditional techniques 81 Nketia, Francis Bebey, African Music: A People s Art (Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books, 1999), 115.

63 49 typically imparted to a select few, singing is encouraged for all members of an African community. Therefore, the communal ownership of African song is paramount; no one is restricted from singing because it may not be aesthetically beautiful. The infusion of vocal music into everyday activities, coupled with the participation of entire communities, further validates its social significance. The foundation of African music-making is the community. African musical performances are often organized social events associated with collective activities. This includes occasions when members of the community come together for the performance of a ceremony, to exercise social or political control through protest music, for the presentation and preservation of communal history, and for leisure. Music made in such a communal context provides opportunities for sharing in a creative and collective experience while simultaneously expressing group sentiment. Within many African communities, songs are recognized by their function. In essence, music does not exist apart from its context, and the context may determine the genesis of the music. 83 African music and performances have a precise context that is carefully maintained by social control and communal ownership. This type of social control on musical activities includes the selection of musical events, the use of musical resources, the performers, the particular songs and song texts, the venue of performance, and the regalia of the performers. 84 Every aspect of a musical performance is dictated by the needs of the community and the specific function for which the music is used. 83 Simha Arom, African Polyphony and Polyrhythm: Musical Structure and Methodology, trans. Martin Thom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), Alexander Akorlie Agordoh, African Music: Traditional and Contemporary (New York: Nova Science Publishers, Inc., 2005), 30. An interesting example of this can be found in much of Western Africa where drums used to worship a particular god may not be used in any other context.

64 50 Therefore, it is important to specifically outline the typical functions of music when it is present in the traditional African community. Music-Making in African Rites and Ceremonies African music-making serves to validate or recognize an important event publically. This includes performing at community members rites of passage birth, puberty, marriage, and death. The songs performed at these events, what Alexander Akorlie Agordoh terms events of the life cycle, 85 are often very specific. For example, songs of mourning performed during and after a funeral are set apart by accompanying body movements and distinctive vocal timbre. Different African communities may sing to commemorate additional life cycle events such as naming a child, the loss of a tooth, circumcision, and menstruation. In most cases, music used to accompany these events sets the mood for the action as well as affords an outlet for the emotions they generate. In addition to accompanying events of the life cycle, music-making in traditional African communities is used in communal religious worship. The worship of individual gods particular to seasons, activities or genealogy is of vital concern to traditional African communities. Typically, worship involves symbolic songs and actions such as miming, processing, and dancing. The scheduling of musical activities is closely related to the belief system of the community. This means that the music is particular to the god they aim to please or in reaction to a spiritual occurrence. 86 For example, in some African cultures only women of the community may sing at the funeral of a woman who died in 85 Agordoh, Ibid., 27.

65 51 childbirth to commune with the god of mothers. Additionally, individual gods may be associated with specific instrumental sounds or distinctive vocal noises. The careful selection of song, performer, and even instrument is central to the religious and social purposes of worship. The performance of religious songs is not only a vehicle for worship but an opportunity for the gods to participate in daily life. Many African communities believe that the gods can be enticed to possess a chosen medium and communicate directly to the worshippers. In the Zulu culture, divination is used to interact with ancestors. 87 The physical signs of possession are encouraged with song and dance until the ancestor or god is summoned. Additionally, any misfortune or tragedy is often seen as the result of offending the gods. African communities may also affect change in circumstance through the selection and performance of particular songs. In other words, music is the very means man has to make contact with [spiritual] forces, and to maintain that contact, to have some purchase on them and to render them favorable to him. 88 Therefore, African religious songs instill and sustain a spiritual disposition, allowing the individual and the community to embrace a philosophical nature toward life. This, in turn, enables an African community to accept the good and the bad, balancing the positive and the negative. 87 Agordoh, Arom, 7.

66 52 Music-Making in Labor Music, especially singing, is regularly incorporated with physical activity. Beyond relieving the tediousness of an oft-repetitive motion, the music-making contributes to the success of the activity through the coordination of movement. This is particularly true of domestic activities such as grinding, pounding, sweeping, sewing, and cooking. 89 The songs are rhythmically simple and steady to accommodate repeated action and concerted effort. Music used in the accompaniment of domestic work lies outside the provisions of artistic or religious events. In many cases, the text is an opportunity for the singer to showcase wit or express emotions. While songs for domestic labor in an African community are typically performed by women, men also have specific music for work. For example, music is used during ceremonies to prepare for a hunt as well as the use of musical sounds to flush animals from cover during hunting. In addition, fishermen use songs to coordinate rowing and hauling nets. 90 Street and market vendors sing to promote their wares and attract customers. No matter the activity or the performer, the function of music in labor renders monotonous or work-intensive pursuits more efficient and enjoyable. Music-Making as Socialization Organized music-making in African communities encourages involvement in collective behavior. It is used as a means of strengthening the social bonds that bind a 89 Nketia, Ibid., 28.

67 53 community and the values that inspire its corporate life. The process of creating and performing music together forms a bond between the participants, a process that Simha Arom calls unconscious musical socialization. 91 This shared social identity develops into distinct musical function that simultaneously expresses common interests while reinforcing social cohesion. For example, a song flaunting the superiority of communal battles and warrior ancestors stimulates pride in communal heritage and encourages the current community to maintain the same level of supremacy. African communities organize their music-making to mobilize group emotion and activity. The ethical behavior and moral values of an African society are also embedded in the community s musical activities. Social mores can be explicitly transmitted in the texts of stories and songs. Additionally, codes of behavior during musical performances impart moral and social responsibilities. 92 Appropriate conduct may be dramatized by actors and dancers during musical performances. If there is a breach of the community s customs, regulations or codes of conduct, then musical performances, specifically song texts, serve to correct the errant behavior. This form of social control employs reprimand, ridicule, and even direct action, to effect change. In essence, the musical arts act as the custodian of public conscience in African cultures. 93 Therefore, African songs and texts may serve to promote social order, enforce moral values, and monitor communal politics. 91 Arom, Ibid. Nzewi also outlines the imperviousness of music and musicians in African culture stating that music is a super-ordinary communal voice that cannot be challenged. Thus, music and musicians have a communal mandate to monitor, broadcast, and enforce a violation of custom. 93 Nzewi, 17.

68 54 Music-Making as a Means to Preserve Communal History African songs are the primary medium for the transmission of ancestral and cultural histories. Traditional texts, poems and dramatizations are repositories of historical records. In fact, some musical activities are conceived specifically to relate and update historical accounts. A community s oral history keeper, typically the oldest male, is the person that understands the gossip, politics, history, and myths of his community and shares these stories using songs and instruments. 94 Topics and themes of historical songs include famous warriors and battles, popular African kings, genealogical hierarchies, communal migrations, and ethnic origins. For example, Shaka Zulu, the first Zulu king to join the communities under one name, is honored through numerous songs praising his bravery and ingenuity. 95 In addition, there are various songs and dances about Unkulunkulu, the Zulu creator, which portray the society s creation myth. The names and achievements of talented and revered members of society are evoked and often granted celebrity status in the community through songs and tales. 96 Historical songs may also be used as a teaching device. The songs are sung to the children of the community in order to familiarize them with ancestors, events, and traditions. At times, the songs serve to teach children a lesson, illustrate their heritage, or explain the universe. Tswana children are taught about their ancestral lineage and 94 A storyteller in western African societies, such as the Mande, Dagomba, Hausa, and Fula, is called a griot. Griots are learned poets and musicians responsible for the history of a village or family. While a griot s primary purpose is maintaining oral history, they may also entertain with political commentary, satire, and gossip. 95 Shaka was best-known for revolutionizing battle tactics and weaponry, including new spears, shields and knobkerries (clubs). He also developed the impondo zankomo ( bull s horns ), an innovative battle technique. 96 Nzewi, 19.

69 55 representative animal totems through songs. Likewise, Zulu children explore the origin of death using a song about a chameleon and a lizard. The purpose of African historical songs is vast and their form can range from detailed accounts of events to allusions and metaphors. It is clear, however, that this form of oral tradition has been instrumental as a source for historical reconstruction of African cultures. Music-Making in Leisure Activities Recreation in traditional African communities regularly involves musical activities. These musical events can be organized or completely spontaneous. In both cases, the purpose of this music is to relax, be creative, and promote communal solidarity. Songs for entertainment often refer to the physical environment and creatures, including various songs about fish, birds, plants, and the seasons. 97 Other songs focus on the themes of occupation and love. Most of the African songs sung for entertainment incorporate dancing, acting, and animal calls. While these songs may not be seen as applied aspects of community life, such as music for ceremonies and labor, they are an integral part of African society. It is not unusual for leisure songs to be conceived during performance. The originator of a new tune will demonstrate it to the group, after which the ensemble develops a structure and elaborates on the theme until it obtains a suitable organization. Critiques and improvisations from the community continue to shape the song until a fitting ensemble and texture is achieved. This often results in a call-and-response form, which is prevalent in African music culture. This communal principle of composition 97 Agordoh, 48.

70 56 provides a supportive and secure musical environment. The soloist is influenced by musical commentary from the chorus. The influence of the chorus in this structure ensures that the chorus is more important than the soloist; hence, the community comes before the individual. It is the chorus part that provides the content and identity of a song, therefore supplying the foundation from which a soloist can explore personal creative possibilities. The constancy and security of the chorus affirms and guides the soloist much like the African community strengthens the individual. Music within the African community may be performed for entertainment, for the ancestral message it conveys, for the outlet that it provides for social interaction, or for the sharing of community sentiment. 98 It may be performed as a tribute to an individual or as an offering to a god. Whatever the function, African music is a communal activity, one that emphasizes artistic ability in conjunction with social, political, and religious values. 99 Performance is a life skill available to each and every member of the community from birth until death. The corporate approach to music-making in African community not only ensures the participation of all members, but combines ideology, efficiency, identity, and festivity with the performance of music. Methods of Composition in African Song While compositional characteristics are not exclusive to one community, culture, or country, one can extract the dominant musical concepts and procedures in a given area. Ethnomusicologists Bruno Nettl and Alexander Akorlie Agordoh refer to this as a 98 Nketia, Ibid.

71 57 culture area concept, defined as geographic units whose inhabitants share a relatively homogenous cultural style. 100 In other words, one can categorize the culture of Africa according to reoccurring styles and tendencies displayed in musical compositions. Thus, one can discover broad uniformities among the specific diversities of African music. While anthropologists and ethnomusicologists may emphasize different characteristics of African musical culture, the following categories are representative of African musical composition from a theoretical perspective. These categories include formal structure and organization, melody and tonality, speech-tones and song texts, and rhythmic structures. The use of dance as an integral part of African music-making cannot be neglected and will, therefore, be included in this discussion. Formal Structure and Organization While African music, specifically singing, may not be the property of any one individual, the process of individual expression within a communal activity is important. This shared method of composition encourages an elastic formal structure, allowing individuals the option of deviating from the given musical construction. Thus, much of an African song s organization is dependent on the context of performance and the interpretation of the performers themselves. In many instances, formal relationships within African music are open rather than rigid, arranged so that they afford a focus on the expression of individuality that distinguishes an occasion within the context of 100 Bruno Nettl, The Study of Ethnomusicology: Thirty-One Issues and Concepts (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2005), 46.

72 58 tradition. 101 In addition, there is a greater flexibility of structure because most African music is transmitted orally. Because the music is not notated, the guidelines of performances are easily manipulated to highlight the importance of individual expression within the communal action. Therefore, the uniqueness of African song comes not from the finished product, but from the distinct process of music creation and organization. A call-and-response organization is one of the most frequently found formal structures in African song. Responsorial singing in African societies is typically designed for a lead singer, or a group of lead singers, and a chorus. There are three standard processes used in responsorial singing. The first and simplest method is one in which the lead singer sings the entire verse and the chorus repeats the same material immediately and exactly. The second call-and-response structure has clearly defined sections for the lead singer and the chorus. For example, each portion of the song consists of a single phrase, sung by the lead singer and answered by the chorus with a set response (Example 2.1). The choral responses may be similar to the lead phrase in melodic and rhythmic form or it may be a continuation of it. Either section of the song, the call or the response, may be sung in parts, often using simple chordal harmonies. 101 John Miller Chernoff, African Rhythm and African Sensibility: Aesthetics and Social Action in African Musical Idioms (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), 126.

73 59 Example 2.1: Excerpt from Masithi Amen, Traditional Xhosa folksong. Transcribed and reprinted by the author. The lead singer s call may also overlap with the choral response. In this case, the lead singer is typically the one who interrupts the chorus with the entrance of the next phrase. This overlapping alternation allows the lead singer to select a convenient point before the end of the response phrase to introduce a new lead call. The chorus is then expected to respond with the correct phrase. It is often the case that alternating call-and-response phrases are rounded off with a concluding section or refrain sung by both lead singer and chorus (Example 2.2). Example 2.2: Excerpt from Ke Nna Yo Morena, Traditional Tswana folksong. Transcribed and reprinted by the author.

74 60 The melodic and rhythmic components of the lead singer s call and the chorus s response may include variations, especially if there are significant changes in text. For example, the lead singer may alter the call but the choral response remains the same, resulting in an A-B-C-B form. Other songs have a different response to each call, resulting in the form A-B-C-D, where A and C are sung by the lead singer and B and D by the chorus. 102 The lead singer may even improvise variations or descants above the choral responses. Finally, these variations on the call-and-response structure may generate uneven phrase structures providing long sections for either the lead singer or the chorus. The third arrangement of call-and-response singing incorporates a third element for a slightly more elaborate form. In addition to the lead singer and chorus, some African songs make use of a vocal ostinato (Example 2.3). 103 In many cases, this ostinato is employed in addition to or as a substitute for drumming. The ostinato element, coupled with the call-and-response form, magnifies structural shifts. Changes in the call-andresponse structure are mirrored by changes in the ostinato pattern that, in turn, emphasize the song s overall formal design. The addition of the vocal ostinato uses repetition to reveal rhythmic complexity in the musical structure. 102 Chernoff, David K. Rycroft, Nguni Vocal Polyphony, Journal of the International Folk Music Council, Vol. 19 (1967), 95.

75 Example 2.3: Excerpt from Uqongqot hwane, Traditional Xhosa folksong. Reprinted, by permission, from the arranger Hendrik Hofmeyr. 61

76 62 There are three other major formal structures used in African song besides calland-response. All three of these organizational processes are found throughout South Africa specifically. The first form, associated with the Nguni people of southeastern Africa, 104 involves at least three voice parts. The voice parts do not alternate, nor do they begin simultaneously; instead, they enter independently, creating polyphony. In many instances, at least two voice parts convey different texts. When a third or fourth voice part is added, often sharing the text of one of the main parts, it moves parallel to it and can be considered a dependent sub-part. 105 Conversely, if the additional voice parts bear new text, they are introduced separately, often establishing a third or fourth level of what David Rycroft calls offset temporal contrast. 106 Offset temporal contrast can be described as the concurrent shifting of phrases; the temporal relationship between phrases is never consistent. This structural relationship is built on non-simultaneous entry of two to four voice parts, occasionally with distinct texts, creating a complex vocal and formal texture (Example 2.4). Example 2.4: Excerpt from Jikelele, Traditional Zulu folksong. Transcribed and reprinted by the author. 104 The Nguni are compromised primarily of the Zulu, Xhosa and Swazi-speaking people in present day South Africa. 105 Rycroft, Ibid.

77 63 The second formal structure is most commonly employed by the Bushmen, or San people, of southwestern South Africa, Namibia, and Botswana. In this case, a basic melodic phrase forms the framework for a song. Individuals then simultaneously embellish and elaborate the phrase. 107 Their polyphonic techniques include inserting tones, reducing and augmenting rhythmic values, and melodic imitation. Once the ensemble has arrived at a combination that is pleasing, the song is repeated with only slight variation. This complex polyphony does not overshadow the textual meaning of Bushmen music because the majority of their songs use very few words or simple syllables. Finally, the third formal design found in African song is canon. Canonic singing is typically used in Bushman counterpoint. It is usually limited to two vocal parts although there may be more voices in the polyphonic texture. The use of simple canonic imitation also promoted shorter phrases and repetitive text for the ease of performance. Additionally, much of the Bushman music is punctuated with overlapping handclaps, thus providing another layer in the intricate polyphonic structure. Melody and Tonality Ethnomusicologist Hugh Tracey observed that measuring the incidence of and the distance between pitches of African scales, without prematurely attempting to generalize, 107 Nicholas M. England, Bushman Counterpoint, Journal of the International Folk Music Council, Vol. 19 (1967), 59.

78 64 is difficult. 108 This is especially the case when compared to Western measuring criteria. Within any African scale, typically having from four to seven pitches, one may find a greater tolerance of pitch variation for specific steps of the scale. 109 In other words, the pitches and corresponding intervals of most African scales are not absolute, let alone of equal temperament. Any assertion that African melodies are exclusively pentatonic is inaccurate. A more accurate description of most African melodic structures is that they are based on the controlled use of selected interval sequences. 110 Therefore, it is more effective to think in terms of reoccurring sequences of intervals as opposed to scales when dissecting melodic constructs. Perhaps the most prevalent interval sequence is that of reoccurring fourths (Example 2.5). This melodic tendency is employed as a rudimentary three-tone scale in early Zulu, Xhosa, and Swazi folksongs. 111 Example 2.5: Excerpt from Vuka, vuka Deborah! by John Knox Bokwe. South Africa SINGS, Volume 1: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation. ed. J. S. M. Khumalo. Reprinted, by permission, from the Southern African Music Rights Organisation, Limited (SAMRO). 108 Hugh Tracey, Measuring African Scales, African Music: Journal of the African Music Society 4/3 (1969), Nketia, Ibid. 111 David K. Rycroft, Stylistic Evidence in Nguni Song, in Essays on Music and History in Africa, ed. Klaus P. Wachsmann, (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1971), 227.

79 65 In the next example, the interval of a fourth maintains structural prominence while expanding the melody through the use of intermediate whole- and half-tones (Example 2.6). Example 2.6: Excerpt from Vukani, Mawethu!, by Hamilton John Makhoza Masiza. South Africa SINGS, Volume 1: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation. ed. J. S. M. Khumalo. Reprinted, by permission, from the Southern African Music Rights Organisation, Limited (SAMRO). In this way, African songs make use of major seconds and major thirds to fill in the outlying fourths (Example 2.7). This process of adding equivalent whole-tones between the fourths produce scales that resemble pentatonic or hexatonic scales. 112 However, the concept that the melody is constructed in reference to a scale or tonal hierarchy is misleading. Instead, the melodies of African songs are based primarily on short melodic motifs which give emphasis to specific interval sequences. African melodies are conceived as a linear sequence of intervals upon which variations and improvisation occurs. 112 Rycroft,

80 66 Example 2.7: Excerpt form U Ea Kae?, by Joshua Polumo Mohapeloa (Lesotho). South Africa SINGS, Volume 1: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation. ed. J. S. M. Khumalo. Reprinted, by permission, from the Southern African Music Rights Organisation, Limited (SAMRO). The use of fourths as a framework for melodic phrases in African song also emphasizes the inverse interval of the fifth. In African melodies, the fourth, fifth and octave are considered companion tones and are, therefore, more prevalent (Example 2.8). 113 This does not mean, however, that a perceived tonic-dominant relationship functions in a way similar to Western European music. Where clear tonic-dominant or tonic-subdominant harmonic progressions are employed, one may assume obvious instances of Western influence. Within African melodies, however, tonal shifts are achieved by melodic movement and the changing of companion tones. 113 John Blacking, Venda Children s Songs: A Study in Ethnomusicological Analysis (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967), 52.

81 67 Example 2.8: Excerpt from Bawo, Thixo Somandla, Traditional Xhosa folksong, arranged by Mzilikazi Khumalo. South Africa SINGS, Volume 1: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation. ed. J. S. M. Khumalo. Reprinted, by permission, from the Southern African Music Rights Organisation, Limited (SAMRO). The variability of a pitch s function within a given tonality indicates that any pitch may be used as the final in a cadence. One can then conclude that African singers are not as conscious of scales or hierarchy in the development of melodic materials as they are of interval sequences in melodies. 114 Therefore, it is the controlled use of selected interval sequences that forms the basis of melodic structure in African songs. Speech-tones and Song Texts Traditional African songs are methodically set with reference to spoken declamation. This custom can be traced back to the social institution of solo poetic recitations common among the Tswana, Basotho, Zulu, and Xhosa societies of South Africa. 115 Often referred to as praise-poetry or praise-singing, this practice hovers between speaking and singing on a limited number of pitches. A narrator s dedication to 114 Nketia, David K. Rycroft, Zulu and Xhosa Praise-Poetry and Song. In African Music: Journal of the African Music Society 3/1 (1962), 79.

82 68 speech patterns and register relationships of their native language heavily influences the musical form in which it is couched. The interrelation of melody and language is further complicated by the function of speech-tones within native African languages. Specifically found in Zulu and Xhosa, speech-tones, also known as tone languages, assign each syllable its own pitch, intensity, and duration beyond the vowel and consonant. In setting speech-tones to music, the phonemic structure of the tone language constrains the melodic structure of a song. 116 Particular attention must be paid to the intonation of the text. When texts in tone languages are sung, the relationship between higher and lower intonations is maintained in the contour of the melody. Changing the pitch of a syllable to fit a melodic contour can alter the meaning of the word. Needless to say, if the text of a song is to keep its meaning and remain intelligible, then its melody must be subservient to the speech-tones and reproduce its tonal scheme. Despite the linguistic constraints inherent in tone languages, it is important to note that creativity and musical considerations continue to play an integral part in melodic composition. For example, sequences of repeated pitches, ascending and descending intervals, and slides/glissandi are reflective of the intonation patterns used in speech; however, the actual size and direction of the interval used is left to the discretion of the musicians. Thus the falling intonation of a speech-tone may be as small as a second or as large as an octave. The direction of the slide within the music is based on the direction of the speech-tone when speaking (Example 2.9). Likewise, a sequence of high-low tones set as an interlocking series may result in a stylized form of the speech intonation for a 116 Arom, 11. Arom uses the term tonological constraints when referring to the challenges of setting speech-tones to music.

83 69 whole phrase. 117 Singers may even slide off of a pitch to indicate the correct tonal relationship (Example 2.10). Example 2.9: Excerpts from Sizongena Laph Emzini!, based on a Zulu wedding song, by J. S. M. Khumalo. South Africa SINGS, Volume 2: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation. ed. J. S. M. Khumalo. Reprinted, by permission, from the Southern African Music Rights Organisation, Limited (SAMRO). Example 2.10: Excerpt from Ihele, based on Zulu tradition, by Simon Bhekathina Phelelani Mnomiya. South Africa SINGS, Volume 2: African Choral Repertoire in Dual Notation. ed. J. S. M. Khumalo. Reprinted, by permission, from the Southern African Music Rights Organisation, Limited (SAMRO). African singers do allow for slight modifications with words or phrase as long as textual integrity remains. For instance, if a speech pattern consists of low-high-high-low register relationship, the singer may substitute a low-high-medium-low or a mediumhigh-medium-low melodic scheme. The modification must preserve the register relationships presented in the speech pattern but may alter the distance between those registers. Modest modifications to intonation form part of the stylization that performers allow themselves. 118 These modifications often become established melodic practices. For many African societies the musical and textual fusion is not considered a burden. In 117 Nketia, Ibid., 187.

84 70 fact, most African singers believe that the melody is conceived as clothed in the words that it conveys, [only] then it becomes song. 119 The relationship between music and language facilitates composition and performance appropriate to the community context. The manner in which a specific text is treated evolves not only from the phonemic features of the language but is inspired by the importance of the song as an avenue of verbal communication. The song is a medium for creative verbal expressions that reflects both personal and social experiences. 120 In other words, African societies tend to group texts and compose melodies based on the function and context of the repertoire. For instance, cradle songs often possess texts referring to the landscape, familial relationships, eating, crying, and sleeping. Their melodies include falling gestures, slower tempi, and dotted-rhythms. Mothers may incorporate play elements, perhaps in the form of nonsense syllables or through the use of phrases whose sounds or rhythms would amuse the child. 121 Likewise, historical songs are categorized as such because of their textual references to ancestors and genealogy, famous battles, and communal royalty. The corresponding music is often presented in a chant-like patter punctuated with drumming and reenactments. Important facets of the narration may be repeated or improvised upon for emphasis. What one finds in this method of thematic categorization is that the musical style regularly provides a coherence or unity to the songs of a particular repertoire. 119 Arom, Nketia, Ibid., 192.

85 71 Rhythmic Structures Rhythms in African songs are governed by the syllable length and stress placement of the text in much the same way melodic intervals are influenced by speechtones. Interestingly, it is the distortions of syllabic length and offbeat placement that characterizes much of Africa s songs. Best described as a form of syncopation, the habit of placing word stresses off the beat in relation to the downbeats of the body meter is widespread in Africa. 122 This offbeat phrasing of melodic and textual accents is intended to give the impression of natural speech rhythms. Other voices or instruments, typically drums, enter independently with contrasting rhythmic phrases, thus creating cross-rhythmic relationships. The rhythmic interest of African songs lies in the cross-rhythms created by vocal offbeat phrasing and any repetitive, underlying pulse. There are two fascinating theories as to why offbeat phrasing is so common in African music-making. The first, set forth by ethnomusicologist David K. Rycroft, states that vocal offbeat phrasing (syncopation) may have originated with strenuous physical activity, such as manual work or strenuous dancing. The downbeat of the pulse was reserved for physical exertion swinging an axe, shoveling, lifting, leaping, stomping, etc. Because this effort often required the tensing of the diaphragm and the closing of the epiglottis, vocal sound was impossible. Thus, the vocal phrase began immediately after the action resulting in offbeat entrances Rycroft (1971), Ibid., 233.

86 72 The second theory comes from the Austrian ethnomusicologist Erich von Hornbostel. In 1928, he stated that: African rhythm is ultimately founded on drumming. Drumming can be replaced by hand-clapping or by the xylophone, what really matters is the act of beating; and only from this point can African rhythms be understood. Each single beating movement is again two-fold: the muscles are strained and released, the hand is lifted and dropped. Only the second phase is stressed acoustically; but the first inaudible one has the motor accent, as it were, which consists in the straining of the muscles. This implies an essential contrast between our rhythmic conception and the Africans we proceed from hearing, they from motion 124 Von Hornbostel claims that Africans conceive of their rhythm as a byproduct of movement, whereas Westerners perceive rhythm based on the moment of sound. The effect of the African movement-based conception of rhythm is that the physical motion of raising one s arm carries the strong beat while the actual striking of the drum becomes the weak beat. Perhaps the Western concept of strong and weak beats is unusual seeing as an African rhythm has no relationship to measures or bar lines, and thus, to sense of regular rhythmic hierarchy. However, what is important in von Hornbostel s observations is the implication of body motion in rhythm an inherent motor aspect in African rhythm. 125 It is the motor aspect of African drumming, in collaboration with natural speech patterns, which generates the rhythmic structures of African song. Regardless of their origin, the concepts of offbeat phrasing and motor rhythms in African song are indelibly linked to repetition. The repetition of a well-chosen rhythm continually reaffirms the power of the music by locking that rhythm, and the people 124 Erich M. von Hornbostel, African Negro Music, Africa, 1/1 (1928), Ruth M. Stone, Shaping Time and Rhythm in African Music: Continuing Concerns and Emergent Issues in Motion and Motor Action, Transcultural Music Review 11 (2007), 3.

87 73 listening or dancing to it, into a dynamic and open structure. 126 The following example displays a repetitive, syncopated rhythm that is accompanied by lively movements (Example 2.11). Example 2.11: Amavolovolo, Traditional Zulu folksong. Reprinted, by permission from the arranger Michael Barrett. Subtle changes in the rhythmic repetition typically coincide with changes in the text and dance, thus allowing the African musician to demonstrate an awareness and involvement with the occasion for performance. The complexities of the rhythmic structures are reaffirmed through repetition because the participants and audience are encouraged to listen to and respond to each layer of the rhythmic relationship. The tension of African cross-rhythms is not only captured by repetition, it is magnified. Overlapping or conflicting rhythmic patterns and accents relate to one another through the creation and dissipation of tension. This is analogous to the way chords function in Western European harmony. The effect of two to four rhythms overlapping creates tension on the rhythmic relationships of the ensemble and on the effect of 126 Chernoff, 112.

88 74 rhythmic transitions. By carefully selecting rhythms, by controlling the duration of a rhythm, and by timing the introduction of discontinuity, the musicians are in command of the tension and the resolution. Indeed, it is the quality of these rhythmic relationships and the tensions they generate that represent stylistic African cross-rhythms. 127 Creative and unique progressions of rhythmic relationships are considered pleasing and serve to enhance the occasion. Dance Traditional African music is always performed with movement. The stimulus for this movement comes from the rhythm of the piece, thus the performer derives the physical feeling from the rhythmic structure. 128 In fact, within many African societies, a piece is not music unless you can dance to it. The connection between rhythm and dance is such that the musicians can regulate the scope, quality, speed, and intensity of movement through the choice of rhythm, repetition, structure, and manipulation. 129 In other words, changes in rhythmic patterns effect change to the flow or timing of bodily movements. It is not uncommon for body movements to provide another layer of rhythmic intricacy. On a larger scale, the sectional structure of a song may influence the organization of movement. For example, in songs using a call-and-response structure, there may be different movements for each section. For both musician and dancer alike, 127 Chernoff, 125. The resulting rhythms are often so complex that they are often difficult to reduce to staff notation. 128 Nketia, Agordoh, 34.

89 75 there is a desire to provide variety and contrast despite repetition. Although repetition is a fundamental aspect of African song, a respected dancer attempts to interpret the rhythm of the music in different ways and with a variety of styles. African music-making encourages motor response as a means of intensifying the enjoyment of music and increasing the community s involvement. African dance gestures often incorporate the accentuation of some part of the body. For example, movement of the upper torso may involve the contraction and release of the shoulder blades or the rotation and shrugging of the shoulders. 130 Other African dances may emphasize the hips through swaying or bumping gestures. Another widespread dance movement is that of exaggerated leg gestures such as kicking, raising knees, and jumping. 131 Dance movement can include reenacting important events, miming traditional customs, advancing in a procession or performing choreography. The choice of movement, posture, and facial expression can convey an attitude or belief toward a personal or social event. In this way, African dance is a vital means of social communication while providing a physical release of emotion. African music and dance are an essential medium for community expression. African songs and dances are art forms that promote an awareness of their living community and expression of pride in its continuity. Fundamentally, African music and dance are ways of posing structures and restrictions for ethical actualization, and the spiritual element present is one of wisdom. 132 For instance, elders in an African community are respected not for the virtuosity of their dance, but for their expression of 130 Nketia, High kicks and exaggerated falls are principle features of Zulu war dances. 132 Chernoff, 150.

90 76 dignity, balance, and experience. 133 A dancer s understanding of their own traditions and customs infuses each movement with a significance often more powerful than the music, the text or the movement alone. Thus, music, speech, and movement find their fullest individual and communal expression in dance, yet another reminder that one is only part of the whole. The conception of an African song and the details of its form and content are influenced not only by its intervallic scheme, its linguistic framework or literary intention, and its rhythmic relationships, but also by the activities and movements with which it is associated. The musical composition is a careful correspondence between melody, text, rhythm, and body movement resulting in an integrated dramatically expressive whole. 134 No African society would perform one aspect of the expressive whole apart from the others. The initial urge and ultimate expression of emotion appropriate to the social situation is paramount. As mentioned previously, most African cultures do not consider music to be solely an aesthetic phenomenon. However, African societies are capable of expressing their tastes while making precise value judgments about the music and the quality of the performance. 135 The significance of the music is judged on how well the art served the occasion and the communal expression. The function of performance, therefore, cannot be divided from the form. Within the African culture, this means that sounds, however beautiful, are meaningless if they do not contribute to the expressive and communicative quality of a performance. 133 Chernoff, David Copan, In Township Tonight (New York: Longmans Group Limited, 1985), Arom, 8.

91 77 It should be acknowledged that African music is no less creative because it is functional. While the African musical aesthetic is heavily related to the utility of music, there is no less consideration for craftsmanship. Not only does African choral music display complex formal composition, but the cultural context conveys a compelling sense of community and interdependency. African music-making is a vehicle of traditional ethics and social identity that, above all, is an occasion for the demonstration of character and community. Methods of Analysis: Form or Function, Familiar or Foreign An understanding of African music s general form and function is fundamental when discerning a method of analyzing musical material, specifically music that endeavors to integrate European and African styles. Understanding African musical elements and social functions provides a clear outline of features and meanings to be examined. 136 Therefore, any analysis must consider what should be studied as well as how it should be studied. In the case of integrated South African choral music, theoretical analysis of musical features must be placed in the context of the personal motivations and influences of each composer. Analysis of music outside of a familiar culture, or music that integrates styles, can be influenced by generalizations and perceptions of the foreign culture. Frankly, the way one analyzes stems from the way one perceives. The researcher s perception of music within his or her own culture may greatly influence the questions asked and the 136 The author is assuming the reader s familiarity with Western methods of structural and theoretical analysis and is, therefore, focusing on analytical methods associated with non-western musical traditions.

92 78 interpretation of the answers. This leads to perhaps the first, and most crucial, question in relation to the perception of South African choral music. Is South African choral music perceived as autonomous object or social text art for art s sake or art for society? This is a difficult question for any culture to answer, let alone a society as splintered as South Africa. Previously, Western Europe has held its art music up as an autonomous object while traditional African music maintains a social context. This dichotomy informs the method of analysis but, in the case of integrated musical styles, distinct perceptions of musical culture begin to blur. Methods of analysis must now accommodate the musical features or form of both cultures while investigating the social context or function for which it was written. Ignoring the music s social context or the composer s motivation is as detrimental to overall understanding as disregarding the composition s harmonic structure. It is prudent to critique the depth of analysis as well as the methods and features selected for analysis. The measurement of musical and social features in an integrated South African choral work becomes a complex affair. Consideration must be given to the fact that the composer is a white South African trained in Western European methods of composition. The integrated musical material may need to be analyzed separately. And finally, one should analyze and reflect the emerging changes in idiom and context found in South African choral music. 137 For over a century, the answers to these and many other issues were sought using one of two methods: comparative musicology 138 or cultural 137 J.H. Kwabena Nketia, Musicology and African Music: A Review of Problems and Areas of Research, in Africa in the Wider World: The interrelationships of Area and Comparative Studies, ed. David Brokensha and David Crowder (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1967), Alan P. Merriam, Definitions of Comparative Musicology and Ethnomusicology : A Historical- Theoretical Perspective, in Ethnomusicology Vol. 21, No. 2, (1977): The phrase comparative musicology was first defined by Guido Adler in 1885 as the comparison of musical works produced by

93 79 anthropology. 139 A brief summary of each of these methods with respect to Western European and traditional African musical styles will demonstrate why neither method is adequate to analyze the integrated styles of South African choral music. Instead, an integrated method of analysis combining the processes of musicology and anthropology is most appropriate for integrated forms of music hybridization of methodology for hybridized music. Comparative Musicology Comparative musicology, identified by scholars as the precursor to ethnomusicology 140, seeks to rediscover the relationship between Western European and African music through theoretical analysis and acculturation. 141 Early ethnomusicologists Curt Sachs and Erich von Hornbostel were early proponents of comparative musicology and its use with traditional African music. The focus of comparative musicology is various peoples for classification and preservation purposes. This phrase would be used by numerous musicologists and ethnomusicologists throughout the first half of the twentieth century. Such researchers include Robert Lachmann, Curt Sachs, Willi Apel, Curt Sachs, George Herzog, Klaus Wachsmann, Manfred Bukofzer, Bruno Nettl, and Jaap Kunst. Another excellent resource concerning this phrase and its use with Africa music can be found in Stephen Blum s article European Musical Terminology and the Music of Africa, in Comparative Musicology and Anthropology of Music, ed. Bruno Nettl and Philip V. Bohlman (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991). 139 The phrase cultural anthropology has been used in academic research for over a century. The use of this method of analysis in conjuncture with African music was initially presented by J.H Kwabena Nketia in Musicology and African Music: A Review of Problems and Areas of Research, in Africa in the Wider World: The Interrelationships of Area and Comparative Studies, ed. David Brokensha and Michael Crowder (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1967). Nketia expanded on this methodological concept with a paper presented at conference on The Study of World Music: Perspectives on Methodology, organized by the International Institute for Comparative Music Studies and Documentation, Berlin, September 3-7, The term comparative was problematic since it was perceived as a means or method of research as opposed to a field of knowledge. The phrase was replaced in academic writings by the term ethnomusicology by the early 1960s. 141 Nketia (1967), 38.

94 80 historical reconstruction analysis aimed at examining the primitive, transitional, and advanced musical cultures that have existed and still exist side by side in the world. 142 Comparative musicology addresses the historical order and significance of these cultures independently and in relation to each other. Therefore, the method of analysis for all music be it Western European or African compares the tangible features of acoustical theory and compositional form. Comparative musicology relies on the repeated production of a dichotomy between the musical traditions of Africa and Europe. This continuous comparison results in what Paulla Ebron calls reproduced narratives of difference. 143 The perception that Western European and African music lie in contradistinction from one another provides potential for sweeping generalizations about both styles. For example, there is a disadvantage in that analysts, performers, and audience members have assigned theoretical stigma to African music, not because they have dissected the origins of the musical features, but because they have generalized and categorized these features as African. Additionally, as Hugh Tracey cautions, the danger of writing down African music as interpreted by a foreigner in conventional staff notation with plus and minus or other signs to indicate assumed discrepancies from the tempered scale is obvious, particularly as it tends to represent the local African gamut as an imperfection of a conventional foreign scale, whereas, in reality, the indigenous one, if generally accepted by a contemporary community, has an integrity of its own Marius Schneider, "Primitive Music," in The New Oxford Dictionary of Music, Vol. 1 (London: Oxford University Press, 1957): Paulla A. Ebron, Performing Africa (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002), Tracey, 73.

95 81 Superimposing Western European theoretical measurement on non-western music is not only futile, but preserves a sense of inferiority. 145 Perhaps theoretical analysis of traditional African pieces on European terms is found wanting when compared to Western European music. Indeed, a Euro-centric mentality of analysis will typically limit the definition of investigation. If one accepts that patterns of musical sound in any culture are the product of concepts and behaviors peculiar to that culture, one cannot compare them with similar patterns in another culture unless the latter are derived from similar concepts and behavior. 146 The danger of comparative musicology's inclination to impose Western European theoretical notions upon non-western practices promotes an etic 147 approach to the study of music that results in false comparisons. The comparison between Western European and African musical styles appears false because of perspective. It is difficult to compare their theoretical form when the European notion of art for art s sake has little to no meaning in the African tradition. As previously discussed, African music predominantly serves something other than itself, for clearly defined purposes. 148 The form and the function are symbiotic. If form is consistently given precedence over function within comparative musicological analysis, then much will be misunderstood. This is not to say that theoretical comparisons are not 145 Christine Lucia, Travesty or Prophecy? Views of South African Black Choral Composition, in Music and Identity: Transformation and Negotiation, eds. Eric Akrofi, Maria Smit and Stig-Magnus Thors n, (Stellenbosch, South Africa: Sun Press, 2007), John Blacking, Review of the Anthropology of Music, Current Anthropology 7 (1966): Etic is defined as the analysis of cultural occurrences from the perspective of one who does not participate in the culture studied. 148 Arom, 8.

96 82 useful. However, analysis concerning theoretical form does not allow for reliable conclusions concerning the composer s or performer s own conception. 149 There is an aversion to theoretical analysis when dealing with traditional African music. This may be due to the lack of appropriate measurements for traditional African tonality, rhythms, and form. Indeed, there are inadequate forms of measurement for African musical features that make theoretical analysis, specifically comparative analysis, difficult to achieve. This sentiment is supported by Nketia when he claims that structural studies pursued in isolation without regard to other problems raised by the practice of music are of course insufficient. 150 In other words, thorough analysis of African music cannot divorce function from form. Despite its limitations, comparative musicology can prove valuable in the analysis of post-apartheid South African choral works. The integrated features of Western European and traditional African styles present in these pieces must be identified and analyzed. This is because each of the representative South African composers combined musical features in a unique way. Analysis of their compositional techniques provides a means of discerning their methods of integration. There is, however, another perspective. A composer s compositional style can create patterns beyond that of form. It is measured not in the differences of composition but in the differences of culture. Even as aesthetic values and categories of difference between indigenous and art music erode, the cultural values attributed to these differences persist. 149 Stephen Blum, European Musical Terminology and the Music of Africa, in Comparative Musicology and Anthropology of Music: Essays on the History of Ethnomusicology, ed. Bruno Nettl and Philip V. Bohlman, 3-36 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), Nketia (1967), 57.

97 83 Cultural Anthropology The focus of cultural anthropology is the pattern of human associations and social behavior as perceived within their own context. In reference to music, this method of analysis seeks to study musical composition and performance as a broad cultural phenomenon or as a universal aspect of human behavior. 151 The perception of music within cultural anthropology asserts that music is a dynamic representation of culture a form dictated by function. In other words, the analysis includes terms, questions, and procedures developed in response to the specific conditions of social and musical life at a given time and place. 152 Therefore, Western European and traditional African music should be regarded according to the range of values that each community itself has applied. The method of musical analysis measures performances, ritual, and process as they coincide with cultural identity. The use of anthropological methods when studying traditional African music is particularly appropriate because most of Africa s population has a cultural background in which music is indispensable to the community. Therefore, any disassociation of music from social function results in an analysis of the product but not the process. This means that African music, as well as stylistically-integrated music, do not exist apart from its function or, to the contrary, the function may determine the conceptualization and 151 Nketia (1967), Blum, 3.

98 84 development of the music. 153 Thus, knowledge of the social context imparts knowledge of the art and allows for enhanced analysis. The study of musical processes, social and ritual functions, and the factors governing performance have been a focus of musicology; however, these considerations cannot be subsidiary to theoretical analysis. It is from examining the social context of music-making that societies are able to determine the features by which their music may be practiced or judged. In fact, a cultural anthropology analysis asserts that the only criteria for musical appreciation applicable is derived from the aesthetic judgments furnished by society. 154 This use of aesthetic criteria developed by a society for its musical performance, reception, and production represents an emic 155 approach to analysis. However, cultural anthropology alone is by no means the ideal method of analysis for the integrated musical styles found in South African choral music. First, to disregard theoretical analysis for social context would symbolize an unequal relationship of one kind of musical identity over another. 156 Secondly, the emic approach to understanding a culture s musical practices assumes that the performers are accurately describing the function of their music within their society. It is possible that members of a culture are so caught up in the ideologies and processes of music performance that perceptions can appear sentimental or emotionally biased. Finally, the results of anthropological analysis and ethnomusicological accounts must consistently be seen as partial and positioned, not 153 Alan Merriam, The Anthropology of Music (Chicago: Northwestern University Press, 1964), Arom, Emic is defined as the analysis of cultural occurrences from the perspective of one who participates in the culture studied. 156 Lucia, 172.

99 85 only by the perspective of the researcher but also by the techniques of research and writing. When music is composed of integrated styles Western European and African one must develop techniques adequate for analyzing both traditions as separate styles as well as in combination. In this case, the cultural anthropological approach does not necessarily account for compositional product, merely the compositional process. Furthermore, many cultural anthropologists believe that societies that live in close contact are more likely to have heterogeneous cultural lives than those that live apart. Beliefs, arts, laws, morals, customs, and habits will be increasingly similar for societies within a culture area people who are occupying a specific locality and are dependent on each other for survival. 157 There is difficulty in applying any analysis of cultural homogeneity because the African and Western European musical cultures had such an unbalanced and inconsistent effect on each other. On the other hand, anthropological methods of analysis used to discover probable sources of musical influence and integration would be incredibly valuable. Therefore, a combined method of analysis which compares the artistic features of composition while examining the relevant information about context of culture be it social, religious or political considerations will provide the most comprehensive investigation into post-apartheid South African choral music. Combined Methodology With respect to integrated Western European and traditional African musical styles, analysis is comprehensive when there is an emphasis on both the musical form and 157 Agordoh, 22.

100 86 the contextual situation. If musical form is considered a byproduct of social function then the method of analysis must include the development of a comparative approach allowing for the diverse musical materials to be identified, analyzed, and evaluated while the social context is observed and discussed. 158 Inevitably, the attention to theoretical analysis over musical and cultural synthesis will derail the processes that go into the creation or integration of musical styles. In the case of stylistically-integrated South African choral works, there are inherent dangers in an either-or perspective. Therefore, an analysis of integrated choral works must measure compositional elements as a dynamic reflection of a changing social structure. A combined method of analysis, which includes procedures taken from comparative musicology and cultural anthropology, explores how differences in musical processes and composition are established, how those differences operate, and how and in what ways the composers perceive their social context. Various musicologists and ethnomusicologists recognize the need for a combined form of analysis when examining African music. An early proponent was J.H. Kwabena Nketia. He acknowledges the comparing traditional African music to Western European art music would consistently lead to misinterpretation. Nketia endorses a combined method of analysis what he calls contextual studies 159 stating that the importance of an integrated approach in the study of African music does not lie only in the fact that the music is organized as part of the process of living together, but also in the fact that formal structure and context of use often interact. 160 Anthropologist Paulla 158 Nketia (1967), Ibid., J.H. Kwabena Nketia, Ethnomusicology and African Music: Collected Papers, Volume I; Modes of Inquiry and Interpretation (Accra, Ghana: Afram Publications Ltd., 2005), 27.

101 87 Ebron also endorses a combined methodology of analysis in her book Performing Africa (2002). Ebron claims that generalizations of African culture and music make comparative research prejudicial. She admits that theoretical analysis of African music is useful for formal understanding; its true domain lies in experience, not theory. 161 Kofi Agawu and Christine Lucia, musicologists specializing in African music, also recognized the short falls of comparative musicology and cultural anthropology as separate means of analysis. Each has written extensively on the shortcomings of comparative musicology and have offered alternate analysis methods that incorporate cultural influence. Though there is adamant appeal for the combination of theoretical and cultural methods, all have been in reference to traditional African music. This study is unique because it is the first time that a combined musicological and anthropological analysis has been applied to stylistically-integrated South African choral music in a post-apartheid environment. South African musicologist Klaus Heimes found this disinterest in combined methodologies, especially among South African scholars, to be a product of the occlusive power of Eurocentrism. 162 Heimes claims that cultural separateness has led to an indifference (or embarrassment) toward the socio-political context of South African music. It is simpler to analyze the musical features in comparison to European standards than to seek out the meaning behind it. Like Nketia, he warns that where scholarly thoughtfulness is deflected into the comfort of least resistance, it will be neither relevant nor critical. 163 Relevant and critical analysis is provided by combining compositional 161 Ebron, Heimes, Ibid., 15.

102 88 and contextual methodology. With this method, one can discover not only how an integrated choral piece is created, but why. An analysis of the formal design, harmonic structure, melodic contour, rhythmic construction, melodic and textual relationships, voicing and instrumentation of the selected choral compositions will clarify the specific compositional procedures. Precise definition of musical and non-musical elements found in Western European art music and indigenous African music will also aid in the examination of stylistic integration. In addition, interviews with the composers themselves will make clear their contextual motivation. Deciphering the motivation for integration is a delicate issue. For a few of the South African composers, the motivation was and is very clear. For others, the intent was nothing more than compositional interest. And, perhaps, others would like to attach meaning to their work that symbolizes their socio-political viewpoint. In any case, the fundamental aspect of this analysis is the examination of how a white South African composer interprets African music compositionally as an element in need of embellishing, a rhythm in need of structure, a melody in need of harmony, a function in need of form, or a socio-political vision in need of realizing. It is through conscientious analysis that the integrated styles found in post-apartheid South African choral music are not so much a caricature of either musical culture but a re-imagining.

103 89 CHAPTER III REPRESENTATIVE SOUTH AFRICAN COMPOSERS The five representative South African composers highlighted in this chapter were selected primarily for their use of integration of Western European art music and traditional African musical features within the genre of choral music. The representative composers were selected because they have consistently composed choral music and displayed an integration of Western European and African styles after Each composer exhibits a compositional process rooted in Western European theory. Their methods of integration are similar in that each incorporates African musical elements into a primarily Western European formal design. In addition, almost all of the representative composers share common musical training that includes study in Europe. While numerous composers were considered for inclusion in this document, regardless of ethnicity, the five selected are white South Africans of Afrikaans or British heritage. 164 All five composers are currently residing, composing, and teaching in South Africa. A brief biography and an examination of each composer s compositional procedures and influences will be followed by a discussion of their methods of musical integration. Each composer s comments on the motivations for integration will also be included. The object of this chapter is to examine the music through analysis of the composer s compositional process and cultural influences. 164 There are many prolific, black South African composers; however, none had choral compositions that displayed an integration of musical styles.

104 90 Peter Klatzow Peter Klatzow is considered one of South Africa s foremost and prolific composers. Klatzow is praised by his colleagues and students for his dedication to music in South Africa, specifically contemporary music. His former student and current colleague Hendrik Hofmeyr said this about Klatzow: His compositional career, which spans some forty-five years, shows him always aware of international trends, from the avant-garde tendencies of the works from the 1960s, to the marked American influence in certain works in the 1970s and the rediscovery of tonality dating from the 1980s. However, he has never been merely a slavish follower of the latest musical fashion, but has always maintained an individual voice within these larger currents. 165 Klatzow s individual voice includes the integration of traditional African musical features, particularly after the fall of apartheid. His methods and motivations for integrating Western European and African styles will be explored after an examination of his biography, influences, and compositional process. Peter James Leonard Klatzow was born in Springs Transvaal on July 24, He started piano lessons at age four with Sister St. Dennis at the convent of St Imelda, Brekpan. Although his family was not especially musical, Klatzow was encouraged in his musical study and continued piano lessons through much of his youth. From 1958, while attending St Martin s school in Rosettenville, Johannesburg, Klatzow pursued studies in composition with John Blacking. 166 After parting ways with Blacking, Klatzow studied piano and composition with Aida Lovell until his matriculation in Hendrik Hofmeyr, Foreword, South African Journal of Musicology 24 (2004), vi. 166 John Blacking, a renowned ethnomusicologist from England, was a strong proponent of social anthropology as a means of studying music from another culture, in his case, the Venda of South Africa. His 1973 book How Musical is Man? outlines the importance of music as a tool for studying and

105 91 In 1964, Klatzow enrolled as a student in the Royal College of Music, where his studies included piano, composition, orchestration, and conducting. During that same year, he won the South Africa Music Rights Organization (SAMRO) scholarship competition as well as the Royal Philharmonic (England) composition competition. In early 1965, after a masterclass with Nadia Boulanger, Klatzow was invited to study with her in Paris, an invitation he would accept in December. The summer months of 1965 were spent studied and composing in Florence, Italy. Klatzow studied with Boulanger until July 1966 after which he returned to his native South Africa. For a short time, Klatzow was an instructor at the Rhodesian College of Music in Salisbury (now Harare, Zimbabwe) but returned to Johannesburg as a music producer for the South African Broadcasting Corporation in In 1972, a grant from the Ernest Oppenheimer Memorial Foundation allowed Klatzow to return to England for nearly a year. Upon his return to South Africa in 1973, Klatzow was appointed lecturer in music at the University of Cape Town. His responsibilities included the teaching of composition and orchestration. In 1986, in recognition of his compositional and academic achievements, he was elected to the rank of Fellow of the University of Cape Town. Klatzow was awarded the distinguished Molteno Gold Medal from the Cape Tercentenary Foundation for lifetime services to music in Klatzow was awarded his doctorate in music for published work in composition in 1999, and in 2007, he was appointed Director of the South African College of Music at the University of Cape Town. understanding the traditions and customs of any society. While Klatzow never refers to the ethnomusicological influence that Blacking had on him, he does mention the enthusiasm Blacking had for contemporary music a passion that would eventually find its way into Klatzow s oeuvre.

106 92 Klatzow has made contributions to the promotion and performance of contemporary South African music beyond his own output. In 1975, he founded and chaired the Contemporary Music Society which has produced numerous premieres of South African works in addition to sponsoring South African composers. As co-founder of the publishing firm Musications in 1981, he has been responsible for the publication and promotion of South African composers and compositions. Finally, Klatzow is the editor of the 1987 book Composers in South Africa Today which provided much-needed documentation of Western-influenced musical trends in South Africa. Klatzow s compositional influences are varied but have always hinged on the avant-garde. His earliest influences, particularly during his time in London, were Alban Berg and Paul Hindemith. South African musicologist James May recognizes that Klatzow avoided the somewhat more astringent members of the Second Viennese School, preferring Berg s more voluptuously sculptured lines. 167 In Paris, with Boulanger, Klatzow embraced a more pointillistic and transparent style as he discovered the music of Pierre Boulez. Beginning in the early 1970s, Klatzow looked to the music of Karlheinz Stockhausen for inspiration. Klatzow s music took on an experimental quality in terms of form, material, and orchestration. 168 Though Klatzow admits that avantgardism has played itself out, and this is the time to write some good music regardless of aesthetic or creed, 169 Stockhausen, György Ligeti, Olivier Messiaen, and John Adams remain strong compositional influences. 167 James May, Peter Klatzow, in Composers in South Africa Today, ed. Peter Klatzow, (Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1987), Ibid., Albi Odendaal, Interview with Peter Klatzow, South African Journal of Musicology 24 (2004), 147.

107 93 During the 1970s and the 1980s, Klatzow s compositional process was, perhaps, best described by Hofmeyr when he states that among the constant characteristics of [Klatzow s] style one may enumerate a meticulous craftsmanship, a predilection for the generation of musical structure through the constant variation of small pitch cells, and an exceptional sensitivity to harmonic and instrumental colour, which sometimes gives rise to incantatory atmospheres. 170 Klatzow claims that his meticulous craftsmanship stems from growing his own music through a continuous progression of nurturing small ideas. 171 While his reliance on small pitch cells has diminished over the past decade, he still adheres to a sense of moderation when selecting musical material. For Klatzow, the select musical material is developed as if on a journey: I work in a rather whole way. Once I ve started, the piece evolves and I cannot bring in extraneous bits of material Themes grow out of the work and are not just inserted into a piece. So, for me, a new piece is a bit like walking into a dark room and only gradually finding your way around. 172 As Klatzow gradually grows his compositions, he is keenly aware of another important facet of the composer s position. He asserts that as a composer you spend your life refining your choices, which means that there are certain things that you will want to do and other things that you don t want to do Style is an attribute that evolves. Your compositional voice is something that occurs when your choices are refined to the point of being unique Hofmeyr, vi. 171 Personal interview with Dr. Peter Klatzow at the University of Cape Town on October 22, Stephanus J. van Zyl Muller, Interview with Peter Klatzow, Muziki 3/2 (2006), Ibid., 56.

108 94 Klatzow s compositional choices are refined by a lifetime of experiences and aesthetic aspirations within a social context. His choices are influenced by the particular intellectual and social environment in which he writes. Therefore, in the politically and racially charged atmosphere of South Africa during the 1990s and 2000s, Klatzow s aesthetic choices developed a correlation with ideological issues. 174 Klatzow now questions what the new South African music will become with the accessibility and assimilation of various, complex cultures. 175 For much of his career, avant-garde compositional techniques so dominated his choices and process that the integration of African elements was relatively untapped. It was not until after the fall of apartheid that Klatzow made use of traditional African musical styles. While this musical integration developed late in his career, Klatzow states that the traditional African culture and its music are not, nor were they ever, alien or foreign to him. 176 It is interesting that, even though he was not musically engaged in African culture, he states that the characteristics feel inherent and natural, absorbed through a lifetime of exposure. While his music never overtly broadcasts a political message, his use of African texts and musical features show an increasing interest in the integration of Western European and traditional African musical styles. In an inaugural lecture given on May 2, 2001 at the University of Cape Town, Klatzow recognizes that living as we do in a society in which cross-cultural influence is probably a necessary antidote to the cultural 174 Robert Fokkens, Peter Klatzow: Perspectives on Context and Identity, South African Journal of Musicology 24 (2004), Personal interview, Oct 22, Ibid.

109 95 divides structured by Apartheid, one has to ask what legitimate, respectful methods of engagement could or should be explored. 177 Klatzow acknowledges the reconciliatory ability of integrated musical styles but clearly wishes to do so in a responsible and effective manner. He has commented on the South African composer s dilemma when one wants to incorporate indigenous material. In an interview in 2004, Klatzow stated that my African pieces use no existing material, but refer to a style of writing I am not sure that one can even get very far composing in an African style before verging on Afro-kitsch. 178 Earlier in his career, Klatzow took a harsher view of stylistic integration when he claimed that the use of indigenous music from any non-western culture by Western composers was tantamount to re-enacting colonialism. 179 Needless to say, his outlook on Western European and African integration has tempered significantly over the last decade but he is still wary of the use of musical integration to serve a political agenda. Klatzow s musical motivations and choices are, most often, governed by the genres, forms, and harmonies of Western European art music. However, he quickly recognizes that the imitation and integration of African musical elements have expanded the features that make my music rich melodically, harmonically, and rhythmically. 180 He is not interested in importing sounds, but instead, to make a musical investment in 177 Peter Klatzow, Addenda: The Composer s Dilemma: Writing for Time or Place, South African Journal of Musicology 24 (2004), Odendaal, Fokkens, Personal interview, Oct 22, 2009.

110 96 contemporary South African compositions. 181 Klatzow is motivated to integrate styles because he sincerely believes that there is a place for African texts and sounds in his unique compositional choices. Although it is not his primary impetus, Klatzow is pleased by the fact that, for many South Africans, the inclusion of African features in a Western European paradigm inevitably conveys a statement of belonging. 182 The choral work that best represents Klatzow s compositional integration is Prayers and Dances of Praise from Africa composed for mixed choir and brass. Commissioned by SAMRO in 1996 to be performed at the Three Choirs Festival in England, the work is comprised of four movements for a cappella choir alternated with three movements for brass quintet. The text for this work is taken from An African Prayer Book, complied by Archbishop Desmond Tutu. 183 Klatzow states that the work steps outside the cathedral tradition to find a sound which I remember from my school days at St. Martin s, Johannesburg, where our African community held a Saturday afternoon service. 184 The fact that Klatzow s childhood experiences in Africa left traces of an African flavor in his choral compositions lends credibility to his claim that African music feels inherent and natural. It is in the final movement, The Great Amen, that Klatzow employs numerous aspects of his inherited African compositional techniques. While the texts of the first three choral movements are in English and reflect nondenominational Christian sentiment, the final movement uses both a Nguni-inspired 181 Personal interview, Oct 22, Ibid. 183 Archbishop Desmond Tutu was an out-spoken opponent of apartheid during the 1980s and was chairman of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings in the late 1990s. 184 Klatzow, 140.

111 97 language and its English translation. The text, Asithi Amen, siyakudumisa, Baba Amen, translates as sing out Amen, praise the name of the Lord, Father Amen. 185 Although the Christian sentiment is maintained in the final movement, the inclusion of an indigenous language, specifically in juxtaposition with English, is a conscious choice of cultural integration. Klatzow recognizes that one of the strongest and most distinguishing musical features of the African choral tradition is that of call-and-response. 186 The formal structure of The Great Amen includes sections of call-and-response a quintessential feature of traditional African music previously seen in the Tswana folksong Ke Nna Yo Morena (p. 59). For example, Klatzow clearly makes use of the call-and-response practice when he answers the English text Praise the name of the Lord with the choral response Amen (Example 3.1). It is also an important aspect of stylistic integration that the call-and-response structure is paired with the English text. Example 3.1. The Great Amen, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Peter Klatzow. 185 The South African prayer is occasionally written and sung as Masithi Amen with an added M before the first word. 186 Klatzow, 140.

112 98 Call-and-response is also found in the coda when the English text is sung in the original Nguni language, siyakudumisa (Example 3.2). The call is passed between the lower three voices and answered by the entire choir. Example 3.2. The Great Amen, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Peter Klatzow. The formal design of The Great Amen is also outlined by the use of vocal ostinato which is a common feature of traditional African folksongs, specifically the

113 99 Xhosa song Uqongqot hwane (p. 61). Within this work, changes in the ostinato pattern or voicing coincide with shifts in the harmonic structure. For example, the tenors and the altos begin the movement with a repetition of the opening word Asithi while reinforcing the tonic and dominant pitches of E major (Example 3.3). Example 3.3. The Great Amen, measures 1-6. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Peter Klatzow. This vocal ostinato continues until the tonality of the work shifts to E minor (m. 11), at which point the basses enter with another vocal ostinato on the pitch B (Example 3.4). Though the text changes, the basses sustain the ostinato on B when the tonality shifts back to E major (m. 13) until the first structural cadence at measure 16.

114 Example 3.4. The Great Amen, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Peter Klatzow. 100

115 101 The second example of vocal ostinato also corresponds to a tonal shift later in the movement. When Klatzow modulates to D major in measure 37, the basses display a vocal ostinato similar to that of the second altos from measures 1-6. The motion from dominant to tonic reinforces the new key. When the vocal ostinato is changed, the harmonic and rhythmic structures also change. In this case, the work modulates back to E major and the time signature changes from 6/8 to 9/8 (Example 3.5).

116 102 Example 3.5. The Great Amen, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Peter Klatzow. It is important to recognize that Klatzow relies on the vocal ostinato during sections of the movement that do not employ call-and-response. Within traditional African songs, the two techniques are not mutually exclusive and can often be heard simultaneously. It is possible that Klatzow s separation of these two compositional methods allows for a more apparent delineation of formal structure. However, it is evident that within the sections where vocal ostinato is used, textual, rhythmic, and melodic layering is prominent. As found in the Zulu folksong Jikelele (p. 62), the layering of text and rhythmic and melodic cells is a key feature in traditional African texture. Klatzow s use of layering in measures 8-10 and creates a quasi-polyphonic texture that integrates rhythmic complexity with melodic and textual repetition (Example 3.5 and Example 3.6).

117 103 Example 3.6. The Great Amen, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Peter Klatzow. In both sections of layering, nearly all of the text for the entire movement is used. Each text phrase is linked to a particular melodic cell that is repeated. The use of melodic cells, a concept that Klatzow has been drawn to throughout his career, often gives emphasis to a specific interval sequence in this case the perfect fourth heard frequently in the vocal ostinato. The repetition of interval sequences is also a key feature of traditional African melodies as exhibited in John Knox Bokwe s Vuka, vuka Deborah! (p. 64). Klatzow s use of reoccurring interval sequences, specifically that of a fourth, presents a strong integration of African melodic contours within Western European scale structure. In addition, the rhythmic complexity in this section is achieved through a layering and repetition of contrasting rhythmic phrases. While the rhythms used in this movement do not necessarily adhere to the syncopation often acknowledged in African music, the adherence to natural speech rhythms of the text are obvious. Finally, the remarkable

118 104 aspect of Klatzow s layering technique is that he is able to integrate the repetition and rhythmic complexity one associates with traditional African song with Western European harmonic organization. The sections of this movement that use vocal ostinato and layering typically display a static harmonic progression. For example, the first sixteen measures alternate between the tonic and subdominant tonalities. The exception to this is found in measures 11-12, when there is a brief shift to the parallel minor and the chord progression alternates between the tonic and the dominate seventh. However, once the textual, rhythmic, and melodic layering shifts to a homophonic, hymn-like texture and the calland-response form is used, the harmonic progression becomes increasingly complex (mm , Example 3.1). The first Amen response in the three upper women s voices displays a descending, step-wise motion, resulting in parallel triads: IV iii ii I, respectively. The second response, which involves all four of the women s voice parts, also exhibits a descending, step-wise motion; however, the inclusion of a fourth pitch results in a less traditional chord progression, V/ III 6 V 7 / VI I V/ III (respelling of the first chord in the series). The third and final response deviates from the two previous progressions in that it does not simply descend in step-wise motion. However the chord progression is virtually the same as the second response. The first chord, like the second response, is a V/ III. The second and third chords are a root-position V/ VI and a root-position tonic triad, but the final chord is the previously suggested III. This III chord then paves the way for the modulation from E major to D major by becoming the subdominant in the new key.

119 105 Klatzow uses a similar harmonic pattern to return to the original key in measures Like the previous examples, the texture is homophonic, the melodic motion is descending and the text set is Amen (Example 3.5). The first chord is a v 7 /D major. The second and third chords, still analyzed within the key of D, are a vi 2 and V/ III. The pivot chord for the modulation back to E major is the fourth chord, a tonic triad in D major (with the added fourth scale degree, G) and V/ III in E major. Not only does the use of Western European harmonies facilitate structural modulations, it provides contrast to the sections of the movement that use textual, rhythmic, and melodic layerings. The integration of Western European and traditional African musical features in The Great Amen is achieved through careful balance of harmonic, rhythmic, and stylistic elements. For example, advanced Western European harmonic progressions are integrated with rhythmic complexity such as ostinati and layering. Likewise, call-andresponse textures are coupled with the English and Nguni texts. The musical elements of each culture are often combined in such a way that one style is enhanced through the integration. Though Klatzow s motivation for integrating styles stems from inherent familiarity with African musical culture, his judicious combination of such features within a distinctly Western European framework avoids the type of imitation the composer referred to as exoticism or Afro-kitsch. Hendrik Hofmeyr Hendrik Hofmeyr is another current and productive South African composer living and teaching in Cape Town. His compositional output includes a wide range of

120 106 genres consisting of stage, orchestral, chamber, choral, vocal, and piano works. While Hofmeyr has composed numerous pieces for orchestra and piano, the bulk of his compositional oeuvre is for opera, solo voice, and chorus. Hendrik Pienaar Hofmeyr was born in Pinelands in Cape Town on November 20, One of four children, Hofmeyr was the only one to show any interest in music and relentlessly harassed his mother to begin piano lessons. His mother eventually relented and Hofmeyr started piano lessons at age seven. He had a series of local piano teachers until his high school matriculation in Despite his extraordinary talent as a pianist, Hofmeyr enrolled for a Bachelor of Music degree in musicology at the South African College of Music at the University of Cape Town in While pursuing his Bachelor s degree, he continued studying piano and completed the UNISA performer s licentiate in Hofmeyr maintained his piano study throughout 1980 while he pursued his Master of Music degree in performance at the University of Cape Town (UCT). After his graduation in 1981, Hofmeyr furthered his studies in Italy during a ten-year, self-imposed exile as a conscientious objector to apartheid. He studied piano with Alessandro Specchi at the Conservatorio Cherubini in Florence from and conducting with Alessandro Pinzauti from Between his years of study in Florence, Hofmeyr studied composition with Ivan Vandor at the Conservatorio G.B. Martini in Bologna. Prior to his compositional studies with Vandor, Hofmeyr had largely been self-taught, having had intermittent lessons with James May and Peter Klatzow at UCT. Interestingly, 187 James May, Hendrik Hofmeyr at fifty: a short biography with a worklist and discography, Musicus 35/2 (2007), 7.

121 107 Hofmeyr also took the opportunity to study voice while in Florence and refers to this time as instrumental in developing his interest in composing vocal, choral, and operatic works. Hofmeyr returned to South Africa in 1991 to assume a position as lecturer at the Conservatoire of Music at the University of Stellenbosch. He comments in a 1997 interview about how difficult it was to stay away from South Africa for so long and how different the country was upon his return: When I came back at the end of 1991 I could feel a difference among the people, there was a wonderful optimism between South Africans. 188 In 1998, Hofmeyr was appointed to the position of senior lecturer at the South African College of Music at UCT and in 2000, he was promoted to associate professor. Hofmeyr received his Doctorate of Music in composition from the South African College of Music in Many of Hofmeyr s works have received international acclaim and performance. His opera The Fall of the House of Usher was awarded First Prize in the South African Opera competition held in The same work also received the 1988 Nederburg Prize for Opera after its South African premiere at the State Theatre in Pretoria. 189 He also won First Prize in the Cinema La Colonna Sonora competition in Trento, Italy in 1988 with his music for the short film Immagini da 'Il cielo sopra Berlino by Wim Wenders. 190 Even after his return to South Africa, Hofmeyr continued to win international composition competitions. He won First Prize in the Concours Musical International 188 Ieteke Oggel, The Italian Afrikaaner, Vuka SA (September 30, 1997), It is interesting that Hofmeyr s compositions were performed in South Africa, though the composer refused to live there. I have not found an explanation for this. My own hypothesis is that, due to the cultural boycotts imposed by UNESCO during the 1970s and 1980s, works by international composers (non-south African) were virtually impossible to obtain. There was an increased reliance on the compositions of native South Africans exiled or not. 190 Wim Wenders is a German film director, producer and playwright born in 1945.

122 108 Reine Elisabeth de Belgique in 1997 with Raptus for solo violin and orchestra and won the Dimitris Mitropoulos Competition in Athens during the same year for Byzantium, a work for high voice and orchestra. 191 In 2003, he was the joint first-prize winner in the RAU Choral Competition with Sedoosmusiek, a setting of three poems by South African poet Boerneef for mixed choir. Hofmeyr is likely the most commissioned composer living in South Africa. 192 He has completed more than forty commissioned works for many South African ensembles and organizations including, but not limited to, the SABC, SAMRO, the Foundation for the Creative Arts, and the Cape Performing Arts Board. Hofmeyr has also completed a number of commissions for South African choirs, including the Chamber and Symphony Choirs of the SABC, the Stellenbosch University Choir, the Pro Cantu Youth Choir (Choir Olympiad, Linz, 2000) and the Tygerberg Children's Choir (World of Children's Choirs, Vancouver 2001). While there is no scholarly literature dedicated to the works of Hofmeyr, specific features of his compositional practices can be ascertained by examining a list of his works. 193 Hofmeyr has composed over thirty works for chorus most of which are scored for unaccompanied mixed choirs of four to nine voices. The texts of his choral works display a wide range of literary and cultural influences. For example, Hofmeyr has set various Afrikaans texts by South African poets of European descent as well as texts by English literary figures such as William Blake, Samuel Daniel, and William 191 Dan Albertson and Ron Hannah. Hendrik Hofmeyr on The Living Composers Project, accessed April 11, 2008, May, The most recent works lists can be found in the James May article or at

123 109 Shakespeare. Biblical and Latin liturgical texts have also been a source for Hofmeyr s choral compositions. Hofmeyr s compositional ethos may be perceived as an antithesis to his one-time teacher, Peter Klatzow. During his time at the University of Stellenbosch, he stated: I am not really into the avant-garde and certain aspects of the twentiethcentury s music. I really don t like it, especially when newness is the main aim of the work. There are other values which I consider more important and I also strive to maintain those values against this obsession for newness which can mean the downfall of art. To merely strive for newness and make this the most important aspect of your art is a dead-end, because you can only go so far Many so-called artists use newness to shock people. The composers for whom I have the most admiration and respect never took notice of trendiness. 194 Disillusioned with the avant-garde, Hofmeyr embraces the qualities in music that the modernists endeavored to renounce. He identifies his compositional philosophy with that of the Romantic period and the expansion of expressiveness, beauty, melody, harmony, and, most fundamentally, tonality not in the restricted sense of major and minor, but in the expanded sense of a centre which creates dynamic tensions (and therefore musical meaning) in the events that unfold around it. 195 This is not to say that his music does not make use of numerous modernist techniques, which it often does, but Hofmeyr is less concerned with the prescriptive and restrictive process of composition than the acquisition of expressive possibilities. In essence, he strives to create an art that is as complete as possible, where material and method has not been substituted for meaning Oggel, Morné Bezuidenhout, An interview with Hendrik Hofmeyr, Musicus 35/2 (2007), Personal interview with Dr. Hendrik Hofmeyr at the University of Cape Town on October 28, 2009.

124 110 Hofmeyr s compositional style will always be tied to the Western European tradition and the diversity of possibilities that it offers. For Hofmeyr, Western classical music s place within post-apartheid South African society is a sensitive subject. In a 2007 interview, he stated: I am South African, and, like many other South Africans, I find Western classical music a world which addresses the totality of my being in a way that no other music does. 197 However, as a composer in post-apartheid South Africa, Hofmeyr feels pressured to be either Afro-centric or Euro-centric. His attention to the latter has been deemed somewhat elitist or undemocratic within the New South African musical culture. 198 He argues that the entire concept of Euro-centric composing is a misnomer in that Western European art music has always incorporated foreign styles and ideas. In fact, he thought that democracy would make classical music more popular in South Africa. 199 Yet, this has not been the case, and Western European art music has become the antithesis of indigenous African music. Hofmeyr finds this attitude distressing and anticipates a time in South Africa when Western classical music can be appreciated as an art form in conjunction with traditional folk music. Hofmeyr has admitted to feeling Nationalist pressure from politicians and critics to invent or develop a South African style. Often this included the imitation, quotation or integration of traditional African music. While Hofmeyr has incorporated aspects of traditional African music into his compositions, he has been hesitant to integrate the two styles, claiming that embracing another culture does not make it yours it is merely 197 Bezuidenhout, Personal interview, Oct 28, Ibid.

125 111 exoticism. 200 Any integration in Hofmeyr s works has come from a conscious artistic choice, not as a basis for acceptance by colleagues, critics or the public. He finds the current trend of assessing music on the basis of how literally it reflects the social conditions in which it was written to be insufficient and pernicious. 201 Hofmeyr seems most troubled by the idea of integration in South African music, sensing that imitation will become style and artistic ideals will be sacrificed for political relevance. Although his feelings on the integration of Western European and African musical styles are strong and cautious, Hofmeyr admits that he has been motivated to use or re-interpret African music. 202 He has published editions of popular African folk songs such as Thula babana and Qongqot hwane (Xhosa click-song). Other than these songs, the African elements in his choral music are often subtle and heavily immersed in Western classical genres and styles. The imitation or integration provides a nuance or atmosphere as opposed to evoking a specific time, place or culture. And although he resists the idea that his examples of integration reflect political ideology, he acknowledges that without some social pressure, he may not have looked to indigenous African music for inspiration. 203 This could be due to the guilt Hofmeyr still associates with being an Afrikaans composer, claiming that it is hard to speak about it [apartheid] let alone compose about it Personal interview, Oct 28, Bezuidenhout, Ibid. 203 Ibid. 204 Ibid.

126 112 Hofmeyr s compositional motivations are, in some ways, quite similar to Peter Klatzow s; the composer is constantly choosing, searching for his individual voice amid an abundance of cultural, political, and personal stimuli. For Klatzow, the motivation to integrate Western European and traditional African musical styles offered an expanded palette of sounds, while for Hofmeyr, the motivation to blend styles must be felt as an evolution of artistic expression. Hofmeyr s compositional philosophy is best described by the composer himself: Finding a personal voice is the result of an individual s creative interaction with this vast inheritance [Western classical music], and I believe that the greatest achievements in this field have been by individuals who felt themselves free to select as tools of self-expression whatever elements of this tradition were congenial to them, without regard to the strictures of fashion and academic and/or political prescription. 205 The integration of traditional African material in Hofmeyr s choral works is rare, but its inclusion consistently functions as a tool of self-expression. Hofmeyr s musical integrations are not a contrived replication of African culture inspired by social pressure. Instead, they are an aesthetic choice meant to enhance meaning over method and material. As previously stated, Hofmeyr maintains a strong adherence to post-modernist compositional processes, preferring to create dense harmonies and complex counterpoint. However, African musical culture has found its way into a few select choral works. The most conspicuous of these is his piece for eight-part mixed chorus, Desert Sun. While most of Hofmeyr s musical integrations are subtle and understated, Desert Sun displays a variety of musical and contextual combinations. 205 Bezuidenhout, 20.

127 113 Desert Sun was composed in 2007 as a commission from the Kamēr Choir of Latvia. The commission was part of a project entitled World Sun Songs, which invited seventeen composers from sixteen countries to write pieces for the choir about the sun. The Kamēr Choir premiered Desert Sun in July 2007 and the entire World Sun Songs project was performed at the World Choir Symposium in Copenhagen in July Though the composition does not include direct quotations of traditional African music, there are numerous imitations of African forms, rhythms, and sounds. The textual themes in Desert Sun are the most eminent feature of integration. The text, written by the composer, is based on the culture of the Kalahari Bushmen, a society once found throughout southern Africa but now virtually extinct. 206 The text describes the setting of the sun, the darkness and fear of a desert night, and the return of the sun in the morning. The piece makes many references to Bushmen creation beliefs and folklore as recorded by nineteenth-century ethnographer Wilhelm Bleek. For example, the Bushmen believe that the sun is the source of all life. Originally, the sun was hidden under an old man s arm but the hare (or in some versions, a group of children) stole it while the old man was asleep and threw it into the sky so it could shine for all. Since then, the sun and the moon are eternal enemies sharing the sky. Hofmeyr s mention of the stricken Moon is a reference to the Bushmen belief that the moon wanes as bits are struck off by the arrows of his enemy, the sun. Another allusion to Bushmen folklore is found in Hofmeyr s text the glowing embers in the ashes of the firmament die out. The Bushmen believe that the Milky Way was created when a girl of the First People threw a handful of ash into the sky. As the glowing embers die out, the sun rises and the stars disappear. Finally, the text refers to 206 The Bushmen are also referred to as the Khoisan or the San people.

128 114 Heart-of-the-Daybreak, first of stars. This is the name given to Jupiter, one of the brightest stars on the eastern horizon visible just before dawn in the southern hemisphere. Hofmeyr s use of Bushmen folklore as the basis for his text displays a contextual integration of African culture not seen in any of his other choral works. The overarching theme of the rising and the setting of the sun gives rise to a cyclical structure of composition. The use of flexible, cyclical forms in Desert Sun is another instance of stylistic integration. Reoccurring interval sequences and imitative polyphony are frequently used in the formal structures of traditional African music. Hofmeyr achieves a similar effect through aleatoric passages in Desert Sun. For example, in measure 66, the sopranos and altos are instructed to repeat in free time a calling figure for ten seconds (Example 3.7). The overlapping minor seconds and accented rhythm give rise to a dissonant, chaotic sound evoking a primal atmosphere. Example 3.7. Desert Sun, measure 66. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr.

129 115 This same gesture returns in measure 69, coupled with a separate aleatoric passage for the male voices. Hofmeyr uses the same melodic and rhythmic elements, this time on a hum, in measures (Example 3.8). Example 3.8. Desert Sun, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr. These aleatoric sections are reserved for the text about the night. The recurring shouts and dissonant hums add tension to the sinister depiction. The repetition of musical material reinforces the contextual meaning again and again. This programmatic technique is frequently used in African song to infer meaning beyond the text. So as Hofmeyr

130 116 reuses the aleatoric material, the listener is reminded of previous textual associations in this case, desperation and terror. The aleatoric passages also allow for individual expression within a communal setting. Formal flexibility allowing for individual expression is highly valued in African music-making. Though Hofmeyr constrains the flexibility with an allotted time for each section, a formal elasticity is present. These passages allow for a controlled deviation from the musical form and represent an important integration of flexibility and structure. The most prevalent compositional method in Desert Sun is canonic imitation. As discussed in chapter two, canonic imitation is a common method of musical composition for the Bushmen of South Africa. Therefore, it is appropriate that Hofmeyr makes use of this technique throughout his piece. The first example occurs in measures 9-12 when the female voice part echoes exactly the material of the male parts one beat later (Example 3.9). Example 3.9. Desert Sun, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr.

131 117 This brief canon is set between two homophonic passages of dense harmonies using tone clusters and simultaneous major triads. The juxtaposition of textures canonic and homophonic is the compositional technique that Hofmeyr employs throughout Desert Sun. A second example of canonic imitation is used to set the text now lion, lynx and leopard wake, and prowl the desert plain in measures This passage is written for the male voices only and includes directions for half of the singers to whisper (sussurrato) the text rather than sing it. Though each voice starts on a different pitch, the intervallic sequence is the same. This same imitative passage is used in measure 69 but sung aleatorically (Example 3.10). Example Desert Sun, measure 69. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr.

132 118 Hofmeyr continues his use of canonic imitation for the next line of text: cold, fear and hunger rack our quivering limbs. Again Hofmeyr separates the voices by gender, starting the men s voices one eighth-note ahead of the women s voices. The women echo the men one octave higher (Example 3.11). Example Desert Sun, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr.

133 119 The unique feature of this passage is the pulsing single-pitch that Hofmeyr assigns each word. It captures the fear, or the literal quivering, of the voice. The selected pitches include a mesh of consonant and dissonant sonorities that add to the pulsing effect. Finally, the canonic setting incorporates yet another layer of pulsation as the text is echoed just a half-beat behind. The fourth example of canonic imitation occurs from measures (Example 3.12). The material begins in the second basses and moves through the tenors and altos until both soprano parts are added for the final phrase. Much like the second example, the starting pitches are not the same but Hofmeyr s attention to the intervallic sequences is very similar. The melody, beginning on D or A, descends a minor second and is followed by a descending perfect fourth or fifth, depending on the starting pitch. There is an ascending tritone or minor sixth and a final motion down a minor second.

134 120 Example Desert Sun, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr. It is interesting to note that even the recurring sequence of intervals possesses a cyclical nature: m2-p4-aug4-m2. Hofmeyr s use of canonic imitation provides a diversity of texture. The homophonic texture, with modified seventh and ninth chords, is easily associated with a Western European, post-modernist choral style. The imitative texture is reflective of the quasi-improvised style of traditional African music, specifically the Bushmen. The juxtaposition of these two textures is an important stylistic integration in Desert Sun. Hofmeyr makes use of one other important aspect of traditional African formal design: duality. While one could argue that most of Hofmeyr s canonic imitation is a form of duality, there is a particular section of Desert Sun that exemplifies this form in an exceptional way. From measures 16-33, Hofmeyr creates a fugue using two subjects simultaneously (Example 3.13). This represents the integration of dual texture and rhythmic layering with the strict construction of a fugue a blending of traditional African and Western European musical structure.

135 121

136 122 Example Desert Sun, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer Hendrik Hofmeyr. One can identify the rhythmic syncopation and offset text in the overlapping subjects as sounding almost improvised. Once the subject has been stated, the coupled voice parts exchange subject material. As another set of subjects enters, the polyphony becomes extremely complex. Hofmeyr s double fugue is an extraordinary example of duality on the micro and macro level. For example, it combines melodic and rhythmic material between the coupled subjects. On a larger scale, there is a duality between the quasi-improvised qualities of the subjects and the rigid construction of the fugue. The dichotomy between chaos and structure is a symbolic representation of African and Western European musical forms.

137 123 When Hofmeyr has decided to integrate African features it is always with a foundation in Western forms and harmonies. It is clear, however, the meaning of the work takes precedence for Hofmeyr, even if that requires a shift in methods and materials. He claims not to respond to social or political pressures to alter his compositional aesthetic. Instead, Hofmeyr states that any musical integrations arise because he has been moved to evoke a specific culture, place or time. Despite whether the compositional motivations were external or internal when composing Desert Sun, Hofmeyr was able to explore the Bushmen culture and to creatively interact with the themes and allusions he found most alluring. 207 The result is a choral work that maintains Western European forms and harmonies while depicting the cyclical themes, imitative textures, and duality of relationships found throughout Africa and its cultures. The next composer, Péter Louis Van Dijk, also explores the Bushman culture with equally evocative text and musical integration albeit with an explicit commentary on colonization. Péter Louis van Dijk The South African composer Péter Louis Van Dijk has had a widely varied career in music as a composer, performer, teacher, and conductor as well as being active in radio and television. His international reputation is perhaps the strongest among his South African colleagues due to various commissions by prominent choral ensembles such as The King s Singers and the Chicago Children s Choir. There are dozens of recordings of 207 Personal interview, October 28, 2009.

138 124 his music and his works are published by Oxford University Press, Hal Leonard, Accolade Musikverlag, Prestige and under the Marco Polo label. Born in 1953 in the Netherlands, Péter Louis van Dijk moved with his family to South Africa when he was three. Van Dijk s parents were quite musical and encouraged his musical study from an early age. He began composing at the age of nine and, at nineteen, had completed his first opera, The Contract, which was performed by the University of Cape Town Opera School in For nearly a decade, van Dijk lived and worked in Cape Town as a music director and composer, most notably with the SABC. In 1984, van Dijk was invited to join the Cape Town Performing Arts Board as Assistant Music Manager. Over the next ten years, van Dijk would guest conduct the National Symphony Orchestra, the Cape Philharmonic Orchestra, and the Cape Town Symphony Orchestra. 209 While in Cape Town, van Dijk lectured at the University of Cape Town in composition and orchestration and at the University of the Western Cape in recorder and music education. In 1998, he was appointed Senior Lecturer in composition and musicology at Rhodes University, Grahamstown. In 2003, van Dijk moved to Port Elizabeth where he currently assists his wife Junita Lamprecht-Van Dijk in teaching choral conducting at the post-graduate level at the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University. Although he enjoys lecturing, his primary focus continues to be his work as a freelance composer and conductor. 208 Ieteke Oggel, The Composer: Péter Louis van Dijk, Vuka SA July 31, 1996, Oggel, 60.

139 125 Van Dijk is driven by the lyricism suggested by a text when composing choral or vocal music. He explains his compositional process by stating: The poetry is my first attraction and the resulting lyricism is crucial. I find that there is usually a specific line of text that grabs me, for which I develop a passion, and I work back and forth from there. So often a text is suggested for a commissioned work and I have to cultivate an enthusiasm for it but when left to my own choice, I am drawn to native languages and English. For some reason, I tend to avoid Afrikaans. 210 Most of van Dijk s texts are remarkably descriptive, often referring to landscapes, communal life, sounds, and colors. He acknowledges that he typically looks to the text for suggestions in tone color, a method he calls devised timbres. 211 It is the idea that a word or phrase can be enhanced by a certain timbre, functioning much like onomatopoeia. Van Dijk claims that this devised timbre is what draws him to his three major influences in choral sound Britten, Stravinksy and Whitacre. 212 While van Dijk is rather reserved, almost aloof, when discussing his personal life, he admits that musically and artistically, [he] is a bit of a comedian. 213 He wants his music to be fun and spirited but he refuses to pander. He believes that even in a challenging market like South Africa, if you are true to yourself, you will be found. 214 Van Dijk comments that composing for professional and financial success is a balancing act between what is emotionally satisfying and what will be aesthetically pleasing. For 210 Personal interview with Mr. Péter Louis van Dijk in Cape Town on Oct. 30, Ibid. Van Dijk refers specifically to his choral works Horizons and Bells when describing this concept. 212 Ibid. 213 Ibid. There are little to no primary sources on the personal life or academic work of Péter Louis van Dijk. He did not refer to his education, even when asked, but was very open to discussing his compositional process, specifically as it related to stylistic integration. 214 Ibid.

140 126 much of his career, van Dijk has found this balance in writing accessible works with interesting, and often stylistically integrated, sounds. Much like Klatzow and Hofmeyr, van Dijk felt great pressure to compose for the new South Africa. He states looking back, there was a great deal of confusion in the mind of those with money and power between arts and crafts and fine art. 215 He feels that integration is used as a political tool representing a perceived culture not an opportunity to embrace musical aesthetic. In essence, there was an attitude that music should be culturally integrated not because one should, but because one could. Van Dijk claims that the use of traditional African musical elements was quickly becoming gratuitous instead of gratifying. Van Dijk embraced the notion of blending Western European and traditional African music more readily than his contemporaries. He had spent quite a bit of time adjudicating African choral festivals in the late 1980s and early 1990s during which the African musical features and moods just rubbed off much like cross-pollination. 216 Essentially, the traditional music of South Africa was not foreign or exotic it was a familiar to him. So, in 1995, when The King s Singers commissioned him to write a choral work for their upcoming tour, van Dijk intentionally integrated African sounds, rhythms, and references into a classical structure. The result was perhaps his best-known work, Horizons. Van Dijk is cautious about the principles and methods behind all of his musical integrations. He acknowledges how quickly imitation or quotation can become parody. 215 Personal interview, Oct 30, Ibid.

141 127 He goes on to say that the ignorance of most Western composers leads them to incorporate or imitate African music without specific knowledge; instead they rely on vague ideas and assumptions. 217 This reliance on generalizations leads to a perversion of traditional musical culture. The influence on indigenous culture, specifically music, by the Dutch and British missionaries is a disconcerting issue for van Dijk. He is very careful with regards to the definition of African musical traits because so much has been distorted by missionaries and Western influence. 218 Van Dijk s desire to integrate with authenticity is portrayed in his preparation for his choral work San Gloria. Having long been interested in the people of the Kalahari, he has done extensive research on San culture 219 as well as recorded live performances of their music. He says that with the San Gloria, he resisted any notion that the work was an ethnomusicological exercise. Instead, he was interested in looking for a new palette we do get bored with ourselves. 220 Van Dijk has found a wealth of African musical elements in his search for a new palette. He is drawn to the minimalist aspects of indigenous music, stating that ostinati, repetition, pentatonic tonality and adding layers have all recently found their way into my music. 221 He admits that this influence of simplicity has helped him use less to create more. He believes that integrating two musical styles, such as Western European and 217 Personal interview, Oct 30, Ibid. 219 The San, occasionally referred to as Bushmen, are an indigenous people found throughout South Africa, specifically in the desert regions of the Kalahari. 220 Personal interview, Oct 30, Ibid.

142 128 African, is not the occasion to be righteous, but to be creative. 222 Van Dijk echoes this sentiment when he proudly maintains that it is not what you steal but how you use what you have stolen that matters. 223 Within his stolen sounds, Van Dijk also has a keen interest in the instrumentation of indigenous African cultures but has used them sparingly in his choral works, instead relying on humming, clapping, and devised timbres. However, as with other white South African composers, van Dijk initially resisted the pressure to integrate Western European and African musical styles. He says that there is a point at which you resist it [integrating styles], but then you say this is what there is, this is what I am. 224 Van Dijk arrived at this decision earlier than his contemporaries and perhaps with less apprehension. He clearly wanted to blend these musical cultures, not to satisfy the public, but because it was something he believed in. His motivation for integration stems from the pure discovery of something new, of becoming absorbed in the traditions of another. 225 While he avoids the term ethnomusicology, he is conscious of the social context of the African music he imitates and the authenticity of his reproductions. For van Dijk, integrating African music of any kind creates not only interesting compositions but, perhaps the most important venture, a greater awareness of another culture. 226 Van Dijk s motivation to discover and create awareness of other cultures led to several integrated choral works, the most well known and commercially successful of 222 Personal interview, Oct 30, Ibid. 224 Ibid. 225 Ibid. 226 Ibid.

143 129 these being Horizons. Scored for six-part (SATTBB) chorus, the work uses numerous African musical elements while retaining a traditional Western European formal structure. Van Dijk divides Horizons into three main sections the first two being almost identical, except for changes in the text (mm and ). The third and final section imitates much of the previous musical material but is augmented in duration and complexity. Within each large section there are three smaller sections identifiable by musical material and style. Each of the smaller sections contains phrases that are consistently two, four, or eight measures in length, resulting in a particularly balanced formal structure. The use of a tripartite form with conventional phrase structures adhers to Western European formal design. In addition, van Dijk avoids any use of call-andresponse texture and instead employs extended solos coupled with vocal ostinati. The vocal ostinati in Horizons represent the integration of an important African musical element, rhythmic complexity. For example, the vocal ostinati found in measures 1-21, and , establish a syncopated pattern that is indicative of traditional African rhythms (Example 3.14). Example Horizons, measures 1-9. Reprinted, by permission, from The K. S. Music Co.Ltd., Another example of vocal ostinato can be heard in measures These ostinati introduce a triplet pattern that creates cross-rhythms specifically 2:3 with the other vocal parts (Example 3.15).

144 130 Example Horizons, measures Reprinted, by permission, from The K. S. Music Co.Ltd., The ostinati, syncopation and cross-rhythmic features are fundamental aspects of traditional African music-making and their prominence in van Dijk s work is a conscious choice to integrate styles. Another significant feature of integration involves van Dijk s choice of vowel or consonant sound when setting the vocal ostinati and accompanying material. In each case, van Dijk uses humming, the syllable Hai! or consonant combinations best described as vocal percussion, such as tng and tjk (Example 3.16).

145 131 Example Horizons, measures Reprinted, by permission, from The K. S. Music Co.Ltd., Beyond providing an atmospheric setting for the English verses, the ostinati and vocal percussion assume the role of a drumming ensemble by creating cross-rhythms and punctuating the melodic structure. The ensuing rhythmic complexity is made more

146 132 intense by the inclusion of snaps and claps, often in contrasting duple and triple patterns (Example 3.17). Example Horizons, measures Reprinted, by permission, from The K. S. Music Co.Ltd., Van Dijk layers one more repeated rhythmic pattern in measures (Example 3.16) In this case, the pattern is a repeated five-note phrase initiated in the soprano and alto voices and echoed by the second tenors two beats later. Cross rhythms and the use of rhythmic layering is a prominent feature in traditional African music and evokes a similar complexity in Horizons.

147 133 At this point in the piece, the rhythmic layering has reached its peak with a duple snapping pattern, triplets in the vocal percussion and solo line, and five-note phrases in the secondary Hai ostinati just described. The integration of non-traditional sounds, percussive imitations, and complex rhythmic layering suggest that van Dijk has done more than merely borrow African nuances, but has endeavored to capture African musical sounds. Harmonically, Horizons alternates between activity and inactivity. For a majority of the piece, the use of ostinati and rhythmic layering renders the harmony rather static. These less active sections alternate between tonic, dominant, and submediant chords (mm. 1-46, and ). The chord progression does not function as a means of creating tension in the Western sense but stems from the repetitive use of particular intervals. An increase in harmonic activity is found when the texture becomes homophonic (mm , and ). For example, each homophonic section begins with a progression of dominant, tonic, and submediant chords but soon includes secondary dominants and mediant chords as well. The result is a very simple and Western-sounding progression. The homophonic texture and a lack of cross-rhythms and syncopations also add to the Western, hymn-like sound. The only deviation from the hymn-like structure occurs in measures when a single vocal line provides the melody while accompanied by humming. This section gives way both dynamically and textually to the most powerful phrase of the piece: Then they killed us on the far horizon (Example 3.18).

148 Example Horizons, measures Reprinted, by permission, from The K. S. Music Co.Ltd.,

149 135 This text is the third and final time that all of the voices sing together in a chordal texture. Since they is referring to European colonialists, it is appropriate that the harmonic progression is simple, homophonic, and hymn-like. The inclusion of these sections suggests a reference to missionary music and the absorption of Western European compositional styles into traditional African song. The fact that van Dijk couples this reference with poignant text is a critique of colonial rule. Van Dijk uses his text as another opportunity to integrate Western European and African cultures. As the author of the text, he selected themes and subjects specific to South African customs and habitats. For example, van Dijk refers numerous times to the springbok, which is the South African national animal. He also names the eland (m. 92), another antelope found on the nation s plains. Additionally, the poem refers to African customs such as speaking to the Rain and charming with herbs and honeycombs. Finally, there are various references to surroundings like the young moon, the rising sun, the dark sky, the mighty rainbow, the hunting star, and the red sands. Van Dijk s use of national icons, African customs, and environmental descriptions in his poetry invoke ideas and images familiar to all South Africans, regardless of race. Van Dijk s text painting and sound effects within the final section of Horizons create a different musical atmosphere that is distinctly more militaristic (Example 3.19). For example, the upper two and lower three voice parts beginning in measure 111 replicate a drum corps. The sopranos articulate an arpeggio as a muted trumpet, and the second tenors and basses sing pam-pam-pam chords as muted trombones. Meanwhile, the altos imitate a drumbeat as if marching.

150 136 Example Horizons, measures Reprinted, by permission, from The K. S. Music Co.Ltd., These sound effects coupled with the familiar solo melody which includes syncopations, glissandi, and grace notes reminiscent of African speech-tones demonstrate an interesting integration of styles. Another important, yet subtle change occurs within the final section in the text itself. In the two previous verses, van Dijk used the phrase When morning comes I ll go out hunting. The first two instances of this text are in reference to traditional African life hunting for survival. However, in the third verse, with its references to colonialism, van Dijk alters the text to When morning comes they ll come a-hunting. In this

151 137 instance they refers to the European settlers and the hunting references the wars waged on the indigenous Africans. This textual shift provides insight into van Dijk s perspective of colonial rule in South Africa. Van Dijk, perhaps more than his contemporaries, embraced African musical features as a means of discovering another culture. He consistently seeks to pay homage to a musical style with which he feels very comfortable. Because Horizons was commissioned by a high-profile ensemble, van Dijk had a unique opportunity to display his appreciation for nontraditional sounds while broadcasting his displeasure with missionary and colonial influence. Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph is one of few female South African composers to reach national and international recognition. She is highly praised for her dedication to South African art music and is frequently the subject of newspaper and academic articles. A 2008 article described Zaidel-Rudolph as a colorful and expressive woman and one of the most highly acclaimed cultural personalities in our immediate musical world. Throwing her hands in the air as if catching balls, she refers to her life as a juggling of her four loves: her family, her religion, her composing and her demanding role at the University of Witwatersrand. 227 Her oeuvre is extremely varied with compositions for woodwind quintet, cello, piano, brass ensemble, choir, and symphonic orchestra. 227 Anna Jones, A mistress of her art (Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph), Mail & Guardian (September 18, 2008), 14.

152 138 Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph was born in Pretoria on July 9, Her family was a very musical one and her talents were fostered from an early age, beginning with piano lessons at the age of five. Her devotion to piano and composing were well-received by her family. She recalls their encouragement in the following statement: I was most fortunate to grow up in a very musical and very enlightened family, who made me feel that it was the most natural thing in the world for me to be composing. 228 Zaidel- Rudolph would continue her piano studies through high school, winning numerous awards and scholarships. She also regularly appeared in youth radio broadcasts and as a piano soloist with orchestras in Johannesburg and Pretoria. In 1965, Zaidel-Rudolph matriculated at Pretoria High School for Girls. Zaidel-Rudolph began work on a Bachelor of Music degree at the University of Pretoria in Although she excelled as a pianist during her undergraduate degree, she developed a deeper interest in composition and remained at the University of Pretoria to pursue a master s degree in composition. It was during her master s degree that Zaidel- Rudolph had the opportunity to study with Dr. Johan Potgieter and Arthur Wegelin. In 1973, she was awarded an Ernest Oppenheimer Memorial Trust Scholarship for postgraduate study at the Royal College of Music in London. There she studied composition with John Lambert, electronic music with Tristram Cary and piano with John Lill. 229 While at the Royal College of Music, Zaidel-Rudolph earned four performance degrees and won the R.O. Morris and the Cobbett prizes for composition. 228 Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph, Pride, Prejudice and Power: On Being a Woman Composer in South Africa, in Gender and Sexuality in South African Music, ed. Chris Walton and Stephanus Muller (Stellenbosch, South Africa: Sun Press, 2004), Peter Klatzow, ed. Composers in South Africa Today (Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1987), 208.

153 139 Having been exposed to György Ligeti s works by Professor Wegelin during her undergraduate degree, Zaidel-Rudolph became determined to study with Ligeti. While in London, she sent Ligeti samples of her work and was accepted as one of his three composition students at the Hochschule für Musik in Hamburg. Zaidel-Rudolph credits much of her stylistic growth to the years she spent in London and Hamburg, but she remained very aware of her roots: My years studying at the Royal College of Music in London and later at the Hochschule in Hamburg with Ligeti were vital to my growth as a composer, yet my inspiration came from only one source: South Africa. 230 She returned to South Africa in 1975 and accepted a position as lecturer in composition, harmony, counterpoint, and piano at the University of Witwatersrand, an appointment she held for two years. Though she had already enrolled for her doctorate in composition at the University of Pretoria, Zaidel-Rudolph and her husband spent 1977 in Boston while he conducted research. Upon her return to South Africa in 1978, she completed her doctoral degree in composition, the first and only woman in South Africa to do so. In 1979, Zaidel-Rudolph assumed a part-time lecture position again at the University of Witwatersrand. In 1980 and again in 1982, she represented South Africa at festivals for women composers in New York and Rome. 231 Beginning in 1981, she was involved in the formation of the New Music Network, an organization created to promote performances of, and increase awareness of, twentieth-century music in South Africa. Throughout the 1980s and early 90s, many of Zaidel-Rudolph s compositions were performed both nationally and internationally. She claims that one of the highlights of her career as a composer in [South Africa] was the first Total Oil Composition 230 Zaidel-Rudolph, Wessel Van Wyk, Personalia: Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph at sixty, Musicus 36/2 (2008), 65.

154 140 Competition in She won the first prize with her work Tempus Fugit for orchestra. With a host of critically acclaimed works premiered and published, a commercial CD of her compositions, Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph: Music of the Spheres, was released in After apartheid, Zaidel-Rudolph was very honored to be invited to be part of the Anthem Committee that was given the task of shortening and re-arranging the two South African anthems. 233 She assisted in composing the new composite version of Nkosi Sikelel iafrika and even supplied the English text that concludes the anthem. In 1996, Zaidel-Rudolph was commissioned to compose a portion of an Oratorio for Human Rights, based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, to be premiered by soloists, choir, and orchestra at the Olympic Games in Atlanta. The new millennium brought numerous new commissions and tours. In 2004, the Order of Ikhamanga Medal was bestowed on Zaidel-Rudolph by President Thabo Mbeki for her musical contributions. In addition to her compositional projects, Dr. Zaidel- Rudolph is currently a Professor of Composition and the Head of the Music Department at the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg. Zaidel-Rudolph s compositional procedures and choice of materials have been referred to as outwardly eclectic but always strongly motivated by an inner quest for intellectual cohesion, aural identity and communicability. 234 She states that her perceived eclecticism may stem from her primary compositional influence, György 232 Zaidel-Rudolph, Ibid. 234 Mary Rörich, Record Reviews: Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph: Compositions EMI and Jeanne Zaidel- Rudolph: The River People Abantubomlambo, Scenaria 89 (June 1988), 42.

155 141 Ligeti. From him she inherited her love for unusual and bold instrumental colourings, and a predilection for linear rather than vertical pitch structuring. 235 Her tendency to favor linear structures has led Zaidel-Rudolph to adhere to a natural sense of lyricism which prevents even her most eclectic and esoteric works from becoming abstract or conceptual. As her compositional career has evolved, so has her process. She recognizes this process in her compositions and comments that she is becoming a more melodic composer because she is very aware of the growing gap between composer and audience. In trying to close that gap, she states that a composer s communication should coincide, at least partially, with the development of the audience for which he or she is catering 236 During the last fifteen years, Zaidel-Rudolph has aimed for a balance between contemporary idioms and personal experience inspired by a careful selection of material. She remarks on this relationship in a 1998 interview: I am able to handle material more easily; I know what material I want to choose. My choices are not so random anymore When I was younger I was compelled to make my intellect the primary force. In a funny sense, if you make instinct your or emotion the primary force, one somehow thought of you as being an emotional composer, which was a bit denigrating it wasn t quite academic enough. I think that I m going to allow my intellect to move a little bit to the background, and coming to the foreground will be a far more spiritual, instinctive kind of writing. 237 Zaidel-Rudolph does portray a diversity of musical influences within her compositional process. However, there is one important aspect of her life that motivated her spiritually and instinctively indigenous African music. 235 Rörich, Klatzow (1987), Paul Boekkooi, Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph 50, South African Music Teacher 132 (July 1998), 26.

156 142 Zaidel-Rudolph simply states that her roots are in Africa. 238 The traditional music of South African societies was a prominent facet of her childhood that can be found throughout her musical compositions. She recalls visiting the mines outside Pretoria early on Sunday mornings to hear the men singing and playing the Chopi marimbas. 239 Her study of Western European art music has augmented her fascination with the complexities and layers of African musical structure, thus inspiring numerous integrated works. She appreciates the instinctive way in which African musical features can be woven into a Western European musical framework, be it rhythmically, melodically or structurally. For Zaidel-Rudolph, the instinctual use of indigenous African music is perfectly valid; I don t advocate this for all composers, but for me, personally, this wealth of heritage, this indigenous music, is there to be used. 240 Although she is dedicated to bringing attention to native traditions, she claims that she normally uses African elements in more of a subconscious way. She states that African rhythmic, melodic, and textural elements found their way into her compositions with little effort. 241 Whether she is recreating indigenous performance or using African material as a point of departure, she admits that her motivation to integrate Western European and traditional African musical styles is heavily influenced by enhancing recognition and paying homage. 238 Etienne van Rensburg, Festival of Music by Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph on CD, Musicus 32/1 (1995), 122. Zaidel-Rudolph is also very inspired by her religion, Jewish mysticism or Kabala. She has made reference to its influence on her compositional process in various interviews. Unfortunately, the scope of this paper precluded an in-depth examination of this aspect of her craft. 239 Personal interview with Dr. Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph at the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg on November 25, Ibid. 241 Ibid.

157 143 Unlike her South African colleagues, Zaidel-Rudolph states that she never felt political or critical pressure to integrate Western European and traditional African styles. This may be because she had already experimented with integrating styles years before apartheid fell. She does acknowledge, however, an increased preoccupation with finding a syntax and meaning structure that is reflective of her native South African environment. 242 That being said, Zaidel-Rudolph does not integrate styles or imitate African sounds for political or social reasons and she is uncomfortable with the concept that there is a new South African musical style to be attained. Her sentiments are clear in the following statement; Because of the sensitive political situation of the past, there was a time that I thought that I would prefer to live overseas I m eternally grateful that I didn t; I m extremely happy that I came back to this country. As a composer and as a musician, I don t think that I would have survived without Africa, without the research I do into African music, which literally does feed my creative needs. 243 The discovery and preservation of distinctive musical material and the challenge of integrating African sounds into her own compositional aesthetic seems to be fulfilling for Zaidel-Rudolph. Zaidel-Rudolph embraces her interest and use of African music, primarily because she is invested in the recognition and retention of authentic African traditions. Nowhere is this more evident than in her work Lifecycle, composed in After receiving a research grant from the National Research Fund, Zaidel-Rudolph spent months with the Ngqoko Women s Cultural Group in the Eastern Cape (Xhosa), listening and recording their unique overtone throat-singing. She then paired eleven Western 242 Rörich, Van Wyk, 66.

158 144 instruments with her enthnomusicological endeavor, imitating the Ngqoko music in the instrumental writing. She comments on her experience in a 2008 interview: I ve lived and breathed and absorbed their music: I have recorded and transcribed and analyzed it extensively to make it a part of me. I compose music around this indigenous Xhosa material, but in a symbiotic way, without appropriating what is essentially their own traditional music. 244 While Lifecycle is an unusual project for Zaidel-Rudolph, she is a consistent supporter of ethnomusicology as a method of cultural exchange. Lifecycle is composed for the Ngqoko Choir with traditional African bows and drums as well as a Western instrumental ensemble comprising flute, oboe, clarinet (bass clarinet), bassoon, horn, 2 percussionists, 2 violins, cello, and double bass. 245 The singlemovement work was premiered in Pretoria on November 5, 2003 and a second performance was given in Cape Town on November 13. Subsequent performances of this piece can only be performed with the Ngqoko women, who provide the core musical material. Thus, the integration of quasi-aleatoric, indigenous Xhosa music and notated Western music places heavy restrictions on performance. The unique vocal technique displayed by the Ngqoko women singers is known as split-tone singing, multiphonics or overtone singing. This technique involves singing an unnaturally deep tone in the back of the throat which produces a high pitch or overtone. By changing the size and the shape of the mouth cavity, the overtone pitches are amplified and altered. There was no documentation of overtone singing in traditional 244 Van Wyk, The three types of traditional bows include the uhadi (calabash bow), the umrhubhe (mouth bow) and the ikithala (friction bow). The two drums used are the ugubu (two-sided drum), played with wooden sticks, and the umasengwane (friction drum), which has a leather rope threaded through the middle of the drum-head which is pulled by the drummer s wet hands.

159 145 African culture until 1980, when ethnomusicologist David Dargie recorded Xhosa girls singing with this technique. Dargie suggested that the girls were singing in imitation of the umrhubhe or mouth bow. 246 The inclusion of the Ngqoko women s overtone singing not only provides Zaidel-Rudolph with melodic material for integration, but a distinctive timbre for imitation. The overall structure of Lifecycle is dependent on the formal integration of religious and social occasions in an African society. After recording and transcribing the Xhosa songs, Zaidel-Rudolph selected six songs which represent important events, or rites-of-passage, in the cultural life of this community. The one-movement work is divided into six sections preceded by an instrumental prelude. The song themes extol life events such as ancestral worship, infancy, adolescent initiation, marriage, motherhood, and divination. The chronological structure of these songs traces the cyclical ideology of African culture. Zaidel-Rudolph s use of significant rites-of-passage as a basis for formal structure is the most important aspect of stylistic integration. The first song, Nyanyi, a song of thanks to the ancestors (I Camagu Livumile), has ten melodic cycles that are repeated an optional number of times. This is followed immediately by a lullaby, Ndakutsho Kumama, which expresses the anxiety of a mother trying to pacify her crying baby a sound that is imitated by an Ngqoko singer during the song. After an instrumental interlude, the choir sings Ikomani, an initiation song. This song describes a young man who is prepared for circumcision rites and the responsibilities of manhood. This third song also includes extensive use of overtone singing and repeated melodic cycles. Another instrumental interlude leads to the fourth 246 David Dargie, Xhosa Music: Its Techniques and Instruments, with a Collection of Songs (Cape Town: D. Philip, 1988), 56.

160 146 Xhosa song Makhaya Akudule, a marriage song describing the union between a man and a woman from distant societies. The third interlude leads into the mother s song, Umyeyezelo. Accompanied by the uhadi bow, the Nqgoko singer pleads for the safe return of her son from initiation rites. The final song, Magulesinyanga, also known as the Diviner s Song, depicts the village prophets as they teach the adults to dance. Interestingly, there is no musical portrayal of death in Lifecycle because in Xhosa culture death is met with silence. Beyond the macro-cycle represented by the song themes, each original song is characterized by individual cycles and open-ended repetition. Throughout the work, the repetitions of melodic and rhythmic phrases are found in every selected Xhosa song and are also a foundation of Zaidel-Rudolph s minimalist procedures. Repeated patterns are performed as a compositional device by the Ngqoko choir while the Western instruments elaborate on the Xhosa melodies and rhythms. Zaidel-Rudolph uses the repetitive Xhosa material as a basis for cycles of repeated melodic and rhythmic cells (Example 3.20). Example Lifecycle, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph.

161 147 Some of the musical material is dependent on a rigid, metered structure while other parts are more flexible. This results in a semi-controlled aleatoricism where structural control is given to the Ngqoko choir. The choir dictates formal changes through changes in melodic phrases and rhythmic inflection. The juxtaposition of rigid and flexible repetitions within the formal structure of Lifecycle is an important integration of African and Western European styles. The frequent use of cross-rhythms like those heard in the Zulu folksong Amavolovolo (p. 73), are another significant instance of integration. The rhythm complexity is found not only in the Ngqoko songs and clapping, but in the African bows and drums as well as the Western instrumental ensemble. The rhythmic texture is a layering of twos against threes. An example of these cross-rhythms can be seen in measures (Example 3.21). Though they do not typically align themselves to Western metrical design, the Xhosa rhythmic patterns were notated in the score to allow Zaidel-Rudolph to incorporate and imitate the Xhosa rhythms into the Western instrumentation. Many of Zaidel- Rudolph s meter choices allow for the asymmetrical divisions found in the Xhosa songs. For example, an 8/4 meter is divided into or a 12/4 meter is divided into Thus, the African rhythms suggest patterns with various cross accents, resulting in syncopations. Finally, the Ngqoko singers layer their vocal rhythms with the ostinati in the drums and bows and by clapping.

162 Example Lifecycle, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph. 148

163 149 Perhaps the most striking integration of rhythm is heard in the mother s song, Umyeyezelo. The complex ostinato in the uhadi bow, which is based on groupings of twos and threes, is coupled with a highly-syncopated vocal melody. Despite the layering of these patterns, the rhythms fall into a consistent 4/4 meter. However, when the Western instrumental ensemble enters on the fourth cycle of the solo, their rhythmic pattern sounds completely unsynchronized. Interestingly, the Western ensemble is also playing short rhythmic patterns in four-over-four meter. Although they are based on the same metrical design and maintain the same tempo, the rhythmic patterns do not coordinate. This is because the two ensembles do not adhere to the same downbeat or any notion of a strong-weak beat relationship. Each ensemble begins and sustains independent cycles of rhythmic patterns that merely co-exist. The music of the Ngqoko women generates the modal material of the Western ensemble. Their vocal technique, using specific fundamentals and their overtones, as well as the style of playing their bows, gives rise to reoccurring interval sequences Zaidel- Rudolph then uses in the instrumental ensemble. In fact, much of the tonality and melodic intervals of the work are derived from the tuning of the African bows. In this case, the two fundamental pitches of the bows are A and B. Their tuning is limited to the two fundamental pitches and the first few pitches of each overtone series octave, perfect fifth and perfect fourth. As displayed in the Xhosa folksong Bawo, Thixo Somandla (p. 67), these intervals are extremely prevalent in African songs and Zaidel-Rudolph makes use of them throughout the work. For example, the opening oboe solo is based on the pentatonic scale A-B-C#-E-F# and includes many repeated gestures using a perfect fourth (Example 3.22).

164 150 Example Lifecycle, measures 1-6. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph. The declamatory style and syncopated rhythm also refer to African musical characteristics. The solo does not quote or even imitate the Xhosa songs used in Lifecycle, but evokes African modality. The tonality of the African bows dominates most of the work. The ancestor s song, Nyanyi, and the lullaby, Ndakutsho Kumama, are set in the A-pentatonic modality from the oboe prelude. During the lullaby, one can hear the Ngqoko women occasionally replace the C# with a C-natural. Zaidel-Rudolph echoes this modal inflection in the instrumental ensemble. This subtle major-minor alternation between C# and C natural is also found in the opening oboe solo in measure three. When the overtone singing begins in the initiation song, Ikomani, the tonality shifts to G-pentatonic but soon expands to a diatonic scale (using C# instead of C). As the song progresses, there is repeated oscillation between A and B, making greater use of the bows. The song increases in chromaticism even when the tonality returns to A-pentatonic for the marriage song, Makhaya Akudule. The following instrumental interlude cadences in B-major which signals a shift to B-pentatonic for the mother s song, Umyeyezelo. There is a distinct lack of dissonance in the mother s song. The brief interlude returns the tonality to G- pentatonic for the diviner s song, Magulesinyanga. The instrumental postlude, though

165 151 incorporating more dissonance, maintains a G tonal center. The work ends on a resounding G-major chord. Western harmonic procedures, however, are not the basis of this work. Instead, African modality was the basis for all tonal structure. Vertical sonorities are most often created through the layering of melodic fragments. Unlike other works discussed in this study, African modality and interval sequencing was not integrated into a Western European sense of tonality. Zaidel-Rudolph integrated melodic variation and calculated dissonance as a means of integrating Western European style. There is a synthesis of modal/tonal relationships based on linear movement rather than vertical progression. Zaidel-Rudolph s unique project explored the aesthetic and cultural implications of an oral versus written integration. Unlike most of her contemporaries, her motivation to promote and pay homage to a specific African community was accomplished through investigative field study. This ethnomusicological approach resulted in a musical symbiosis, as opposed to a pastiche or parody. Indeed, her compositional process for Lifecycle was intent on nurturing dualities an imperative for cultural cross-pollination and enrichment within a framework of mutual respect. 247 Zaidel-Rudolph s intention was not to absorb, extract or exploit the African musical elements she found so fascinating, but to allow the two cultures to interact while maintaining musical integrity. 247 Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph and Martin Watt, Musical Symbiosis in Jeanne Zaidel-Rudolph s Lifecycle, The World of Music 48/2 (2006), 136.

166 152 Niel van der Watt Niel van der Watt is perhaps the least known composer of those discussed in this thesis. There are no academic or newspaper articles written about him in South Africa or abroad and he is not included in any of the recent examinations of contemporary South African composers. 248 This may be due to the fact that he does not hold a university position nor does he market himself as aggressively as his colleagues. It has nothing to do, however, with a lack of productivity or achievement. Gehardus Daniel van der Watt was born in Pretoria on December 28, Though his mother and grandmother were music teachers, van der Watt did not learn to read music until he was a teenager. He says that he always knew that his ears were good. 249 He recalls that he would trick his mother and other music teachers by quickly memorizing musical material instead of reading it. 250 He studied piano and clarinet throughout his childhood, but was drawn to the piano because of its ability to produce harmony. By age eleven, van der Watt knew that music would be his career. His poor music reading would plague him through high school in Pietersburg. His participation in school choirs did little to develop his reading, but heightened his already superb ear training. After matriculating in 1980, van der Watt had difficulty getting into the 248 Because there are no primary sources on the life and works of Niel van der Watt, all quotes and commentary are taken from a personal interview I conducted with Dr. van der Watt in his home in Pretoria on January 24, Ibid. 250 Ibid.

167 153 University of Pretoria because of his weak music reading skills. He was eventually accepted and graduated in 1984 with a Bachelor of Arts in Music Education. After completing his degree, van der Watt completed his brief service with the South African Defense Force. Upon his return in 1987, van der Watt took a teaching position at Pretoria Boys High School, where he is now the Chairman of the Music Department and the conductor of the orchestra and wind ensemble. Van der Watt returned to the University of Pretoria in 1988 for both a Bachelor of Music with Honours and Master of Music degree in piano pedagogy. During much of his collegiate study, he took composition lessons and completed a Master of Music degree in composition in His master s thesis on sight-reading cognition was a direct examination of his struggles in balancing ear training and music reading. In 1997, van der Watt completed his doctorate in Musicology at the University of South Africa with a doctoral dissertation on the life and works of the British composer Gerald Finzi. Also a clarinetist, van der Watt s interest in Finzi began because of a fascination with the Five Bagatelles, Op. 23 for clarinet and piano, but van der Watt was soon captivated by Finzi s literary sense. The focus of his research was the relationship between Finzi and Thomas Hardy. Van der Watt states that Finzi s relationship to a text, specifically Hardy s words, was so earnest I was inspired to compose like that. 251 The composer s relationship with the text is a crucial aspect of the compositional process for van der Watt in his vocal and choral works. He states that he is drawn to texts about people and cultures, the human condition. 252 He is particularly fond of 251 Personal interview, Jan. 24, Ibid.

168 154 simplicity in his selected texts since it provides [him] with the opportunity for enhancement and elaboration. 253 Van der Watt describes his compositional process as one of layering an internalization of textual meaning coupled with a melodic tune and rhythm. The text and melodic contour then suggest specific articulations and a particular harmonic progression. Van der Watt states that he consistently returns to the text for inspiration and perspective, actually striving for new insight into the meaning. 254 In this way, the text is realized and constructed musically from various points of view, then juxtaposed for what van der Watt calls the body of meaning. 255 He works to find a balance between the musical details and the overall structure and meaning, consistently going back and forth throughout the compositional process. While the initial interpretation of the text may be instinctive to him, van der Watt strives to emphasize the universality of the words. 256 Van der Watt admits that his penchant for layering is influenced by the counterpoint of Paul Hindemith. He also claims that the concept of Gebrauchsmusik, so often associated with Hindemith, is ever-present as he composes. In fact, van der Watt is quick to say that he does not care if his music lasts it should serve a purpose, a function for the time and place in which it is written. 257 This need for practicality in his compositions may stem from van der Watt s long career as an educator. He states that a piece must be accessible the first time one hears it...the true value of a work is measured 253 Personal interview, Jan 24, Ibid. 255 Ibid. 256 Ibid. 257 Ibid.

169 155 by the relationship between composer, performer, and audience. 258 While his music may be pragmatic, van der Watt maintains that his music s accessibility is consistently infused with universality of meaning. It is the desire to communicate an ideology that provides the motivation for van der Watt s musical integrations. Though he considered himself a bit of an isolationist during the last decade of apartheid, he made conscious efforts to combine Western European and traditional African musical features soon after apartheid fell. Interestingly, van der Watt does not mention the social or political pressure on artists, specifically composers, to blend Western and African cultures as an influence. He states that his motivation was a conscous recognition of African culture...that it is worth our attention. 259 For this reason, van der Watt has arranged numerous traditional African folk songs for choir, such as Boroko, Ka Mehla, and Thobela morena. With the few integrated choral works, he was motivated to emphasize the differences between the two musical traditions by layering and juxtaposing their features. Van der Watt says that when he integrates musical styles he wants to emphasis the uniqueness...to demonstrate that we are not the same, may not be equal, but we have an equal responsibility to our culture. 260 Van der Watt s responsibility to a New South African musical culture is displayed in a variety of musical techniques. While he is fond of borrowing African rhythms and phrase structure, he is also quite interested in the fusion of languages. He has overlapped English and native African languages and occasionally uses Afrikaans 258 Personal interview, Jan 24, Ibid. 260 Ibid.

170 156 with Latin and English. He reiterates that the words drive the melodic and rhythmic motion. Much like van Dijk, he has a genuine curiosity regarding native instruments, but very few are used in his works. Van der Watt feels that the missionary influence on traditional African harmonies was and remains so severe and ingrained that he has difficulty teasing out any authentic understanding. Beyond authenticity, perhaps most important to van der Watt when composing an integrated work is capturing the absolute abandon with which Africans sing their music. 261 He borrows, arranges, quotes, and imitates in an effort to recognize a divided society and to emphasize their similarities within their uniqueness. Van der Watt sums his compositional motivation up best when he says; After all, I am an African. 262 Although van der Watt embraces an African identity, his cultural experience as a white Afrikaans male during apartheid provides a particular perspective. This is, perhaps, best demonstrated in his choral piece because of you. Composed in December 2002, van der Watt declared that this work exemplified his personal anguish, bitterness, and guilt 263 concerning the governmental policies during apartheid. It is simply a statement of apology and hope dedicated for all, all voices, all victims. 264 Beyond being a personal reflection, van der Watt admits that this piece can be interpreted as an 261 Personal interview, Jan 24, Ibid. 263 Ibid. 264 Unpublished score provided by the composer. This phrase was also used by the poem s author, Antjie Krog, as a dedication in her book Country of My Skull (1998).

171 157 expression of social and political sentiment, something he was previously uncomfortable conveying. 265 The ability for van der Watt to compose this particular choral work stemmed from finding an appropriate text. The poem was originally published in 1998 by an Afrikaans poet and journalist Antjie Krog in her book Country of My Skull. Krog s book is an account and reflection on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings held in Cape Town between April 1996 and June Printed at the end of the book, the poem was Krog s final, personal expression of what the hearings meant to her as an Afrikaner. 266 It was the succinct and physically descriptive language that drew van der Watt to the poem. He states that the words instantly conjured up imagery that I could relate to and, more importantly, hear. 267 The most significant aspect of integration used in because of you is the juxtaposition and overlapping of Krog s text and that of the Xhosa/Zulu folk song Senzeni Na? 268 Frequently used in anti-apartheid demonstrations, the song Senzeni Na? demonstrates a strong association with African resistance as well as indigenous culture. Van der Watt s use of the song attaches a potent anti-apartheid symbolism to the work. It is interesting that van der Watt uses only the first phrase and not the remainder of the song, which clearly demonstrates a black African perspective. By using only the first 265 Personal interview, Jan 24, Mads Vestergaard, Who s Got the Map? The Negotiation of Afrikaner Identities in Post-Apartheid South Africa. Daedalus 130/1 (Winter, 2001), Personal interview, Jan. 24, Senzenina? (What have we done?) Sono sethu, ubumyama? (Our sin is that we are black?) Sono sethu yinyaniso? (Our sin is the truth?) Sibulawayo (They kill us) Mayibuye i Afrika (Let Africa return).

172 158 phrase, one is free to interpret the question as being voiced by anyone regardless of ethnicity. This section of juxtaposed texts (mm. 33-end) also makes use of the traditional African formal structure of call-and response (Example 3.23).

173 159 Example because of you, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt. The lower three voices provide the repetitive response while the soprano part sings the concluding lines of Krog s poem. During the first statement of the choral response (mm ), the soprano part is only interjected between the senzenina phrases while, during the second statement of the alto, tenor and bass chorus (mm ), the soprano writing functions less like a call and more like a descant. Once the soprano part changes, the calling feature is moved to the second bass part and continues between the senzenina phrases. There is a similar use of solo line and chorus in the first half of the piece (mm. 9-24). Van der Watt successively places each portion of the poem in a new voice part basses, sopranos, altos, and finally tenors while the other parts plane on distinct phrases of the text (Example 3.24).

174 Example because of you, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt. 160

175 161 The melodic line begins with the basses, is passed to the sopranos and then the altos. Van der Watt indicates that the final melodic phrase, which is set for the tenors, should be sung as plainchant (quasi cantus planus), a decisively Western European reference. The melodic contours and rhythms of the each of the phrases are heavily dependent on the text stress and meaning, resulting in a declamatory style. 269 This is reinforced by the composer s detailed dynamic and articulation markings throughout this section. While it may be a stretch to identify this section (mm. 5-24) as call-and-response, the prominence of a single line supported by a choral repetition of text and sentiment is certainly reminiscent of this two-part texture. Van der Watt s use of repetition is another method of integration. The first example occurs in the first and second measures. Frequent repetition of small melodic and rhythmic material is a formal practice found throughout traditional African music. The text because of you is repeated in each voice part, from lowest to highest (Example 3.25). This repetition was a conscious choice of the composer since the poem does not repeat the first line of text. The choice to repeat this opening phrase, as well as the words and you in the lower three voices, is not only a reference to the importance of these words, but presents an opportunity to use an imitative form. Imitative repetition of melodic material is a formal design familiar to both Western European and traditional African musical styles and it seems appropriate that it is used to begin this integrated work. 269 Personal interview, Jan 24, 2009.

176 162 Example because of you, measures 1-3. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt. Van der Watt uses text repetition and imitation in two other sections in this work. In both instances the repetition of the text is not found in the original poem but is the composer s choice. Van der Watt claims that these two lines of text were somehow more meaningful and evocative, and thus, needed greater emphasis. 270 The first example is the repetition of but within in measure 5-7 (Example 3.26). The simple stepwise motion begins in the alto and is imitated by the sopranos and then the tenors. With the exception of the tenors, the imitation not only includes the text but the intervals used: ascending major second, descending perfect fifth, ascending sixth (minor for bass and soprano, major for alto). 270 Personal interview, Jan 24, 2009.

177 163 Example because of you, measures 5-7. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt. The second example occurs at the end of the tenor s plainchant melody on the text by a thousand stories I was scorched (mm ). Van der Watt continues the repetition of the text I was scorched once more in homophony (m. 27). The use of repetition to give emphasis to meaningful text is, much like canonic imitation, equally prominent in Western European and traditional African music. In addition to textual repetition and imitation, van der Watt makes use of the controlled use of selected interval sequences. 271 Used throughout traditional African music, the repetitive use of select intervals drives the melodic contour as opposed to adhering to a harmonic hierarchy. In because of you, the reoccurring intervals are the major and minor second. A repetitive use of major and minor seconds is found in the accompanying voice parts from measures The parallel motion of the quarter notes in this section, with few exceptions, exclusively uses major and minor seconds creating a planing and 271 J.H. Kwabena Nketia, The Music of Africa (New York: W.W. Norton & Co. Inc., 1974), 147.

178 164 oscillating effect (Example 3.27). Though this homophonic motion occasionally results in recognizable ninth chords, often the pitches are clusters of major and minor seconds. Example because of you, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt. Van der Watt s use of linear sequences of reoccurring intervals is a melodic concept associated with traditional African composition. Additionally, the detachment from harmonic hierarchy conveys a disconnection from Western European formal structures. It is the use of repetitive, linear interval sequences and the avoidance of chordal progression that displays a distinct, albeit subtle, integration of style. Though repetitive use of intervals as a means for melodic development is often contradictory to harmonic progressions, van der Watt infuses Western European harmonic structure, often correlating with textual interpretation. For example, there is a clear, traditional harmonic progression within the first three measures. However, on the third chord of measure three, coinciding with the stressed syllable of country, van der Watt replaces the fifth of the subdominant seventh chord, D, with a minor second lower, C# (Example 3.28). This shift creates a tritone between the root of the chord and the altered fifth. The incorporation of this unexpected chord within the traditional

179 165 progression underscores the emphasis van der Watt gives this word and its meaning. One can deduce that the inclusion of a tritone indicates that van der Watt finds his country in conflict and distress. Example because of you, measure 3. Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt. Van der Watt employs this same technique on the word skin in measure twenty-nine creating a distinct harmonic interpretation (Example 3.29). Although the harmonic structure in the preceding measures is far less traditional, the chord on skin consists of two major triads, B-D#-F# and E-G#-B. According to van der Watt, the layering of two triads on this particular word signifies the racial separation encouraged during apartheid.

180 166 Example because of you, measures Reprinted, by permission, from the composer, Niel van der Watt. This textual-harmonic relationship continues into the next measure (m. 30) on the word changed (Example 3.29). Again, van der Watt uses bi-tonality to symbolize the reconciliation, the change, within individuals and the country. The chord is constructed of two major triads, G-B-D and D-F#-A, but in this instance, the two chords are unified by the pitch D, the key of the entire work. While at times the Western European harmony instructs the melodic development, van der Watt clearly uses both the sonority and the symbolism to enhance textual meaning. Van der Watt leaves little room for interpretation when it comes to the motivation of integration in because of you. His selection of texts and juxtaposition of musical styles express his sorrow and remorse for apartheid and its victims. His setting has enhanced Krog s poetry and allowed the composer to communicate about a topic he is often

181 167 reluctant to discuss. One might go so far as to claim that this work is therapeutic for the composer, the performers and the nation. All of the composers discussed in this study recognize the power that music has within a culture, a community and a nation. The concept that South Africa needs a new musical style to represent a new social and political outlook has led to many interpretations. Interestingly, each composer focused on choral music when undertaking compositional integration. From the interviews, it is apparent that the musical integrations achieved by these composers are motivated a variety of factors, be it the inherent integration of familiar African musical styles, the desire to pay homage to African culture, the challenge of capturing exotic sounds, or the opportunity to make a political statement on the reign and fall of apartheid. It is often a combination of these factors. For Klatzow and van Dijk there is an inherent desire to integrate the musical features of a familiar culture. One could also claim that stylistic integration appeals to their sense of exoticism, a need to evoke African sounds and culture. With his text, van Dijk makes it clear that there is a political message against the influences of colonialism. For Hofmeyr, Western and African integration is motivated by individual expression. He feels little need to demonstrate a new compositional style let alone make a political statement. Hofmeyr s few integrated works stem from a conscious artistic choice. Zaidel- Rudolph composed her unique work to pay homage to an African choral tradition. Her motivation was derived from ethnomusicological concepts of recognition and preservation. Lastly, it is van der Watt who makes the clearest political statement with his integrated work. His integration provides a personal reconciliation of his own beliefs and the potential future of his country.

182 168 The methods used to integrate Western European and traditional African musical styles are as varied as the motivations. Zaidel-Rudolph and van der Watt used direct quotation, or even the indigenous performers themselves. Van Dijk used sound effects, clapping, and vocal ostinati to evoke the atmosphere of the African wilderness and European military. Klatzow and Hofmeyr made allusions to African forms of call-andresponse and imitation while juxtaposing Western textures and harmonies. In all cases, the composers made use of syncopated rhythms, offbeat text stress and cross-rhythms. Many composers employed short, repeated rhythmic or melodic motifs so frequently used in African song. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, all of the composers in this study selected African texts or themes for their integrated choral work. Conclusion In conclusion, the significance of an integrated choral work composed in post-apartheid South Africa comes from the cultural understanding and social experiences that influence and represent the country. This does not mean that aesthetic criteria and musical innovation are obsolete. In fact, cultural diversity has been a catalyst for musical creativity and originality in South African choral music. Therefore, a new South Africa must be concerned with the newness of its musical style as well as the newness of its social context. Only with the integration of musical material, compositional method, and cultural meaning will South Africa s style become culturally reconciled and representative of its diversity.

183 169 In his book African Music: A People s Art (1975), Francis Bebey argues that the fundamentally collective artistry of African music is distinct, and even perhaps superior, to the autonomous role of the musician in Western European traditions. Bebey continues by stating that music is communal property whose spiritual qualities are shared and experienced by all; in short, it is an art form that can and must communicate with people of all races and cultures. 272 Perhaps the integration of indigenous African music, with its pervading sense of community, is precisely the method that should be used to advance reconciliation in South Africa. Music, like art and literature, is an adaptable form able to be reformed by the needs of the society. In the case of post-apartheid South African choral music, society craves symbols of unity and the composers, performers, and conductors oblige. 272 Bebey, Francis. African Music: A People s Art. (Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books, rev. 1999), vi.

184 170 APPENDIX A: MAP OF SOUTH AFRICA Map taken from (public domain map)