JAVANESE GAMELAN IN THE PAKU ALAMAN PALACE: THE REPERTOIRE OF UYON-UYON MURYARARAS

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1 JAVANESE GAMELAN IN THE PAKU ALAMAN PALACE: THE REPERTOIRE OF UYON-UYON MURYARARAS By Sutrisno Setya Hartana Bachelor of Karawitan (Javanese Traditional Performing Arts), Indonesian Institute of Arts, 1992 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Music) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 2006 Sutrisno Setya Hartana, 2006

2 ABSTRACT JAVANESE GAMELAN IN THE PAKU ALAMAN PALACE: THE REPERTOIRE OF UYON- UYON MUR YARARAS In this thesis I would like to present information gathered over the past two decades concerning the repertoires of court Javanese gamelan in the Paku Alaman Palace. My main interest is the time period of the early 20 th century to the present; however, some relevant historical background from earlier times is included. The gamelan at the Paku Alaman performs for a variety of palace events, accompanying dance or puppet shows and sometimes playing compositions from ancient times, all of which are outside the scope of this thesis. This thesis will limit discussion to the gamelan performance called uyon-uyon muryararas (UUMR), which refers to a certain gamelan performance held every 35 days in Pura Paku Alaman Palace. This cyclic performance is the only occasion when only the gamelan orchestra, including singers, is featured without theatre, dance, puppetry, or any other art form. Originally, the idea of uyon-uyon muryararas was a ceremonial gamelan performance held by the royal family of Pura Paku Alaman to celebrate the birthday of the king based on the Javanese lunar calendar. In modern times, because of local government support as part of a program sustaining the traditional culture, uyon-uyon muryararas have been broadcast by local radio stations. The group uses the same repertoire of traditional compositions as used in other palaces, with some exceptions. Some are instrumental and some have singing. Lyrics are from traditional poetry, stories, historical and mythical events. Before 1945, attendance at the performance was restricted to the Paku Alaman's royal family members, special guests, and the palace servants (abdi dalem), but since the reign of Sri Pakualam VIII ii

3 ( ), performances are open to the general public. In particular, this thesis will expl some basic relationships that exist between a particular social institution, that is the palace gamelan, the musical activities, the musicians who perform, and some selected repertoires o the gendhing (Javanese musical compositions) they play. iii

4 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES LIST OF FIGURES AND DIAGRAM LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS PREFACE ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv vi vii viii ix 1. HISTORY AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE PAKU ALAMAN PALACE. 1.1 The Paku Alaman Palace in Contemporary Yogyakarta Society 2. THE HISTORY AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE UYON-UYONMURYARARAS IN PAKU ALAMAN PALACE Introduction to Gamelan Gamelan Styles Used in Paku Alaman Palace Explanation of the Musicians Rank of Abdi Dalem Paku Alaman Palace Gamelan Musicians Group Dynamics PERFORMANCE CONTEXTS Location Times of Performance Gamelan as Part of The King's Birthday GENDHING IN UYON-UYON MURYARARAS: HOW REPERTOIRE IS SELECTED AND MANIPULATED TO MEET THE NEEDS OF THE PERFORMANCE EVENT Factors for Selecting Repertoire Repertoire of Gendhing According to Appropriate Pathet Meaning of a Gendhing Repertoire of Gendhing According to the Appropriate Feeling Factors for Ordering Repertoire Other Important Elements to Consider in Repertoire Gendhing Examples of Gendhing Chosen for Uyon-uyon Muryararas Performances Pathet Analysis in Relation to Repertoire SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 65 iv

5 APPENDICES.71 Appendix A List of gamelan musicians in Paku Alaman Palace Appendix B List of repertoire used in the birthday performances for Paku Alam VIII 73 Appendix C Sekar Ageng Retnahasmara 75 Appendix D List of interviews 76 BIBLIOGRAPHY 77 GLOSSARY 81 v

6 LIST OF TABLES Table la & lb : Instruments of gamelan in Yogyakarta and Surakarta Table 2 : Abdi dalem ranks. 29 Table 3 : Names of the days of the week in the Javanese lunar calendar 39 Table 4a : The nine stanzas of Puspawarna Table 4b : Balungan and gerong part for ketawang Puspawarna laras slendro pathet manyura 44 Table 5 : Balungan bubaran Udan Mas laras pelog pathet barang.. 45 Table 6 : Matrix of Javanese mode (pathet). 49 Table 7 : Comparison of repertoire on two separate occasions Table 8 : Javanese mode (pathet) wheel of life 62 vi

7 LIST OF FIGURES AND DIAGRAM Figure 1: Map of Central Java 3 Figure 2: Map of the central city of Yogyakarta 35 Diagram: Macrocosmos 64 vii

8 LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS 1. Main gate of Paku Alaman Palace Buildings along the palace wall Lawn inside the main gate Bangsal Sewatama 37 viii

9 PREFACE A long time before a formal traditional arts school began in Indonesia in 1950, the most common traditional arts education systems that were used in rural areas in Java included nyantrik' (study with a private guru in the guru's house), nyecep with a community elder 2 (to study directly with an older relative), and self-study. The Guru was the most honoured person in the village. Even the Sanskrit word "guru" symbolized larger ideas, as the Javanese applied meaning to the syllables "gu" and "ru". They interpreted the "gu" to symbolize "digugu", a word that in the Javanese language means "to obey someone who should be obeyed" and "ru" became associated with the word "ditiru" which means "to follow someone who should be followed". This type of symbolic language, where one syllable of a word is used to give multiple layers of meaning, due to association with other words that contain the same syllable is commonly practiced in Javanese. Another example is the word dhalang (puppeteer), which is divided into "dhal" and "lang". "Dhal" is symbolically tied to the word "ngudhal", which means "one who researches important moral issues and presents options to the public". "Lang" is related to the word "wulang" which means "lesson". Both of the words, symbolically linked to the word dhalang, relate to the dhalang's role in society as a teacher, performer, and social commentator. 1 The word nyantrik in the Javanese tradition usually describes a person called cantrik. Cantrik can be a student, servant or assistant of priest who works, studies, and learns about social, 1 cultural, and daily life in a special place called Padhepokan. 2 An interview with pak Suhardi on June 20 th, 2000, in his house and permitted to be cited. Nyecep in the Javanese means "to suck." It suggests a mother who is nursing her baby. ix

10 A Javanese proverb goes: Desa mawa cava, Negara mawa tata. This literally means that "the village has its ways, and the city has its rules." In other words, customs vary from place to place, and how you behave depends on where you are. As a child, I saw a dhalang performance in the village at night. The dhalang brought the wayang (shadow puppets) with a complete set of the accompanying equipment, including the gamelan. He also brought musicians, singers and his students, sons and daughters. During the day of the performance, the children of the dhalang and the other gamelan musicians would play simple pieces on the instruments for the community and welcome everyone to listen. During the night time performance, the dhalang's children did not play with the group, but they watched and listened carefully. This was part of their traditional education as hereditary musicians, but the children of the village were not allowed to touch the instruments. The musician's children play from a very young age, so that when they are older they can join the professional players. Usually, the dhalang draws musicians from a network of families that have a long association with his particular gamelan. Children remain close to their family and culture when they attend these performances, gaining a broad overview of traditional practices and etiquette, as well as learning the performing arts. They enjoy the festival atmosphere of the community celebrations with special food and treats, as well as the music and theatrical entertainment. The first time I saw a puppet performance, I was a six years old boy living in Ngentakrejo village of Kulon Progo district, an area which is quite far from Yogyakarta central city. That was a very good memory and experience for me. Nowadays, I want to review and share my experience by telling others who might be interested. My own early experience in learning and associating with Javanese traditional arts reflects a traditional x

11 cultural process. When I was small, I would sneak out and watch the shadow play far past my bedtime, until my parents would yell at me that I would fall asleep at school the next day if I did not come home. Usually at the wayang performance, I was transfixed and stayed too late, even until I started to nod off, as I could not get enough. My love of gamelan started early, and from a young age. I began to develop as a singer of the Javanese poetry known as tembang (an unaccompanied genre of vocal music). Eventually, in later years, I went on to win two times in the singing competitions in Yogyakarta province, sponsored by both the Yogyakarta Palace and the Paku Alaman Palace (PA). Subsequently, I decided to live a life close to the land and very close to wayang and the Javanese performing arts. It was difficult living the life of a traditional artist in Java. I was no exception. I survived doing what I could, while developing my talents as a musician and dancer; meaning that I have lived a life of community service. I played my siter (Javanese zither) in the street, and from this experience I developed my own perspective on the human condition. In 1982,1 went on to study karawitan (Javanese traditional performing arts) in KONRI (Conservatory of Javanese Traditional Dance), which was later expanded into two levels, SMKI (Indonesian-High School of the Performing Arts), and the more advanced ASTI (Indonesian Dance Academy). I graduated from SMKI in 1986, and then deepened my knowledge by attending the Indonesian Institute of the Arts (ISI) in Yogyakarta, acquiring a Bachelor degree in Javanese traditional performing arts in I performed and trained outside of ISI with some of Java's most famous artists, most notably: Pak Cokro, also known as K.R.T. Tjokrowasito; K.R.T. Wasitadiningrat; K.P.H. Notoprojo, who had already retired from teaching Javanese gamelan at Cal-Arts xi

12 University in Valencia, California; Pak Suhardi, also known as Mas Penewu Wignyo Bremoro, (who died in August 8, 2000), a most respected musician in Paku Alaman Palace who was the leader of the Radio Republic of Indonesia (RRI) gamelan group in Yogyakarta; Pak Djoko Walujo, one of the directors of gamelan at IS I Yogyakarta and currently teaching the Javanese gamelan at Cal-Arts. I danced and played music with Bagong Kussudiardja, (who died in June 15, 2004), the foremost exponent of the dance and theater form called sendt-atari (Javanese dance drama). I continued to perform with many groups and toured internationally through Asia, Europe, and North America for both playing and creating new works for gamelan and dance. From 1995 to 1998,1 taught gamelan at the Indonesian Consulate in Vancouver, Canada. Late 1998 was the worst economic crisis in South East Asian countries, including Indonesia, which caused the stepping down of Suharto, the second president of Indonesia. During there were view cultural activities in Indonesia due to economic hardship and political tension. Indonesian embassies abroad were also affected by the national situation. As a result, the ministry of Indonesian foreign affairs decided to merge some of their departments and dismissed thousands of their employees, including myself. I went back to Java inl998, but only for several months, because I was lucky to be appointed as a visiting artist at the Simon Fraser University School for the Contemporary Arts for several years. In 2004,1 was honoured by the King of Paku Alaman with the title Mas Lurah Lebda Swara, as I was instated as an official court musician and member of the royal palace. As an official member of the gamelan, I was able to access more documents and even interview members of the royal family. In addition to the information I have already xii

13 gathered as a cultural insider, now, as a Master's Degree student at the University of British Columbia, I also have access to the wealth of academic publications available. It is my objective to bring together these resources and write a thesis that will be a contribution to the exploration of the role of the Javanese gamelan. I chose this topic because during the course of my research, I found only a few sources of information regarding this important repertoire and its origins. Moreover, the many kinds of traditional preparations required for a successful performance of uyon-uyon muryararas include the rehearsal of the musical repertoire, but extend into many other areas that are not done properly these days. As a native performer of this music, it seems to me that this situation should be improved. Factors such as the order of performance, time of day or night, and the mood of the occasion are obviously important, but in Javanese gamelan performance, even the accessories of the costumes worn by the gamelan members has. significance. In addition, the few existing scholarly sources (Dewantara 1930, Lindsay 1980, Vetter 1986, Walujo 1990, Wenten 1996), limit their scope to explanations of music theory without touching on the role that the royal gamelan plays in Javanese society or the practical matters involved in operating such an orchestra. One of the reasons for the lack of documentation about uyon-uyon muryararas may be that Javanese palace performance practices were considered confidential cultural information that should not be released to the general public. Now, due to political changes and the recognition of the need to preserve the repertoire and related traditions, many of my associates at the Paku Alaman Palace encouraged me to research, write, and publish about uyon-uyon muryararas. Another reason for the lack of previous publications may be that, even in Java, few gamelan players would have access to the xiii

14 inner workings of the palace gamelan. It was with these resources and remembering the encouragement of my palace colleagues that I have dared to choose this field of study. A brief outline of the arrangement of chapters and summary of the argument will now be given. Chapter I is a description of the history and social structure of the Paku Alaman palace since its first establishment by Pangeran Noto Kusumo, known as Paku Alam I through the early 20 th century of Paku Alam VIII in Yogyakarta. Current events in contemporary society in Yogyakarta, especially political changes, have affected the position of the palace within society. Only the main events are analyzed here to provide a historical background that will make it easier to follow the discussion in the following chapters. Chapter II examines the history and social organization of the uyon-uyon muryararas in Paku Alaman Palace. This chapter focuses on the gamelan, performing musicians and their activities during rehearsal and performance. It examines the gamelan and musician as part of a group organization, including decisions made within the group, their musical activities, their social interaction, and how they relate to the palace organization and society outside the palace walls. Chapter III discusses the context of gamelan performance in the Paku Alaman palace tradition. This chapter explores the factors that create the context of gamelan performance in uyon-uyon muryararas, such as location, time, and how the ordering and content of performances are constrained by the contextual setting, and also how repertoire is selected and manipulated to meet the needs of the performance event. The significance of the 35 day cycle will be explained with reference to the Javanese lunar calendar and the customs surrounding birthdays of the king. xiv

15 Chapter IV looks at the repertoire and style of performance, the most important factor in this thesis. This chapter will discuss the main theme of this thesis, namely, the analysis and performance practices of gendhing used in uyon-uyon muryararas. It explores how the ordering and content of performances are constrained by the occasion of performance, and how repertoire is selected and manipulated to meet the needs of the performance event. Chapter V is a summary and conclusion. It explores the cultural, social, and political impact of gamelan performance in the Paku Alaman Palace. It also mentions the concerns of a gradual loss of the subtleties and intricacies of full-scale performance and arrangement, in contrast to individual gendhing being played or recorded on their own. Many readers may be unfamiliar with the proper pronunciation of the many Javanese and Indonesian terms used in the following pages. A clear pronunciation guide is available in Sorrell (1990: xi-xii), Brinner (1995: xv), or Sumarsafn (1995: xvii), and numerous other places. xv

16 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am greatly indebted to my mentors at University of British Columbia for their guidance, support, encouragement, patience, and example. From the start of my writing to the completion of this thesis, Professor Michael Tenzer patiently guided me in developing my ideas and strengthening my argument, and he checked and rechecked my English. Professor Alan R. Thrasher and Professor Nathan Hesselink always made certain that I progressed in my work. Through their gentle advice, they directed me to the awareness of a broader view of music. I would like to thank the UBC School of Music for the granting of an assistantship during the entirety of my study. I would like to thank my mentors and colleagues in the School for the Contemporary Arts at Simon Fraser University, in Particular Martin Gotfrit, Owen Underhill, David Mclntire, and Kenneth Newby for their support, useful comments, and constructive criticism. I am grateful to Paku Alaman Palace, especially K.P.H. Notoprojo (Pak Cokro) and K.R.M.T. Projowinoto, Mas Wedana Gitowinoto, and Mas Wedana Muryowinoto for their continuing advice. I thank my teachers and colleagues at SMKI ( ) and at ISI ( ) for their guidance and support. I would like to extend my thanks to my teachers, friends, and colleagues at Cal-Arts Univeristy and elsewhere, in particular I Nyoman Wenten, Djoko Walujo, Sumarsam, Hardja Susilo, I wayan Sudirana, Mark Parlett, Ben Rogalsky, Andrew Timar, Jarrad Powel, and Garry McFarlane, plus Gary Towne and Victoria Gibson (to both of whom I am also grateful for help in proof-reading this manuscript). Lastly, I express my gratitude to my parents, my wife Anis, and my children Ayun and Lulu for their moral support. xvi

17 CHAPTER 1: History and Social Structure of the Paku Alaman Palace Similar to other Southeast Asian cultures that share common roots in a Hindu- Buddhist and Islamic heritage, Java has long maintained a belief in "the parallelism between macrocosmos and microcosmos, between the universe and the world of men" 3. This belief has manifested itself in a number of ways over the centuries: in the construction of palaces, the organization of political offices, the development of astrological prediction, and the structure of gamelan. 4 It can be interpreted as an inevitable cycle of change, where one empire falls from power as another ascends. Ancient empires that created periods of order (jaman mas) were followed by colonial periods (Jaman penjajahari), and eventually the period of modern independence (jaman merdeka). These periods correspond to the concentration and diffusion of power respectively. Before the colonial period, most of the kingdoms based in Java had a strong position and became political centres, so that the palaces were able to support and develop the arts, including the gamelan, through royal patronage. The gamelan influenced not only the "social, political, and religious life," but also the literary and artistic world, which includes music, dances, and Hindu epics, which were adapted for Javanese society. 5 Gamelan rose to importance during the Hindu-Javanese kingdoms which ruled from the 5 th through the 14 th centuries, including the Majapahit (12-14 th centuries), which 3 Heine-Geldern. "Conception of State and Kingship in Southeast Asia," Data Paper no. 18. Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, p R. Anderson Sutton, "Variation in Central Javanese Gamelan Music: Dynamics of a Steady State." Monograph Series on Southeast Asia Special Report No. 28, p Sumarsam, Gamelan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995). p 13. 1

18 was the last Hindu-Javanese Empire. In fact, before Majapahit, many temples were built, including the temples that have become some of the most famous international heritage sites: Borobudur temple (during the years A.D. 750 to 850); Dieng (A.D. 750); Candi Sari (A.D. 750); Prambanan (A.D. 850); and Penataran, a 14 th -century East Java temple (Kunst, 1968: 5-6). The influence of Islam increased, especially in Java, after the fall of the Majapahit Empire in the late 14 th Century. The Demak kingdom that followed soon after the fall of the Majapahit Empire was the first to have Islamic rulers in Central Java. It encouraged many changes, including the fragmentation into smaller kingdoms divided by religious affiliation. The Demak kingdom continued to maintain a gamelan orchestra as an important part of its cultural heritage. Competition between palaces improved the quality and quantity of arts for their respective societies. Patronage also improved the arts within a kingdom, as artists competed for royal recognition and favours. Uyon-uyon muryararas developed out of the Javanese music tradition that resulted from the adaptation of Hindu traditions to Islamic religious practice. However, it was not established until the early 20 century by Prince Paku Alam VIII in Yogyakarta. In order to appreciate the cultural and historical context'of his initiative, it will be helpful to review the history of his kingdom up to that time. From a historical point of view, Paku Alaman Palace maintained traditional music styles and sponsored adaptations in the style of music and other art forms which differ from those of the other courts in Java. In fact, the influence of the Mataram kingdom, which followed the Demak kingdom, and the effects of Dutch and British colonialism are important aspects to mention here, because the music tradition that has developed and is performed in Paku Alaman Palace began and continued to flourish from there. 2

19 Figure 1: Map of Central Java A v A s e *. m CENTRAL JAVA \ +2^^^ op... : f 4r^^"" : :.**-v * pljgmjunmm V*~ c*ac*r WttWOOMi' M YAKAOTA M M ^ YOGYAKARTA c p N (source: During colonialism, the Javanese people lost control of their resources, and thus endured economic hardship. Most kingdoms maintained their cultural traditions only with great difficulty. The pressure from Dutch colonial powers succeeded in breaking up the Mataram kingdom so that it no longer existed as a unified political or social organizing force. Thus, due to a family disagreement over whether to cooperate with the Dutch imperialists or not, in 1755 the Mataram kingdom divided to become two palaces, Yogyakarta and Surakarta with the official signing of the Giyanti treaty (Ricklefs, 1974:61). These divisions were due to the Dutch policy of Divide and Rule (Mudjanto 1986:35), which reduced the power of royal families by creating dissention. With rising political tensions between palaces as part of the pressure of colonialism, two of the most important kingdoms divided to become smaller kingdoms. The Yogyakarta Palace then further split in two: the Yogyakarta Palace under the Sultan, and the Paku Alaman Palace 3

20 under Pakualam. 6 Similarly, the palace of Surakarta also divided into two palaces, which are the Mangkunegaran under Mangkunegara I and Kasunanan under Sunan. Thus, in the 18 th century, the one kingdom of Mataram had divided into four independent palaces, each with its own ruler, which subsequently developed separate cultures, including artistic and musical traditions. This division into separate palaces, each with its own cultural identity, but with a history of cultural unity, helps to explain the preponderance of regional, yet similar, vocabulary terms regarding Javanese gamelan. The Javanese gamelan music from the four royal courts of Central Java continues to be performed today in the palaces. The existence of gamelan music from the palaces represents one of the great classical music traditions of Indonesia. All the gamelan groups within the Javanese cultural group use similar musical forms, and composition refers to multisectional pieces, performed by a singer (s) or instrumentalist in accordance with modal frameworks, idiomatic processes, and special characteristics of the piece. The uyon-uyon muryararas is considered by many experts to be one of the finest representations of Javanese classical gamelan. This form is unique to Paku Alaman Palace, and part of the identifying features of the style can be seen from examining the flexibility of the selections made from their repertoire pieces. Paku Alaman Palace is known to be more flexible than other palaces, possibly because of its geographical position and the influence of the neighboring culture as well as the seriousness of the palace to sustain the gamelan. 6 Jennifer Lindsay. "The Pakualaman," The Foundation and Functions of a Javanese Minor Court in the Nineteenth Century. Unpublished thesis, Cornell University (1980:12) 4

21 The exact date of origin of the Paku Alaman Palace is still often debated because there are two possibilities that could be considered the official date of establishment. In 1812, the British were trying to increase their power in Java and interfere with Dutch domination of the area. Thomas Raffles, Governor General representing the British Crown, gave Bendoro Panger an Hario (B.P.H. Notokusumo 7, the son of the king of Yogyakarta Hamengkubuwono I), the kingdom of Paku Alaman. This change in palace authority was announced by Raffles on June 29, 1812 when B.P.H.Notokusumo assumed control of Paku Alaman Palace. The other possibility is based on the date that B.P.H. Notokusumo made a political contract with the residents of Yogyakarta, represented by John Crawfrud, March 17, 1813 (Walujo 1990: 30-31). However, the late Sri Pakualam VIII ( ) preferred to use the second date as the day of anniversary celebration (Poerwokoesoemo 1985: ). Since then, most royal family members in Pura Paku Alaman (the so-called "minor" court of the sultanate of Yogyakarta) have agreed that the palace was established as an independent minor court on March 17, 1813, during the British rule in Java, with no history of struggle for recognition. For the brand new crown prince, Sri Paku Alam I became the first ruler of Paku Alaman, with the title Kangjeng Gusti Pangeran Adipati Aria (K.G.P.A.A). Family ties between Yogyakarta and Paku Alaman remained strong, as the first king of the new kingdom was the son of the king at Yogyakarta. The nucleus of the court that became established under the kingship of Paku Alam I had begun to form earlier in 7 B.P.H. Notokusumo was the younger son of Hamengkubuwono I (the king of the Yogyakarta Palace). A prominent figure in Yogyakarta history, he was also an interesting and important person to Dutch writers of history. See Ki Hadjar Dewantara: "The Practice of Literature and the Arts in the Pakualam Family" In THE KRATON: Selected Essays on Javanese Courts, ed. with introduction by Stuart Robson, Leiden: KITLV Press, p See Wenten (1996:90) and Walujo (1990: 30-31) 5

22 the main courts at Yogyakarta, where the king's artistic ideas had begun to be developed. "The tendency to literary aspirations and the practice of the arts is a fine tradition that, though unknown to many, has always been characteristic of the Pura Paku Alaman. Paku Alam I attracted attention through his zeal for study of Javanese letters, politics and state institutions" until he died in Kangjeng Pangeran Hario (K.P.H) Suryaningrat, the oldest son of Paku Alam I and the queen of Paku Alaman remained to replace his father to be Paku Alam II with title K.G.P.A.A. Paku Alam II was in a fortunate situation because the Java war (Perang Diponegoro ) was over when he became the second king of Pura Paku Alaman. According to Ki Hadjar Dewantara 10, one of the royal family members in Pura Paku Alaman, when the prince was young he always followed his father everywhere, and was initiated into all the affairs of state by his father. 11 While he was still young, he occupied the role of personal adjutant to the industrious statesman Notokusumo, so that the youthful prince, Raden Mas Suryaningrat, had abundant opportunity for further development. The disruption of the Java War was followed by a period of prosperity and peace, which manifested itself in the development and flowering of the arts in the Paku Alaman. It was in the time of Paku Alaman II that new paths were opened up in the fields of Javanese arts including dance, gamelan and puppetry. Sri Pakualam II was also 9 Dewantara, Ki Hadjar "The Practice of Literature and the Arts in the Pakualam Family" In THE KRATON: Selected Essays on Javanese Courts, ed. with introduction by Stuart Robson. (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2003), p Ki Hadjar Dewantara was one of the most radical nationalists in the first generation. Later, he gave birth to a still more influential syncretism in his Taman Siswa school system, founded in Yogyakarta in (See Antony Reid, in The Winning of Independence of Indonesia ed. by Robin Jeffrey. London: Macmillan, 1981), p " See Dewantara (1931: 331) 12 See Dewantara ( 1931: 333) 6

23 considered as a great artist in Yogyakarta because he was expert in ancient Javanese song (Kawi) and drama. 13 Some famous dances, such as Bandabaya (previously called Penthung), Lawung Ageng, tari Inum, bedhaya Gadhungmlathi, Bedaya Sanga and srimpi Puspawarna, were commissioned by Paku Alam II during his reign. This was before the time of uyon-uyon muryararas, but all of these dances, song and drama were accompanied by gamelan music. On July 23, 1858, Pakualam II died and was succeeded by his son Paku Alam III, who continued his father's tradition in the arts, but did not commission new works. When Paku Alam III died in 1864, his sons were very young, and the oldest son was blind. According to K.P.H. Soedarisman Poerwokoesumo in his book Kadipaten Paku Alaman, Paku Alam IV was not chosen by the usual method of crowning the oldest son of the previous king. Instead, an older brother of the previous king, who had been passed over when Paku Alam III was crowned because he was not the son of the official queen, was chosen to become Pakualam IV 14. During the reign of Pakualam IV, the relationship between Mangkunegaran kingdom in Solo and Paku Alaman Palace became closer because of an earthquake which destroyed much of the main building of Paku Alaman palace in June Since the original split of Mataram kingdom to become Yogyakarta and Solo, there had not been much cultural exchange between the divided kingdoms. However, after the earthquake, the sympathy and aid that came from the neighboring palace, helped to re-establish a closer cultural relationship. The development 13 See, Selayang Pandang Penguasa Praja Pakualaman, Yogyakarta: Bebadan Museum Pura Pakualaman, no year, p K.P.H. Soedarisman Poerwokoesoemo, Kadipaten Pakualaman. (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 1985), p An interview with K.P.H. Notoprojo on July 20,

24 of dance and karawitan (gamelan music) was especially dramatic during the reign of Paku Alam IV. Many dances and new gamelan composition were developed during that time, for example Floret dance, a well known dance in Paku Alaman Palace, was inspired by the art of fencing practiced by the Dutch army, the KNIL, and performed by two or four male dancers. 16 Unfortunately, Paku Alam IV died in 1878 at the age of 36, after only 14 years as king, without leaving an heir. 17 Pakualam V, previously known as K.P.H. Suryadilaga, was the youngest son of Pakualam II, and a brother to the two previous kings. He became king in 1878 to 1900, in a difficult time caused by the previous king's large debt. The debt had been enlarged because of the poor management skills of the previous king and following the earthquake, due to reconstruction. The economic condition of the palace prevented much development of the arts; although the tradition was still supported, no new works were possible. Pakualam V was a good manager and worked hard to reduce the debt and to modernize the kingdom. The palacesupported education system for young children grew under his kingship, giving them the opportunity to study many topics, including the arts, and to encourage young artists. Also, many palace events included young children in the performance. Ki Hadjar Dewantara said that this time was an intellectual period and many members of the royal family traveled to Holland to study at university, including himself. 18 The palace was also able to manage the area of agriculture by developing a system to improve depleted crop land. After he had improved the economic situation of the palace, he began to commission the 16 An interview with K.P.H Notoprojo on July 20, 2003 in his house Yogyakarta. 17 S. Ilmi Albadiah and Alex Sudewa, Pura Pakualaman Istana Paling Muda. (Yogyakarta: Lembaga Studi Asia, 1995), p See Dewantara (1931: 133). 8

25 development of new choreography for traditional dance works, such as integrating Yogyakarta traditions with dance styles from Mangkunegaran (Solo) 19. The gamelan accompaniment was also rearranged to reflect the cultural influence from the kingdom of Mangkunegaran that had been started after the earthquake. Paku Alam VI only reigned for 14 months during the years , so his contribution to cultural development was not significant. The improvement of relationship between Pura Paku Alaman (Yogyakarta) and Mangkunegaran (Surakarta) continued through the reign of Paku Alam VII. Relations became much closer after the king of Pura Paku Alam VII, K.G.P.A.A. Prabu Suryadilaga, married the princess of Kasunanan Surakarta, B.R.A. Retna Puasa, daughter of Sunan Paku Buwana X in January 15 th, Politically, this union enabled the palaces to work together to support the nationalist movement that was working to create an independent Indonesian country. Outside the palace walls, many activists from the Muslim religious group, and some young nationalists began to develop support for independence from colonialism. Repeated attempts to create an independent country happened during this time, with the result that gamelan activity inside and outside of the palace decreased. Social unrest and political upheaval created disruption in the usual palace festivals and outside events that offered opportunities for the gamelan to perform. However, there were some important performances that led to cultural exchange between the two neighboring kingdoms of Paku Alaman and Surakarta. These 19 Surakarta (Solo or Mangkunegaran) and Yogyakarta (Yogya), although only 30 miles apart, inherited subtle difference in performing arts including the gamelan music, dance, puppetry, and traditional costumes style. The major distinction existing between the "Yogyakarta style" and the "Surakarta style" began to develop during the time when the kingdom of Mataram was divided. 2 0 See K.P.H. Soedarisman Poerwokoesoemo (1985: 297). 9

26 performances were presented when Sunan Paku Buwana X, ruler of Surakarta, came to Paku Alaman Palace regularly to visit his daughter. When he stayed at the palace, he brought important gamelan musicians and dancers from Surakarta to collaborate with the Paku Alaman court musicians under direction of abdi dalem Langen Praja, the king's servants, which led to intensive cultural interaction. One visit of particular significance was to attend the celebration called sepekenan, which is held five days after the birth of a prince. This prince, who became Sri Pakualam VIII ( ), was the grandson of the ruler of Kasunanan Surakarta and the son of the ruler of Paku Alaman. He also brought to the Paku Alaman Palace two sets of gamelan instruments from Surakarta, namely Kyai Rarasingrum, a slendro set (five-toned tuning system), and Kyai Rumingraras, apelog set (seven-toned tuning system), and he presented them to his grandson, R.M. Soelarso. In addition, the King of Surakarta gave a complete set of leather puppets called Kyai Puspanegara (which in the Javanese means "Flower of the Country"). This was an indirect expression of his grandfather's wish that in the future he would become a nationalist king who supported a traditional culture. The grandfather's wish came true, because when Gusti Raden Mas (G.R.M.) Aryo Suryo Soelarso became Sri Paku Alam VIII, he joined with the nationalist elite to try to drive the colonial powers away from Java. Later, he was able to restore the relationship between Paku Alaman Palace and contemporary Yogyakarta society as a centre of culture and political influence. Sri Paku Alam VIII was aware of his responsibility to maintain and develop the arts. He supported a gamelan style that unified the best elements of the performance styles of Yogyakarta and Surakarta kingdoms with the existing local style, including the uyon-uyon muryararas. 10

27 1.1 The Paku Alaman Palace in Contemporary Yogyakarta Society During the Japanese occupation ( ), most people in Indonesia found it even more difficult to survive than under the previous colonial administration. This severe suppression created a social situation that was ripe for change. The situation challenged elite nationalists to struggle for independence and to get support for their plan to build a nation. The King of Paku Alaman and Sultan Hamengkubuwono (hereafter HB IX) of Yogyakarta were among the elite who were trying to gain independence; for the first time since the original separation of the two kingdoms, they worked as a team. They became important leaders in cooperation with other nationalists and Indonesian society in general. After the war, Indonesian independence became a reality under the leadership of President Soekarno, on August 17, Soon after official independence, the king of Yogyakarta, Hamengkubuwono IX, and the king of Paku Alaman, Sri Paku Alam VIII, declared their support for the new government and put their kingdoms under the rule of the Republic of Indonesia. 21 President Soekarno was given real power by this declaration because it was essential to have the support of the major rulers in order to form a new country. In recognition of the importance of their declaration and the decisive role both kingdoms played during the movement toward independence, the Indonesian government established a special region (Daerah Istimewa) for Yogyakarta. It became a selfgoverning province with the governorship (i.e., the Sultanate) as the local representative of the Republic as a lifetime position. Each king was given a new title: Sri Sultan HB IX was dubbed Gubernur of Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta, and Sri Paku Alam VIII was similarly dubbed Wakil Gubernur while they also still retained their kingdoms. The 21 G. Moedjanto, Kasulianan Yogyakarta & Kadipaten Paku Alaman (Yogyakarta: Penerbit Kanisius. 1994),

28 cooperation between the two rulers effectively re-united the two palaces, which increased the political power and influence of the region. Although the country was now officially independent, there was conflict between many groups who had different opinions. The stability of the Yogyakarta region created by the two rulers who supported President Soekarno caused him to temporarily relocate the capital of Indonesia in Yogyakarta ( ). The relocation of the capital to Yogyakarta made the city more important in Indonesia, both politically and culturally. At this time, there was more freedom for the Paku Alaman Palace to create its own culture, and the resources that formerly were controlled by the Colonial government were returned to enable local development. The regular schedule of gamelan performances that had been interrupted during the revolution and WWII was able to resume, both within and outside the palace. Sri Pakualam VIII wanted to develop the arts within the palace in a style that unified the best elements of the performance styles of the Yogyakarta and Surakarta kingdoms with the existing local style. He started to sponsor regular gamelan rehearsals and special performances in his palace every thirty-five days as part of his birthday celebrations based on the Javanese lunar calendar. It was for these special performances that the uyon-uyon muryararas was commissioned. The name uyonuyon muryararas, means "to re-establish [the gamelan orchestra] to create beauty with good feelings." Now, with the support of local government and radio station broadcasts, gamelan rehearsals are more frequent, and a higher standard of musicianship is attempted. 12

29 CHAPTER 2: The History and Social Organization of The Uyon-uyon Muryararas in Paku Alaman Palace Even though Indonesia has joined the modern era since its independence on August 17 th, 1945, attitudes in rural areas have progressed more slowly than in the urban areas. The adaptation of Western ideas of social and political structure as well as the use of technology has been rapidly accepted in the cities. However the charisma of old traditionalism and feudalism of the kraton 22 (palace) remain a strong influence in Javanese life. Throughout Java there are many cultural activities and ritual ceremonies which are held by the kings at their palaces, for example; grebeg (the important Islamic religious festival), labuhan (annual sacrificial ceremony), and siraman pusaka kereta kencana (a cleansing of the golden chariot). These ceremonial events are always crowded with thousands of people from surrounding areas, which represents their continuing interest and desire for involvement in Javanese tradition. This attitude is a reflection of historical consciousness because many people believe that by attending the ritual ceremony they become part of a cultural continuity that links the past, present, and future. Even though the ceremonies are very popular, there has been a decrease in social and political importance of the palace in everyday Javanese life because of political tension, economic hardship, and competition from foreign cultures. Many Javanese individuals 22 "...The kraton in the Javanese linguistic is derivative from ratu, a king, and meaning the royal residence. The actual kraton or palace occupies the centre of the complex, while the rest of the complex consists of open Javanese pavilions known as pendhopo. Usually a kraton is surrounded by the dwellings of the princess, and those of attendants and retainers. Spaces out side of the kraton unoccupied by houses often contain the gardens and water reservoir of the sovereign. The principal approach to the palace is from the main gate, which usually has a big square main yard called alun-alun. In the centre of the yard there are pairs of fig trees (ficus benjamina) called beringin kurung. It is here that the prince shows himself to his subjects with much ceremony and public processions..." Smith 1986 (13-18). See also Vetter (70-77). 13

30 perceive the activities related to palace traditions (including the classical gamelan) as out of touch with modern life, and participation in these activities is thus considered static, as compared to the modern movement towards the magic of entrepreneurship. It seems to me most of the younger generation in Indonesia are having some problems playing and sustaining the traditional gamelan music in their homeland. The causes for the lack of regeneration and development of gamelan programs in Indonesia, especially for the younger generation, may be linked to social problems. The social climate in Indonesia favours modernity and Westernization. As a result, the traditional arts, especially traditional gamelan, are neglected and underfunded, and this has led to less interest in gamelan among most of the population. Gamelan has been performed from ancient times to the present, so now Indonesians may take the gamelan for granted and undervalue the culture it represents. As a result of this social attitude, there are few young people in Indonesia interested in learning gamelan and few parents who encourage their children to learn gamelan. Indeed, this conflicts with the great growth in international interest in the music. In the west, it is a fact that the gamelan music has been known worldwide and has attracted people to large Western exhibition halls such as the 1889 Paris Exposition Universelle, the 1893 Chicago Columbian Exhibition, and the 1986 World Exposition in Vancouver. In addition, since Mantle Hood, then the director of the Institute for Ethnomusicology at UCLA, successfully introduced the gamelan course in America in 1958, some universities in the United States of America, Canada, Europe, Asia, and Australia have begun offering gamelan classes as part of their academic programs. Hood's motivation was to teach graduate students in ethnomusicology to become "bi- 14

31 musical" in the same way that people are "bi-lingual." The Paku Alaman is aware of the growth of gamelan in the Western world, and has opened its gates to the involvement of foreign scholars. This has also motivated them to strengthen their own traditions. The time of the Second Dutch Aggression ( ) saw a cessation of the activity of uyon-uyon muryararas at the Paku Alaman Palace, which had been broadcast by the Yogyakarta station of the national Radio (called RRI, meaning Radio Republic Indonesia) every Minggu Pon (a day on the traditional Javanese calendar) in the morning from 10:00 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. To preserve and continue the gamelan activity at Paku Alaman, Sri Paku Alam VIII then surrendered his duties to R. Ng. Tjokrowasito (Ki Tjokrowasito, also known as "Pak Cokro"). As a strategic step, he founded a gamelan group called Mardiwirama, which drew its members from other reputable gamelan groups that were well established at the time, such as Murbararas, led by Raden Lurah Hasthakuswala, and Dayapradangga, led by Raden Wedana Larassumbaga. 24 Due to the expertise of Pak Cokro in developing the gamelan activity and in obtaining compositions, eventually the art of gamelan composition returned to life, not only in Paku Alaman, but also in the homepatih Danurejo, and R.R.I. Yogyakarta. Traditional music heard on radio broadcast such as had been popularly programmed by two radio stations run by the Dutch in Yogyakarta, namely N.I.R.O.M (Nederland Indich Radio Omroeper Maatschappy) and M.A.V.R.O. (Mataram Verinigign Radio Omroeper) also began to be greatly enjoyed in the community. 25 Since 1960 the activity of uyon-uyon muryararas under the 23 Sumarsam, "Opportunity and Interaction: The Gamelan from Java to Wesleyan," in Performing Ethnomusicology: Teaching and Representation in World Music Ensemble, ed. Ted Solis (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 2004), Personal communication with K.P.H. Notoprojo in Yogyakarta June 6'\ See Wenten 1996:

32 leadership of Pak Cokro actively operated once every five weeks. In 1969, R. Ng. Tjokrowasito (who by that time had been given the post of king's adviser of Paku Alaman with the title of Kangjeng Raden Tumenggung (K.R.T.) Wasitodipuro) received an invitation to teach gamelan at the California Institute of Arts in America. The details of the story of Pak Cokro can be found in the doctoral thesis of Wenten (1996). After Pak Cokro left Yogyakarta for America the responsibility for all activities and connections with gamelan composition was passed on to two of the Paku Alam's officials, Mas Lurah Sutabremara and Mas Lurah Lebdabremara, including the radio broadcast program from the Paku Alaman Palace. The popularity of listening to gamelan on the radio also encouraged a few other good gamelan groups both within the palace and outside the palace. These groups, in 1960, coincidentally included many recent graduates from the Conservatory of Arts. Approximately 500 gamelan groups had been formed, spread around the area of the Special Administrative District of Yogyakarta. The existence of uyon-uyon muryararas became something fascinating for gamelan enthusiasts partly because of the aforementioned radio broadcasts; meanwhile, the local community could listen to live gamelan music of the palace, something they could not previously do. Paku Alaman understood that the activity of uyon-uyon muryararas was very important not only for the continuation of traditional gamelan, but also as a manifestation of a symbol of the unity between the king and subjects. The enthusiasm of continuing Javanese gamelan in Pakualaman Palace also attracted attention from two formal governmental educational institutions in Yogyakarta: SMKI (a high school for performing arts) and ASTI (Akademi Seni Tari Indonesia, meaning Academy of Art and 16

33 Dance of Indonesia), which since 1986 had changed its status to become ISI (Indonesian Institute of the Arts). A similar result can be seen from the joint cooperation connection between two educational art institutions in Yogyakarta and Central Java. The formation of this cooperative program includes, among other things, the opening of respective institutions for sharing each artistic attraction, whether it was along the lines of a palace ceremony or simply something connected to the process of art education. Many students became involved in performance activities in the palace. Meanwhile, several palace officials were sent out to teach at several art education institutions. The educational activity and exchange of experience among gamelan musicians in Paku Alaman Yogyakarta and Kasunanan Surakarta have been developed since the era of Sri Paku Alam VII ( ). 26 With the situation of these regular exchanges, these musicians impacted the structure of the compositions. Many compositions in the style of Surakarta were studied and performed in Yogyakarta. Similarly, many compositions of the Yogyakarta style were also studied and performed, and even rearranged by musicians in Surakarta. According to these changes and events, one can draw the conclusion that the openness, sharing, and cooperation among several art education institutions and musicians have encouraged significant further development of gamelan. An interview with K.P.H. Notoprojo on July 20,

34 2.1 Introduction to Gamelan Gamelan is the traditional orchestra of Java and Bali, consisting mainly of percussion instruments which may be made of bronze, iron, bamboo, or wood, as well as bronze and iron gongs, gong chimes, cymbals, bells, and drums (kendhang), sometimes accompanied by singers (pesindhen) and a two-stringed bowed lute, called rebab 21 The gamelan can range from a handful of portable instruments, played by three or four musicians, to a large array with as many as twenty-five instrumentalists and ten to fifteen singers. Michael Tenzer has outlined the concept of gamelan orchestra as follows: "In a general way, the Indonesian cultural concept of the word "gamelan" is that of an orchestra, or the music played by the orchestra, but it corresponds to the Western sense of that word only in that it conjures up an image of a group of people making music together. To be precise, gamelan refers to the instruments themselves, which exist as an inseparable set, and not to a group of individuals who gather to play them." (Tenzer 1998: 13) The traditional gamelan usually performs for a variety of events including accompanying dance or puppet shows and sometimes playing compositions from ancient times through to current modern life. In Javanese thought, a gamelan is one of the many manifestations of supernatural charismatic power. This power is invested in the music of gamelan -in its very sound. For example the large gong (gong ageng), producing the lowest, most resonant sound of the ensemble. Usually there is no Javanese musicians sits higher than the gong ageng and offering of incense and flower may be made. Hardja Susilo, "Toward An Appreciation of Javanese Gamelan," (accessed 23 March 2004). See also Brinner (1995: XVII- XXIV). 18

35 Javanese gamelan performances can also be called karawitan, which is a combination of three art forms: gamelan (instrumental music), tembang (vocal music), and beksan (dance). Martopangrawit, well known as one of Surakarta's best court gamelan musicians, teachers, and composers, gave a specific definition of karawitan as the art of ordering sounds that produce musical compositions, instrumental and/or vocal music, that use either laras slendro (five tone tuning system) or laras pelog (seven-tone tuning system). Furthermore, Martopangrawit categorizes the Javanese gamelan instruments into two groups: instruments related to irama, meaning time duration or pulse, and instruments related to \agu, meaning melody (see table la and lb, respectively). A detailed explanation and analysis of this distinction and the function of instruments may be found in Brinner (1995), including some thoughts of Javanese scholars and musicians i.e., Martopangrawit 30, Sumarsam 31, Wasitodiningrat 32, and ' 8 See Walujo (1990: 19) and Wenten (1996: 13-14). 2 9 Martopangrawit, R. Ng. Trans. Martin F. Hatch. In Becker, Judith, and Alan Feinstain, eds., Karawitan, vol 1. Arbor: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan p. 12. Originally published in 2 vols. Surakarta: Akademi Seni Karawitan Indonesia, "The supervisor of irama {pamurba irama) is the player with the authority to set the irama. Such is the case with the supervisor of lagu, also. The rebab i.e., the rebab player has the authority to make decision, and can also be called the leader. The rebab player determines the course of melody. All decisions relating to irama, such as speeding up, slowing down, and changing from one irama to another, are under the absolute leadership of the Kendhang player. As to choosing the gendhing, choosing whether to play in the slendro or pelog tunings, or deciding whether or not to move to the higher register (ngelik), the rebab player is in charge..." (Brinner 1995:213). See also Martopangrawit 1984: 15). 31 "... Sumarsam distinguishes between elaborating parts including singers that are distinct from the skeletal melody and those that mediate between these three groups. He also distinguishes between drums, which regulate progression through time, and gongs, which demarcate musical structure by marking off progression time..." (Brinner 1995:212). 32 Wasitodiningrat distinguishes Javanese gamelan instruments into three categories: front row, middle row, and back row. Front row instruments, also called refined instruments, include rebab, kendang, gender, and bonang. Middle row instruments include gong, kenong, slenthem, demung, gambang, clempung, and suling. Back row instruments include kempul, kethuk, kempyang, saron barung, bonang panerus, saron panerus (peking), and gender panerus. 19

36 Sindoesawarno. Brinner's work focuses on the distinctions between time-keeping instruments and melodic parts (including voice), levels of abstraction and elaboration of melodic lines or distinctions between two dynamic levels which are linked to performance practice, repertoire, and context. 34 Furthermore, Perlman pointed out that many scholars agree about the theory of Central Javanese gamelan which can be divided into three categories: the form-defining ("punctuating") instruments; instruments that bear the melodic skeleton or frame work; and the elaborating parts. 35 Perlman writes: "No matter how few instruments are available, each of the three categories must be represented: at least one punctuating instrument, one melodicframework instrument, and a few elaborating parts." (Perlman 2004: 37) 2.2 Gamelan Styles Used in Paku Alaman Palace Traditionally, Javanese gamelan performance can be divided into two main categories, known as loud and soft styles. The main difference between loud style and soft style is the instruments that are featured during the performance. In Surakarta, the gamelan performance is called klenengan, sometimes also called nguyu-uyu, but in Yogyakarta it is called uyon-uyon. In klenengan there are three subcategories of gendhing (gamelan composition): gendhing bonang, gendhing rebab, and gendhing gender. Of these, gendhing bonang, featuring the bonang (a two-octave instrument consisting of two rows of suspended bronze kettles) is considered "loud style." Gendhing rebab and 33 Sindoesawarno differentiates the gamelan into three groups: the simultaneous sound structure that includes the gong, kenong, kempul, kethuk, kempyang, and kendang; the contrasting "flowering" (i.e., elaborating) sound structure that includes the rebab, gender, gambang, celempung, suling, gender panerus, bonang barung and panerus, saron panerus (peking); and the skeletal melodic group that includes the slenthem, demung, saron barung. (see Brinner 1995:212). 34 Benjamin Brinner. Knowing Music, Making Music. (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1995) p Mark Perlman, Unplayed Melodies: Javanese Gamelan and the Genesis of Music Theory (Berkely, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 2004) p

37 gendhing gender, featuring rebab (a bowed spike fiddle with two strings) and gender (metalophone with twelve to fourteen thin keys suspended over cylindrical resonators and struck with two padded mallets), are considered "soft style." For uyon-uyon, loud style music is called gendhing soran. The word soran is derived from the Javanese word sora, meaning "loud." It features: Saron (metalophone with six, seven, or nine keys resting on a resonating trough and struck with a hard mallet; it ranges in size from the large demung, the medium-sized saron barung, to the small peking or saron panerus); Bonang (gong-chime, referring to the bonang barung; set of ten, twelve, or fourteen small gongs suspended horizontally in two rows and played melodically); Kenong (horizontally suspended gong played colotomically); Kempul (medium sized hanging gong played colotomically); Gong (large size hanging gong); and Kendhang (two headed barrel drum). The "soft style" of gamelan performance in uyon-uyon is not divided into smaller categories but is rather typically called gendhing alusan 36. This style may include the female solo singer (pesindhen), a male chorus (gerong), and loud-sounding instruments played in such a way so that the soft-sounding instruments can take a leading role. The instruments described above are the standard and most versatile of a "complete" (jangkep) or "big" (gedhe) set of Central Javanese gamelan, and are often collectively called "seperangkat" or "sapangkon;" however, there are many specialized types of gamelan that include different instruments. In Paku Alaman there are eight different sets of gamelan instruments, including the standard one used for uyon-uyon muryararas. The two gamelan styles of Yogyakarta and Surakarta developed individual characteristics, although they originally came from the same source. These changes The word alus in Javanese language means refined; it refers to one of the character of Javanese traditional arts form, including dance, puppetry, batik, and language. The opposite of alus (refined, delicate) is sora (strong, rough). 21

38 occurred as part of cultural life over a long period of time until, in contemporary gamelan performance, it is easy for an informed person to identify the distinctive style of each area. Table la: Instruments of gamelan in Yogyakarta (YK) and Surakarta (SK) related to irama. Ciphers (numbers) indicate the tones of the pelog (pi) and slendro (si) system: 1,2,3,5,6 for slendro, and 1,2,3,4,5,6,7 for pelog. Name of instrument No. of Inst Pitch Yogyakarta Surakarta YK SK Yogyakarta Surakarta Kendhang Kendhang 3 5 No necessary pitch No necessary pitch Gong ageng Gong ageng or 6 or 3 5 or 6 or 3 Siyem si. Suwukan si ,1,6 2,1,6 Siyem pi. Suwukan pi ,1,7,6 2,1,7,6 Kempul si. Kempul si ,1,6,5,3 or 5,6,1 2,1,6,5,3 or 5,6,1 Kempul pi. Kempul pi ,1,7,6,5,3 or 2,1,7,6,5,3 or 5/6,7,1 5,6,7,1 Kenong si. Kenong si ,1,6,5,3 or 5,6,1 2,1,6,5,3 or 5,6,1 Kenong pi. Kenong pi ,1,7,6,5,3 or 2,1,7,6,5,3 or 5,6,7,1 5,6,7,1 Kethuk si. Kethuk si Kethuk pi. Kethuk pi Kempyang - 1-7,6 - Japan - ' Engkuk/ kemong ,6 - Kemanak - I - 1,6 or 2,1 Kecer/rojeh Kecrek 1 1 No necessary pitch No necessary pitch Keprak Keprak 1 1 No necessary pitch No necessary pitch 22

39 Table lb: Instruments of gamelan in Yogyakarta (YK) and Surakarta (SK) related to lagu. Name of instrument No. of Inst Pitch Yogyakarta Surakarta YK SK Yogyakarta (YK) Surakarta (SK) Demung si. Demung si ,2,3,5,6,1 6,1,2,3,5,6,i or 1,2,3,5,6,1,2 Saron ricik si. Saron barung si. Saron wayang si ,2,3,5,6,i 6,1,2,3,5,6,i or 1,2,3,5,6,1,2 5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2 Saron ricik pi. Saron barung pi ,2,3,4,5,6,7 1,2,3,4,5,6,7 Peking si. Saron panerus si ,2,3,5,6,1 6,1,2,3,5,6,1 or 1,2,3,5,6, i,2 Peking pi. Saron panerus pi ,2,3,4,5,6,7 1,2,3,4,5,6,7 Slenthem si. Slenthem si ,2,3,5,6,1 6,1,2,3,5,6,1 Slenthem pi. Slenthem pi ,2,3,4,5,6,1 1,2,3,4,5,6,7 Gender barung si. Gender barung si ,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3 6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3 Gender pan. si. Gender pan. si ,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3 6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3 Gender barung Gender barung 1 1 6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,i,2,3 6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3 pi. nem pi. nem Gender barung Gender barung 1 1 6,7,2,3,5,6,7,2,3,5,6,7,2,3 6,7,2,3,5,6,7,2,3,5,6,7,2,3 pi. br. pi. br. Gambang si. Gambang si ,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6, 1,2,3,^,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6, i,2,3,5 1,2,3,5 Gambang pi. nem Gambang pi. nem 1 1 1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6, i, 2,3,5 [,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6, 1,2,3,5 Gambang pi. br. Gambang pi. br ,2,?,5,6,7,2,3,5,6,7,2,3,S,6, 7,2,3,5 7,2,3,5,6,7,2,3,5,6,7,2,3,5,6, 7,2,3,5 Bonang barung. si. Bonang barung si. 1 1 Lanang: Wadon: Bonang pan si. Bonang pnr. si 1 1 Lanang: Wadon: i Bonang pnb si Lanang: Wadon: j Bonang barung pi. Bonang barung pi. 1 1 Lanang: Wadon: Bonang pan. pi. Bonang pnr. pan. pi. 1 1 Lanang: Wadon: Lanang: Wadon: Lanang: Wadon: i Lanang: Wadon: Lanang: Wadon: Bonang pnb. pi Lanang: Wadon: l' Celempung si. Siter barung si ,5,6,11,22,33,55,66,11,22, 33 33,55,66,11,22,33,55,66,1 i, 22,33 23

40 Siter Peking Siter penerus ,55,66,11,22,33,55,66,11, 33,55,66,11,22,33,55,66,11, 11,33 22,33 Suling si. Suling si ,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,or 2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1 2,3,5,6,l,2,3,5,6,i,2,3,5,6,i Suling pi. Suling pi ,4,5,6,7,1,2,3,4,5,6,7, i,2,3,4 1,2,3,5,6,7,1,2,3,5,6,7,i,2,3,4,5,6,7, or,5,6 1,2,3,5,6,7,1,2,3,5,6,7,i,2,3,4,5,6 Rebab si. Rebab si ,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,i,2,3,5 2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5,6,1,2,3,5 Rebab pi. Rebab pi ,2,3,4,5,6,7,1,2,3,4,5,6,7, i, 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,1,2,3,4,5,6,7,1, 2,3,4,5 2,3,4,5 From a positive perspective, these differences can be interpreted as the identification of cultural and musical identity between the two main courts, Yogyakarta and Surakarta. From outside the palace wall, this diversity of stylistic development offers proof of the richness and complexity of Javanese cultural tradition. However, from another perspective, negative feeling continues to be created when fanatic followers of each palace tradition argue about their own identity. Much has been written about the significant differences between the two styles of gamelan. In my opinion, a good contribution is the (unpublished) PhD. thesis of I Nyoman Wenten (Los Angeles, 1996: 37-70). Wenten argues: "...the distinctive aspects of style which are striking and aesthetically significant: (1) Physical appearance of the instruments, (2) Musical terminology, (3) Names of some of the instruments, (4) Names of compositions, (5) Differences in repertory, (6) Garapan (the way in which musicians workout their parts for each piece), and (7) Melodic patterning (cengkok and wiletari) for vocal parts and instruments. The differences 24

41 between these two rival styles were most evident and most persistent in the past, especially before 1950s." 37 I agree with the points that Wenten has made and would like to further discuss some of them later in this thesis. In addition, it is interesting to mention here that many other areas are also distinctive. For example, the costume design, such as the head cover and jacket, which are worn by the Yogyanese gamelan musicians appears ugly to many Solonese gamelan musicians. On the other hand, some Yogyanese musicians might say that the Solonese costume design always has short jackets that use less material, and so on. Sometimes, in the past, these became the source of controversy and sensational rumors, both in daily social life and some traditional theater performing arts. 38 But due to the involvement and progression of the university level performing arts conservatories, as well as the resulting increased wide-spread familiarity with the two rival styles, the differences have gradually become less pronounced. Another possible reason for the reduction in rivalry between the two palaces is the decision during the reign of Paku Alam VII ( ) that the gamelan at the Paku Alaman Palace would play both styles. This decision gave an opportunity to the palace musicians to develop respect for the other palace's traditions. This tradition of stylistic combination has been developed in uyon-uyon muryararas at Paku Alaman, especially in the selection of repertoire since as early as the 20 th centuries. These reasons cause Paku Alaman music to seem more wideranging than other palaces, possibly because of the palace's historical background, 37 1 Nyoman Wenten. "The Creative World of Ki Wasitodipuro: The Life and Work of a Javanese Composer (Los Angeles: University of California. 1996) See G. Moedjanto, M.A. (1994: 20) 25

42 geographical position, involvement of other institutions, and the influence of intermarriage. 2.3 Explanation of the Musicians Rank of Abdi Dalem (King's Servants) In Paku Alaman Palace, gamelan musicians are considered to be a part of the abdi dalem (king's servants) under the palace organization called Kawedanan Langenpraja. This organization is responsible for the cultural department of performing arts in the Paku Alaman Palace. Musicians, dancers, and puppeteers, as well as any other entertainers related to the performing arts, are all under the umbrella of Kawedanan Langenpraja? 9 The social status of Paku Alaman gamelan musicians is based on a ranking system measuring closeness in family relationship to the king and length of time that an individual has been a member of the court musician group. In addition to the usual criteria, gamelan musicians may also be recognized because they are educated in gamelan music and have skill in performance. Special titles and an official court name can be granted by the king, depending On status, as a mark of cultural respect, for example K.R.T. Wignya Ambeksa {wignya in the Javanese language means "expert," and ambeksa means "to dance"). People given this name must have special expertise in Javanese dance. Many Javanese people believe that, in Java, a name can bring either good luck or bad luck. This type of name is special - it is only given because of expertise and not because of closeness of family relationship to the king. A gamelan musician in Paku Alaman may be given the rank of Bupati, Riya, Wedana, or any of the other titles listed in table 2, but they may also receive special recognition in the form of a name or title that reflects their status as gamelan musicians. 3 9 Interview with K.P.H. Notoprojo on July 20, 2003 in his house Yogyakarta, Java. 26

43 The highest ranking name that may be given is Bremara, which would be added at the end of their official court name and titles. This name may be given to someone who is not an expert in theory, but it recognizes expertise in performance and the idea that knowledge of technical playing and stylistic essence has been internalized. Why does the Paku Alaman Palace prefer to use bremara for the highest name instead of any other word? According to K.P.H. Notoprojo (July 20, 2003), bremara in the old Javanese language, kawi, means a bee who is always making honey. Whenever bees fly, they always make a sound of "ngeng," which to Javanese people symbolizes mastery and industriousness. According to tradition, great musicians should be able to internalize gendhing and be fluent on at least four elaborating instruments (including vocal parts) without notation, which corresponds to the power of "ngeng" when they play the gamelan. In this regard, the word bremara symbolizes the intensity of their ability to play the gamelan and their deep knowledge of repertoire and tradition. The second highest name that may be given by the king is Pangrawit, a name that recognizes a musician's ability to play, teach, compose and know the repertoire and traditions of palace gamelan. This name indicates that the individual may be more expert in music theory and notation, but may require more experience to internalize the gamelan music and technique in order to advance. The third highest name is Pradangga, which designates a player who has attained a high level of skill, but who is not yet an accomplished composer or teacher. At this level more knowledge of repertoire and tradition is required to advance. The two remaining names are Bekel and Rawita which are given to members of the royal gamelan who have been playing for a few years, but require more dedication and practice in order to advance. 27

44 According to K.R.M.T. Projowinoto, one of the royal family members of Paku Alaman Palace and the leader of Kawedanan Langenpraja, usually during the first month of a year (based on the Javanese calendar), Sri Paku Alam receives a list of employees {abdi dalem) who are scheduled to change status, or rank. This list is prepared by senior administration officials and royal family members, but the king has to approve each selection. There are seven levels of seniority that are identified by a special title such as, Kangjeng Raden Mas Tumenggung, (as shown in table 2). These seven categories are within larger divisions based on birth into the royal family or relationship by marriage: grade 1 is closest to the king, for example, his son or grandson; grade 2 is the next closest, such as the king's cousin. This system of classification continues into higher numbers, but for the employees the most significant numbers are grade 5 and above. The closeness of blood relations to the king is important, but the ability and dedication of the employee is also considered when deciding to confer rank and title. The highest level under the king is senior Bupati, known as Bupati Sepuh, or old Bupati. He, not usually she, may have the title Kangjeng Raden Mas Tumenggung (KRMT) if it is conferred by the king and accepted by the individual. The six lower ranks of abdi dalem, in descending order of importance are: Riya, Wedana, Panewu, Ngabei, Lurah, and Bekel, as seen in table 2. The same system of ranking is applied to confer lower ranks as is used for deciding who will receive the title of Bupati. 28

45 Table 2: Abdi Dalem ranks Abdi Dalem Rank Status Title Relationship Bupati Riya, Wedana, Panewu, Ngabehi, Lurah, Bekel Kangjeng Raden Mas Tumenggung (KRMT) Kangjeng Raden Tumenggung (KRT) Kangjeng Mas Tumengung (KMT) Kangjeng Raden Mas Riya (K.R.M.T) Raden Riya ( R. Riya) Mas Riya (M Riya) Raden Wedana (R.W) Must be Royal family grade 1-4 Must be Royal family member grade 5 Can be Royal family or senior employee Must be Royal family grade 1-4 Must be Royal family member grade 5 Can be Royal family or senior employee Can be Royal family or senior employee 2.4 Paku Alaman Palace Gamelan Musicians The growth of interest in gamelan at Paku Alaman Palace has led to changes in the method of teaching and an expansion of the number of people playing the gamelan. At the present time, many university professors who teach Javanese Arts also play as part of the palace gamelan group. Other members include many village people who travel long distances in order to play, local people who live nearby and, due to the involvement of radio in broadcasting palace gamelan performances, some of the radio employees have been invited to join the gamelan group. There are approximately fifty gamelan members listed on the official "List of Gamelan Musicians in Paku Alaman Palace" (see Appendix 29

46 A for a copy of the list), although not all of them are active players. As the players come from many backgrounds and economic levels in society, it is important to state that these factors do not influence their status within the group. The idea of equality among the players is important in that it reflects the philosophy of gamelan performance in which every part is required to realize the composition, with no one part being more important than another. Great guru (teachers) of gamelan sometimes do become famous and can be considered as the "star" of the gamelan because of the traditional respect and veneration given to teachers in Javanese society and because of the importance of leadership to many aspects of the ensemble. Many guru obtain access to gamelan instruments in different ways: some own their own gamelan, but most are either employees of a palace, of a wealthy person, or of a government organization that require players for their gamelan. Some guru are not employed in an official capacity, but have the opportunity to use a gamelan set belonging to someone else. K.P.H. Notoprojo, generally known as Pak Cokro, is the most famous and respected gamelan teacher and leader at Paku Alaman Palace, and he still maintains his position as spiritual leader of the gamelan at the advanced age of 102. Pak Cokro has attained the highest rank of abdi dalem possible, and on return from his career of teaching in United States, was recognised as a member of the royal family. The letters K.P.H. placed before his name stand for Kangjeng Pangeran Haryo, a title reserved for blood relations of the king. More information about Pak Cokro can be obtained from Wenten 1996 and Haryono et. al Pak Suhardi was also one of the well known Javanese gamelan teachers and a Paku Alaman court musician, as well as the leader of the RRI Yogyakarta gamelan group 30

47 for several years. In order to learn the gamelan before becaming an abdi dalem and gamelan musician at the RRI Yogyakarta, sometimes he had to go far away and stand in the garden of someone else's house so he could listen to the radio that was playing inside. He had to put his ear on the wall so he could hear the gamelan music he loved. He reminisced that when he was young, only one or two people in the village might have a radio. Radio programs of traditional music were even more rare than they are today. He considered that his attitude and behavior were guru laku, meaning he had to follow his own heart to find good knowledge. Some gamelan players had better opportunities than Pak Suhardi. They could obtain musical training through becoming accepted by a guru of gamelan. 2.5 Group Dynamics In the Paku Alaman gamelan, there are several leaders. One leader, called Pangirit, handles administrative tasks and announcements, plus coordinates with the dancers and the royal family for scheduling purposes. There is also someone within the group responsible for arranging refreshments for the group to be provided by the palace and served by palace staff. Singers are considered part of the group of musicians, but dancers are separate. Costume maintenance and acquisition is considered part of administration. Other leaders, (usually three or four abdi dalem Pangrawit) are more expert in repertoire and decide which pieces (gendhing) will be rehearsed and performed for a certain event. As they are responsible for the repertoire gendhing, the Paku Alaman Palace call them a tim gendhing (lit: team leaders or supervisors for gendhing repertoire). 31

48 According to K.R.M.T. Projowinoto, an abdi dalem pangirit at the Paku Alaman Palace, the selection of gendhing repertoire to be performed for uyon-uyon muryararas was traditionally chosen by the highest rank of abdi dalem, while musicians were generally constrained to playing the instruments commensurate with their rank. Most Javanese palaces still follow this tradition, but Paku Alaman currently does not depend on abdi dalem with high rank status, but instead gives the opportunity to the team leaders. 40 Now, lower ranked members of abdi dalem may be appointed as team leaders because of their expertise and educational background, and there is more flexibility and negotiation permissible on matters such as repertoire selection. The significance of this change from emphasis on status and rank to a more democratic group relationship demonstrates that Paku Alaman Palace is trying to develop modern ideas when organizing their gamelan activities. Most gamelan musicians in Paku Alaman Palace usually stay quiet and follow the decisions that are made by their leader in choosing the repertoire. This attitude may be influenced by the knowledge that the king and royal family members also influence the repertoire selection. The Javanese concept of kingship and charisma of the king is ideally similar to a Javanese philosopher or monk in that sabda pandhita ratu, ngendika sepisan tan kena wola-wali, which means "to think much before any word is spoken and when a statement is made, it should be consistent and not subject to change." In the case of uyon-uyon muryararas, the gamelan musicians know that a performance will occur every 35 days for the king's birthday celebration (according to special Javanese calendrical tradition, to be explained in chapter 3). During the first week following the previous performance, the repertoire for the next performance is chosen by the leaders, and then some discussion is held by the tim gendhing. Rehearsals are 40 In terview with K.R.M.T. Projowinoto on August 4, 2004 in Paku Alaman palace, Yogyakarta. 32

49 scheduled for the next week and the leaders bring the repertoire to the gamelan for the musicians to practice at the first meeting. The musicians then hold rehearsals twice a week until the event. Currently the gamelan rehearsal is held every Monday and Thursday afternoon from 4 pin to 6:30 pm, except for the day of the performance event, when musicians will come to the palace at 6:30 pm for sound check and a short rehearsal. On the day of the performance, musicians wear traditional Javanese costumes. At about 8 pm the musicians will have a tea break. At 8:45 pm the musicians are usually ready to play for the live radio broadcast that starts at 9 pm and continues until midnight. About 35 musicians, including a group of 5-10 female singers (sindhen) and 3-5 male singers (gerong), perform in Paku Alaman Palace using the same repertoire of about traditional compositions as used in other palaces. Every uyon-uyon muryararas begins with the palace anthem ketawang Puspawarna laras slendro pathet manyura, followed by the repertoire selected for the performance, and continuing until the end of performance, which is always marked with an ending piece called bubaran Udan Mas. A detailed explanation of the process used to select pieces for the performance from the repertoire used in uyon-uyon muryararas will be discussed in chapter IV. 33

50 Chapter 3: Performance Context It is important to understand the context of gamelan performance in the Paku Alaman Palace tradition because each one has an individual purpose that influences repertoire, location, and even the time of day that the event is presented. This chapter explores the factors that create the context of gamelan performance in uyon-uyon muryararas. The significance of the 35 day cycle will be explained with reference to the Javanese lunar calendar and the customs surrounding birthdays of the king. To begin, I will illustrate briefly the geographic aspect of the Paku Alaman Palace where the performance of uyon-uyon muryararas is held. 3.1 Location The Paku Alaman Palace is located in the central city of Yogyakarta, Java, Indonesia, about two and half kilometers east of Yogyakarta Palace. It can be seen from the following map that these palaces are actually quite close together, separated by a small river called sungai code. Paku Alaman Palace is located on the street called Jalan Sultan Agung, a street named after one of the famous Mataram kings ( AD) that bridges the river. The Paku Alaman Palace is a large traditional Javanese house in the sub-district called Kecamatan Paku Alaman. 34

51 Figure 2: Map of the central city of Yogyakarta KEY 1. Paku Alaman Palace 2. Yogyakarta Palace 3. Code river bridge The palace buildings are surrounded by a high wall with a large main gate in the front, called Danawara, and three smaller gates on the other sides. The large main gate was officially opened by Pakualam V after the rest of the palace on August 7, 1884, and it bears the inscription "wiwara kusuma winayang reka, " which is a special way of commemorating the date in old Javanese language, as well as bestowing a blessing to the 35

52 palace. Across from the palace there is a front yard called alun-alun Sewandanan, which is similar to a public park, although it is owned by the palace. Farther away from the main gate, after the park, is the Jalan Sultan Agung, where the traditional public market (pasar sentul) is located. The pasar sentul is always crowded, as thousands of people shop for their daily needs, and the sound of the palace gamelan can often be heard in the distance. Main Gate of Paku Alaman Palace After entering the main gate, there is another large flower garden and lawn surrounded by a row of buildings that are built as part of the wall. Historically, these buildings have been used for public education, medical clinics and other local public services as required. Currently, these buildings are used for the palace library, museum, administration offices and radio station. The main cluster of buildings is across the lawn and can be reached by a paved pathway that is large enough to accommodate a car. 41 See Albiladiah S. (1995: 23-25) 36

53 Buildings along the palace wall. Lawn inside the main gate The first building that is actually a part of the main palace is a special open area called Bangsal Sewatama that is used for gamelan performances and for special public meetings and ceremonies. Five of the eight Paku Alaman Palace gamelans, i.e.: G.K. (Gangsa Kyai) Pengawesari, G.K. Tlogo Muncar, G.K. Rarasingrum, G.K. Rumingraras, plus gamelan Carabalen (a small, incomplete set, and thus not given the title of G.K.) are kept in this building, and most of their performances, including the uyon-uyon muryararas, are located there (the other three are mentioned on page 38). Bangsal Sewatama, building for gamelan rehearsal and performance 37

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