Music and time in Afro-Brazilian Congado rituals 1 Glaura Lucas

Size: px

Start display at page:

Download "Music and time in Afro-Brazilian Congado rituals 1 Glaura Lucas"

Robert James
5 years ago
Views:

1 Music and time in Afro-Brazilian Congado rituals 1 Glaura Lucas Music and time in Afro-Brazilian Congado rituals 1 Congado is one of the Afro-Brazilian religious expressions that resulted from transcultural exchange during Portuguese colonization. Slaves (especially from Bantu cultures) congregated in Brotherhoods of Our Lady of the Rosary, where their original religious and other cultural practices were strongly repressed 2. Concepts and values from European and African cultures have been blended together during this history of confrontations, reinterpretations and strategies of resistance. Today, devotees pay homage to Our Lady of the Rosary, other catholic saints and their ancestors by means of annual feasts. In this black Catholicism, the symbols of the rosary and those of the drums are enmeshed, generating new meanings. Music is a constant during the feasts. It comprises long flows of a variety of chants and rhythms, which are performed simultaneously by the many participant groups hosts and guests alike. A constant presence, music is essential in creating a distinct environment from that of ordinary life. The congadeiros, in turn, find themselves immersed in its production and reception. It is thus through musical means that both the spiritual obligations and interactions, and a great deal of the social relationships happen. Congado is thus a rich and complex context for musical experience. My research has aimed to analyze how this sonorous aura that frames ritual space also organizes and translates ritual time. It concentrated on the musical rituals performed during the festivals promoted by two important brotherhoods of Our Lady of the Rosary situated in the metropolitan region of Belo Horizonte, capital of Minas Gerais: the Brotherhood of Contagem (formed mainly by Arturos black community) and that of Jatobá. Writing the thesis from which this paper originates began in 2004 when Mr. João Lopes, main captain of Jatobá, and Mr. Geraldo Arthur Camilo, Congo king of Minas Gerais and patriarch of Arturos, died. The next year, as I finished the dissertation, Ms. Maria Ferreira, João Lopes mother and Jatobá s matriarch; Ms. Alzira Martins, queen of Our Lady of Mercy of Jatobá; and Ms. Juventina, Congo queen of Contagem s Brotherhood (Arturos), also died. These synchronicities highlighted relevant aspects concerning conceptions and experiences of time in Congado: to begin with, the importance of ancestry. In the funeral ceremonies, the congadeiros undertook the rite of passage that conducted their leaders to another space-time realm, wherefrom they would start to play new roles as distinguished ancestors. And in this black Catholicism, the music and musical instruments that perform it function as one of the main linking channels between the congadeiros, the world of ancestors and that of Our Lady of the Rosary, according to mythic and historical referents. Thus, the musical environment creates an interface with another space-time reality. 1 This paper introduces a few issues developed in my doctoral thesis (Federal University of Rio de Janeiro UNIRIO, 2005, scholarship by CAPES). These concern temporal relations in Congado s ritual music, as performed by the groups of Congo, Moçambique and Candombe belonging to the Black Community of Arturos and the Brotherhood of Jatobá, in Minas Gerais, Brazil. It is a follow up of my MA dissertation about the same communities, where an analysis of the rhythmic structures and behaviour was carried out around their ritual functions (Lucas, 2002). This paper was presented, with slight modifications, in the III Encontro da Associação Brasileira de Etnomusicologia (III Meeting of the Brazilian Association of Ethnomusicology, October 2006, The present version was updated and translated specifically for the Experience and Meaning in Music Performance website, as part of the outcomes of my stay at the UK in , thanks to a British Academy Visiting Fellowship. I would also like to thank Martin Clayton and Laura Leante for their careful reading and valuable comments. 2 The brotherhoods were directed by white men and whoever wanted to take part had to follow strict catholic rules. However, it was the only possible alternative for black people to recreate social practices, and also to have some few social benefits like funerals. So, the Brotherhoods were not a response to repression, but black people found some ways within them, to respond to repression.

2 Music and time in Afro-Brazilian Congado rituals 2 The death of those leaders also allowed me to witness an important turning point for these communities, which highlighted in a broadened historical time the cyclic aspect of Congado, which is detected in many other temporal scales, ranging from the yearly cycles to the rhythmic patterns performed by the instruments. At that moment, a historical cycle ended for another one to start, as command was transferred to new leaders. Consequently, it represents an opening of the range of possibilities of the forthcoming, i.e., the kind of future of cyclic processes, which, according to Bourdieu, is understood as a concrete horizon organically linked to the present, rather than an abstract series of interchangeable, mutually exclusive possibilities (Bourdieu, 1990: 225). This cyclic character invited us to a theoretical contemplation of the complementary notions of permanence and change and of how those forces function, both in ritual acts and in the communities. In this paper, I will briefly approach three aspects of the musical space-time of Congado: Performance dynamics: how the groups build ritual space-time or react to momentary circumstances by means of temporal and spatial movement of their performances; The triad and the Trinity: how music becomes a vehicle of reinforcement and transmission of the meanings of core symbols of Congado through a shared numerical reference, which relates them to each another; Socio-musical chrono-interactions: temporal characteristics of social relations that occur by musical means. The Dynamics of Performances In Congado, music is characterized by the periodic repetition of chants, rhythmic patterns and bodily movements. The great variety of chants and the different rhythmic patterns of each group contribute to diversity in performances. During a chant s flow, some degree of flexibility breaks the predictability of reiteration. This flexibility follows from textual-melodic improvisations, rhythmic variations on the instruments, and also from changes in the group s intention or feeling. Through such means the congadeiros can shape the dynamics of the continuous performance of their group, according to the needs and possibilities of each place, moment or ritual stage. The functions of the groups of Congo and Moçambique and also that of Candombe, which are defined by a founding myth, are the main factors that contribute for the difference in the range of variability of their performances. Candombe, the first in the hierarchy, is an internal ritual in these brotherhoods, with great spiritual power for it represents the origin of Congado for the congadeiros. It is always conducted in the same place within a community. On the other hand, the music of Congo and Moçambique occupies many spaces in the feasts, filling chapels and homes, crossing yards or moving along the streets. Moçambique represents Candombe in public feasts. It is the group that conducts kings and queens, representing Our Lady and other saints. Congo always pushes forward in processions, opening and cleaning the way for others to pass, serving as a protective shield. Congo and Candombe, therefore, possess respectively the greatest and the least range of alternatives for performance. Besides the roles of the groups, other factors determine the need for or possibility of variation in each group s internal dynamic, either combined or in isolation. Thus, Congo and Moçambique shape their performances according to the following: the space in which they act (for example, a chapel, a yard, or a street); the places they pass (poles, crosses, doors, fences, crossroads, etc.); the ritual stage (openings, processions, etc.); the ritual moment (departures, returns, night or day); the moment of a chant s flow; momentary circumstances (meeting other groups, approaching positive or negative energies, changing weather, etc.), besides personal and collective feelings and needs.

3 Music and time in Afro-Brazilian Congado rituals 3 Thus, Congo can construct, on one hand, dense, fast dynamics, with lots of rhythmic variations necessary to its role of front line group. On the other hand, it can offer a slow chant without variation and little bodily movement in more solemn instances, such as funeral rituals. Moçambique presents a narrower range of possible changes in its dynamics and Candombe has little space for variation and the greatest concentration of ritual gestures, as expressed by its safe beat 3, that is, the invariable repetition of its unique rhythmic pattern. The complementary aspect of permanence and change in the temporal cycles of the rituals, chants, rosary s prayers and rhythmic performances can be represented by means of an image that of a cylindrical spiral, which contains the idea of recreated repetition 4. If we apply it to the performance dynamics of the three groups, we will have that the rhythmic development of Candombe is regular with no variation: Moçambique s movement dynamics can be represented by slight linearizations due to its narrow variability: Finally, Congo s moves are the most irregular, showing longer linear orientations, even though the cyclic reference is implicit, guiding the changes: Such predominant behavior patterns of the groups create the functional complementarity that guarantees the fulfillment of the ritual acts of Congado in these communities. The dynamics of each reveals distinct intentions. Congo is thus the group that moves furthest from the safe repetitive patterns: the extensive variation could be interpreted as a centrifugal tendency. Therefore, it opens itself to faster changes in its configurations throughout historical time. On the other hand, Candombe is a convergence spot, providing a centripetal orientation for the energies. The search for stability and preservation is emphasized through reduction of variability and through fidelity to ancient gestures. Once again we can make use of a spiral representation to indicate the interdependence of the groups performances in conducting the ritual as a whole, uniting their orientation in a single image that of the conic helix: 3 Term used by captain commander Antonio Maria da Silva from Arturos community to refer to the invariable reiteration of a rhythmic pattern. 4 See Martins (2000) for an analysis of the spiral time in rituals of the Reigns.

4 Music and time in Afro-Brazilian Congado rituals 4 Congo captain José Bonifácio da Luz (Zé Bengala) presents a synthesis of these characteristics of the groups, by using the image of a tree. According to him, Candombe represents the roots, the ancestors; Moçambique is the trunk and Congo is spread all over the branches, moving wherever the wind blows. 5 The congadeiros, however, find in the closed image of the rosary the main model for representing their experience of temporal processes. As a synthesis of mythic, historic, and spiritual meanings of this Black Catholicism, the rosary is a space-time metaphor, which defines or justifies certain rules. Thus, the closed and firm image of this object made of linked beads forming a string can be used to refer to the congadeiros inner disposition within the groups as well as in the royal court during the processions. It can also refer to the congadeiro universe as a whole, or to the brotherhood, the family, as can be seen in such statements as I was born in the rosary 6, or on those days Captain Virgolino conducted Jatobá s rosary. 7 From the point of view of time, it refers to time intervals that limit the annual activities of the Reign as, for example, in the following statement: On Alehluia Saturday I enter the rosary 8. It can also represent the duration of a feast, or even the temporal organization of the songs. According to this conception, whatever is opened has to be closed in ritual space-time so as to guarantee the firmness and efficiency of the actions. So the chants are not considered firm enough until sung three times for the mysteries of the rosary to be fulfilled 9. After a song is closed and safe, there is a relaxation and an opening to the possibilities of variation. For the same reason, the departure of the groups is tenser than their return, when they close the rosary for the day back in the chapel with the quiet feeling of mission accomplished. The firm enclosed time in the rosary s metaphor calls forth the idea of stability. The cycles built in the Reign s rituals follow the model of the rosary s image, which encompasses congadeiros basic precepts. It is thus an ideal representation, whose rules, however, are revised when the model is put to movement in the spiral performances under the command of the drums. The triad and the Trinity In the temporal cycles associated with the Reign binary and ternary events occur both simultaneously and successively. These are replicated in several time scales in a complementary fashion so that the two does not exist without the three and vice-versa. It is through the ternary events, however, that these temporal cycles 5 José Bonifácio da Luz, personal communication. 6 José Bonifácio da Luz, in an interview on July 03, Matias da Mata, Jatobá s Major Captain in an interview on February 09, Idem. 9 Since 1569, the official Catholic rosary has consisted of three sets of mysteries: joyful, sorrowful and glorious (AZEVEDO, 2002). The recent addition of the luminous mysteries to the rosary by Pope John Paul II (October 2002) has still not had an impact on the precepts of the Reign. The congadeiros prefer to follow the traditional model.

5 Music and time in Afro-Brazilian Congado rituals 5 music, in particular set Congado s symbols in motion, reinforcing and transmitting the values attributed to them. The symbolic force of number three in the context of Congado comes from the fact that it simultaneously represents a range of meanings, such as the following: the mysteries of the rosary; the Christian Trinity; family ancestors; the drums; the groups (Congo, Moçambique and Candombe); and the set of Reign rules established as fundamentals, commandments and sacraments. The three is thus presented as a storage unit, concentrating a great deal of information, being a synthesis of multiple meanings (Turner, 1968). In the musical domain, some rules are dictated by the power of number three, such as the rule determining that each song must be sung at least three times before being replaced by another. Other tertiary musical events, however, such as rhythmical patterns containing articulated sequences of three strong strokes on the instruments, are interpreted as a representation of the meanings attributed to the number three. The three strokes are said by the congadeiros to have ritual power connected to the metaphoric associations they unify. In this sense, they also function as multi-faceted mnemonics (Turner, 1968: 1). Their efficiency is highlighted by the special relationship between numbers and memory as explained by Thomas Crump. According to him, numbers have an infinite combining potential following highly profound structures in any context music, games, commerce, cosmology. They structure information that would remain otherwise disordered (Crump, 1990: 30). Thus, repetition of sonorous tertiary patterns builds associative networks that connect the meanings and values synthesized by number three. Music becomes then an important vehicle of representation and transmission of Congado s trinity in time. Socio-musical chrono-interactions As music is constant, many of the social interactions happen within it and through it in ritual context. Temporal characteristics of the performances not only organize communication among congadeiros, but also acquire meaning in the process of interaction. Such communication is established, both verbally by the songs, and nonverbally, by means of sounds and body gestures. To emphasize the importance of temporal relations in building and communicating meaning in Congado s socio-musical relations, I call them socio-musical chronointeractions. Among socio-musical chrono-interactions found in ritual performances in Congado, the following are worth mentioning: a) Those observed among members of the same group as they collectively produce the same musical piece. Here the congadeiros seek group unity and, therefore, the firmness of their symbolic rosary in terms of maintaining musical entrainment with their fellows along extensive and varied musical flows. As they share the flow of one another s inner time experiences (Schutz, 1977), the devotees communicate a range of information and feelings, making the energies and values of Congado circulate among the group; b) Interactions among multiple groups This kind of socio-musical interaction deserves special attention because it is typical of the congadeiro universe. The simultaneous songs, dances and distinctive rhythms characterize dialogues between the many groups that participate in the feasts. These interactions are guided by the need to maintain difference, especially that of songs and pulses as a means to keeping each group s expressive singularity, a mark of spiritual force. Such relationships become evident during the greeting ritual between two groups, which happens whenever two groups meet face-to-face for the first time in a feast. A woman holding a flag representing the group goes ahead. When the groups meet, the women exchange their flags and pass the other group s flag over the heads of all participants in their group. Meanwhile, the captains greet each other with a typical congadeiro gesture: still holding their batons (a symbol of command), they also hold each other s right hand and make a cross symbol in the air, first in front of one of them and, then, in front of the other. Next, they embrace each other. Throughout

6 Music and time in Afro-Brazilian Congado rituals 6 the greeting, each group will be singing a specific song and maybe a particular rhythm, but they will surely be making an effort for their pulses not to match. These situations are best analyzed by using the concept of entrainment 10, a theoretical tool that can clarify temporal processes. Entrainment a biological tendency toward synchronization during interaction of two independent rhythmic processes of similar periodicity is perceived and sensed by the congadeiros during the greeting ritual. The resistance to this tendency is taken as a demonstration of group unity and spiritual force. Finally, the congadeiros enclose themselves in the rosary to live and act according to a particular social order regulated by its space-time rules. They seek to nurture themselves with the energies circulating therein and to renew their forces to face daily challenges. The congadeiros, thus, firmly unite and enclose themselves in the rosary, seeking to open their paths in life. Bibliography Bourdieu, Pierre (1990). Time perspectives of the Kabyle. In: HASSARD, John (ed.) The Sociology of time. London: MacMillan, pp Clayton, Martin, Sager, Rebecca & Will, Udo (2005). In time with the music: the concept of entrainment and its significance for ethnomusicology. European Meetings in Ethnomusicology: Special Esem-CounterPoint Volume. V.11. Crump, Thomas (1990). The Anthropology of numbers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lucas, Glaura (2002). Os sons do rosário: o congado mineiro dos Arturos e Jatobá. Belo Horizonte: Ed.UFMG. (2005a). Música e tempo nos rituais do congado mineiro dos Arturos e do Jatobá. Doutorado em Música. Rio de Janeiro: Universidade Federal do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (UNIRIO). (2005b). An ethnographic perspective of musical entrainment. In: Clayton, Martin, Sager, Rebecca & Will, Udo. In time with the music: the concept of entrainment and its significance for ethnomusicology. European Meetings in Ethnomusicology: Special Esem-CounterPoint Volume. V.11. Martins, Leda M (2000). A oralitura da memória. In: FONSECA, Ma. Nazareth S. (org.) Brasil Afro-Brasileiro. Belo Horizonte: Autêntica, Schutz, Alfred (1977 [1951]). Making Music Together: a study in social relationship. Symbolic Anthropology: a reader in the study of symbols and meanings (Dolgin, J.L.; Kemnitzer, D. S.; Schneider, D.M.(eds.)). New York: Columbia University Press, pp Turner, Victor W (1968). The drums of affliction: a study of religious processes among the Ndembu of Zâmbia. Oxford: Oxford University Press/ Clarendon Press / The International African Institute. 10 See Clayton, Sager and Will (2005) on applications of entrainment in ethnomusicology.

Inter-group entrainment in Afro-Brazilian Congado ritual

Inter-group entrainment in Afro-Brazilian Congado ritual GLAURA LUCAS Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais MARTIN CLAYTON Durham University LAURA LEANTE Durham University ABSTRACT: This paper investigates