Epistemological Boundaries and Methodological Confusions in Postmodern, Consumer Research

Wolverhampton Business School Management Research Centre Epistemological Boundaries and Methodological Confusions in Postmodern, Consumer Research by Rosemary Stredwick Working Paper Series 2001 Number WP 001/01 ISSN Number ISSN 1363-6839 Rosemary Stredwick Research Student University of Wolverhampton, UK Tel: +44 (0) 1902 321775 Fax: +44 (0) 1902 321777 Email: in6567@wlv.ac.uk University of Wolverhampton 2001 - All rights reserved

Copyright University of Wolverhampton 2001 All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced, photocopied, recorded, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the copyright holder. The Management Research Centre is the co-ordinating centre for research activity within Wolverhampton Business School. This working paper series provides a forum for dissemination and discussion of research in progress within the School. For further information contact: Management Research Centre Wolverhampton Business School Telford, Shropshire TF2 9NT!01902 321772 Fax 01902 321777 The Working Paper Series is edited by Kate Gilbert 2 Management Research Centre 2001

Abstract Discusses the ambivalence and ambiguities of qualitative paradigms, paying particular attention to epistemologies, postmodernism, the evolution of conventional ethnography towards a postmodern approach and the difficulties for researchers in selecting and using qualitative methodologies in the postmodern age. Draws upon practical experience of research design and links the practicalities with current, methodological debate. 3 Management Research Centre 2001

The author Rosemary Stredwick Rosemary Stredwick is a Research Bursary Student at Wolverhampton Business School researching the marketing of identity in postmodern society. 4 Management Research Centre 2001

Epistemological Boundaries and Methodological Confusions in Postmodern, Consumer Research Introduction The focal theme of this paper is a discussion of the numerous methodologies which constitute the field of qualitative research, and which are too often subject to epistemological ambiguities, ontological disputes and paradigmatic ambivalence. The lack of clarity and cohesion within the qualitative discipline can be seen in part as the result of the historical development of epistemological thinking, (what can we actually claim to know about the world and our relationship with it), and also as arising out of philosophical contests over objectivism and subjectivism. In the social sciences, a dichotomous relationship has evolved between these philosophical traditions whereby objectivism is associated with quantitative methods, and subjectivism with interpretive or humanistic modes of enquiry. Rooted as they are in the ideas of enlightenment thinkers such as Descartes and Kant, the outfall of these philosophical conundrums enter into present day consciousness, and together with the multiplicity of definitions of method, both enable and constrain us as researchers. The main discussion of this paper therefore, highlights some of the arguments found in current, academic debate about qualitative methodologies, and in particular at some of the difficulties inherent in selecting and applying qualitative methods in the post-modern age. The concerns of such discussion arose from my experience of designing a piece of Postgraduate research using an appropriate, qualitative methodology with which to investigate experiential accounts of the cultural consumption of pop music and to develop new theory in light of emergent, empirical data. The Research Design The piece of research in question is an on-going study of Teenagers and the consumption and use of pop music in the post-modern market. The primary aim of this study is to gain considerable insights into the consumption practices of, and the relationships young people have, with pop music. In addition, the research aim is to investigate how young people use pop music to construct, affirm and reaffirm personal and group identity via its symbolic codes, its language and contextualisation. The post-positivist view holds that we are currently experiencing a postmodern age where our very society has become a consumer society in which, the acquisition of goods and the pursuit of pleasure are the focal points of social life. Individuals, it is argued, no longer gain status and prestige through their standing in the social hierarchy, or through personal achievement, but through the very commodities, which they consume (Kellner, 1989; Giddens, 1997; Bauman, 1997). Bearing in mind that these definitions of post-modernism are predominantly theoretical, it was important that the research design incorporated an interpretative methodology with which to access the social and commercialised realm of pop music as experienced by the young consumers themselves. This is important if we consider the definition of pop music offered by Mignon in Redhead (1995, p.176) who describes it as: a network of explicit discourses and sounds, practises and objects, of places and networks to which one can turn when questions arise concerning your social identity. Experiential accounts are especially important given that for young people, pop music has been identified as arguably the pre-eminent site of cultural interest where social meaning and symbolic creativity bridge the gap between consumption and practice (Williams, 1988; Willis, 1990; Redhead, 1997). Taking these insightful definitions as a starting point with which to understand the relationship between the symbolic meanings attached to pop music and their place in the lived experiences of the young people in question, plainly, an interpretive, humanistic mode of inquiry was essential for this study in order to gain insights into the specific relationships. Thus, a methodology which enables us to explore not only how and why teenagers consume pop music, but 5 Management Research Centre 2001

importantly how they use it in relation to its encoded messages, its language and social meaning, is essential for the success of this study. Postmodernism and its implications for methodologies Postmodernism has been defined as a historical epoch, a critique of our contemporary age characterised by an increasing proliferation of cultures, which co-exist in an increasingly directionless world (Bauman, 1992). In the postmodern age, there are no longer any universal truths or Meta narratives. Rather, it is argued, the contemporary world consists of an infinite array of free-floating signs where consumption and even selfhood are seen as depthless texts (Jameson, 1991). Whilst the postmodern market is described as one that is dominated by hyper reality, simulation and of being in a state of constant flux (Bauman, 1992), the postmodern consumer, it is said, is persistently engaged in a meaningless quest for new and novel experiences provided by commodified goods and services. Extant literature on the post-modern condition (Bourdieu, 1984; Miller, 1987; Kellner, 1989; Giddens, 1991; Bauman, 1992; 1997; Brown, 1998), and on teenage consumers (Tully, 1994; Fry, 1995), tends to be predicated solely upon theory, thus failing to demonstrate any relevance to actual, lived consumption experience. At this level of theory and speculation, there has been increasing emphasis on a hedonistic pursuit of pleasure through excessive or symbolic consumption (Stanley, 1997) and in aestheticized play (Featherstone, 1991). In the marketing literature, the present generation of young people are decried as unmanageable and unpredictable regarding their consumption habits. However, a substantial body of evidence from both consumer research and youth and cultural studies would suggest the contrary. In the fields of youth and cultural studies for instance, considerable progress has been made in demonstrating the relationship between theory and everyday consumption practice in the lives of the young (Brake, 1985; Hebdige, 1979; 1988; Willis, 1990; Thornton, 1995; Redhead, 1997; Epstein, 1998). Employing a range of methodologies such as interviewing, observation and full ethnographies, as well as analyses of contemporary, consumption patterns, these studies shed light on young people s ability to navigate markets in order to claim differentiated, social space (Thornton, 1995). Furthermore, as Stern (1998, p148) notes, a growing body of consumer research consistently demonstrates that consumers actively strive to forge a sense of connectedness, and interpret their lives in terms of communally shared values, such as beliefs about religion, health, individual rights, social solidarity and family togetherness Indeed, it is within the field of consumer research where scholars have been at the forefront of calls for interpretative methodologies with which to bring humanistic understanding to consumer s own experiences. Clearly, scholars in the field of consumer research reject entirely, positivistic, quantitative methodologies (Hirschman & Holbrook, 1992; Belk, 1989; Scheurich, 1997; Stern, 1998). Rather, they advocate a diverse range of methodologies drawn from naturalistic paradigms. These include: ethnography, phenomenology, grounded theory, hermeneutics, ethnoscience, discourse analysis, conceptual description, Ethnomethodology, thematic analysis and constructivism (Goulding, 1999 p.862). In addition, qualitative research also embraces deconstuctionism, feminism, psychoanalysis, survey research, cultural studies, as well as interviews and participant observation (Nelson, 1992; Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). Epistemological barriers Whilst the field of qualitative research indisputably offers an impressive range of methodologies, the process of selecting one appropriate to the present study was not unproblematic during the initial stages. Whilst the research topic itself has clearly defined aims and objectives, and whilst the nature of the investigation calls for a humanistic, interpretive mode of inquiry, epistemological boundaries and ontological disputes prevail and are perpetuated within the extant literature (Jenson & Jankowsi, 1991; Denzin & Lincoln, 1994; Scheurich, 1997). Such boundaries place constraints on the researcher, who is often forced into the position of having to battle with the epistemological disputes, 6 Management Research Centre 2001

paradigmatic weaknesses and methodological confusions, which characterise the field of qualitative research. Commonly, epistemological disputes arise from the deeply entrenched antipathy between those with positivist orientations who privilege formalised, scientific approaches, and interpretivists who emphasise the importance of meaning and situational context (Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983; Goulding, 1999). Often, the two orientations are presented as though diametrically opposed with naturalistically orientated paradigms being seen as an attack on reason and truth (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994), and positivistic ones being perceived as inadequate for unravelling the meanings attached to social action. However, it is not only the dichotomous relationship between positivism and neo-positivism, which creates paradigmatic problems. Within the qualitative field, multiple methodologies not only cut across a wide range of disciplines within the humanities, e.g. anthropology, sociology, history, psychology, literary criticism, cultural studies and consumer behaviour, but are also imbued with their own disciplinary histories (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). This makes the field of qualitative research one of the most controversial and complex areas in which to operate these separate and multiple uses and meanings of the methods of qualitative research make it difficult for researchers to agree on any essential definition of the field, for it is never just one thing (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994 p.3). Despite the ambiguities surrounding interpretive paradigms, they play an important part in the application of the chosen method. As Guba and Lincoln (1985 p.15) note, paradigms consist of a systematic set of beliefs together with their accompanying methods. Paradigms epitomize our particular view of the world and as such are the embodiment of our view of reality. They also provide us as researchers with the guiding principles on which our very practices are founded, doing so in a taken for granted way which avoids the need for lengthy, philosophical consideration (Guba & Lincoln, 1985). Thus whilst our methods cannot be divorced from their over-arching paradigm, the paradigms constitute a double-edged sword which both enables and constricts us. On the one hand, paradigms are enabling for the very reason that they provide our basic set of tenets or rules which, guide procedure. On the other hand, paradigms are constraining because their fundamental weakness is that the logic behind the action is obscured by the taken for granted nature of the paradigm s assumptions (Patton, 1978). For example, quantitative methodologies derived as they are from a logical positivist perspective, adhere to a clearly defined set of formalised procedures, which emphasise the importance of scientific rigour via measurability of data, generalisability of findings and replicability of the research process (Dabbs et el, 1982; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983; Goulding, 1999). The logical positivist approach generally upholds the notion of causality and explanation via appeal to universal laws, and embraces a metaphysical view of the world as a hard, concrete, real thing (Hirschman & Holbrook, 1992 p.14). Whilst positivism places primary importance on a scientific method which is reconstructed from the experience of natural scientists (Luckman, 1983; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983), naturalism proposes that reality exists in the social world. Thus, the naturalistic paradigm demands sensitivity towards the setting or context of the life-world of those being studied. Building upon Husserl s phenomenology, which privileges subjective, human experience over detached objectivism, Schutz (1970) proposes that an adequate social theory depends upon the use of the common sense methods which human beings use to make sense of their social world (Holstein & Gubrium, 1994). In other words, the research should be concerned with the every day experiences of the research subjects and how they construct their social world via shared meanings (May, 1993). This aspect of phenomenology concurs with my own epistemological orientation, which is that of social constructivism. That is that all forms of knowledge are inherently culture bound and perspectival (Spradley, 1979; Lather, 1997 p. 33), or context bound and socially constructed (Guba & Lincoln, 1985). 7 Management Research Centre 2001

The Primacy of Paradigms Taking into account then, the primacy of paradigms in directing and guiding research, together with the need for a methodology, which facilitates interpretive understanding rather than causal explanation, clearly a humanistic orientation is essential for this study. Whilst a phenomenological paradigm has the potential to facilitate research access to the everyday consumption experiences of research informants, it is concerned with holistic understanding where connections are made between interpretive interaction between these core life-world categories and the developing understanding of consumers life narratives (Stern, 1999 p.132). However, a phenomenologically oriented model also requires the enquirer to suspend belief in the phenomenon under investigation (Dobrez, 1986; Goulding, 1999). This entails the bracketing of all preconceptions, values and ideas held by the researcher, and focusing instead on how members accomplish, manage and reproduce a sense of social structure (Holstein & Gubruim, 1994 p.262, original emphasis). Here, the phenomenological paradigm presents some problems, since I question whether it is possible or advantageous to step outside of, or disengage ourselves from our research, taking up a detached stance from both our topic of enquiry and our informants. The impossibility of such detachment however is becoming increasingly acknowledged by post-positivists, who argue that human beings are not simply able to stand back and view the world from some distant standpoint. When the subjects of a science are other persons, then the idea that the researchers underlying value system can exclude, need not consult or consider or cooperate with the value system of the subjects, can only tend to generate alienated pseudo-truths about persons (Heron, 1981 p.33). Furthermore, such bracketing does not leave much room for researcher reflexivity the view that both researcher and the researched are engaged throughout the research process in a reciprocal relationship, which is both inter-dependent and inter-active. For this reason, a methodology, which best suits the topic area, and fits with my own epistemological outlook can be found in a postmodern ethnography. Unlike phenomenology, the concern of which is a holistic understanding of informants lives, achieved through a hermeneutic process of linking narratives of texts to a thematic whole (Goulding, 1999), ethnography is concerned with particularity especially in terms of cultural contextualisation (Marcus & Fischer, 1986; Stern, 1998). Following the deconstructionists such as: (Derrida, 1981; Lyotard, 1989), and semiology (Baudrillard, 1981) the postmodern ethnographer adopts a critical view of history, ethics and values, regarding them as contingent and culturally defined (Spretnak, 1991). In one sense, an ethnographic approach would facilitate access to both the cultural world of pop music and bring me, as the researcher, close to the social actors themselves. Ethnography would also enable me to approach and build up a rapport with young consumers in order to access their social worlds. As a method driven by a unifying goal of a comprehensive understanding of some human group (Agar, 1980.p.2), or, as a tradition which employs in-depth interviews, and observation to reconstruct reality to see the world of an individual or group from the inside (Van Maaenen, Dabbs & Faulkner, 1982 p.33), ethnography would appear ideally suited to this particular study. As a Postgraduate researcher engaged on a Ph.D programme, an important element of this study is to build and develop new theories, which will contribute significantly to knowledge. The long established tradition of ethnography, characterised as it is by observational techniques and interviewing, is renowned for having particular value in the development of theory (Strauss, 1991; Thomas, 1993). However, since the knowledge being sought from the research participants is to be based on their own experiential accounts of pop music consumption, rather than being imposed by any conceptual framework of the researcher, traditional ethnography might well need to be adapted to a postmodern paradigm. Traditional ethnography, oriented as it is to localised field settings and the presentation of univocal texts does not fit well with postmodernism which highlights the globalisation of cultures, the diverse and pluralistic nature of lifestyles and which, advocates the use of methodologies which replace 8 Management Research Centre 2001

univocal texts with multivocal discourses. In ontological terms, postmodernists believe that there are multiple realities, in methodological terms privilege no single authorship all texts are valid, and are most likely to be oriented towards a multi-focused approach undertaken from a humanistic perspective (Smart, 1992; Shohat & Stam, 1994; Atkinson, 1992; Jacobson, 1991; Hirschman & Holbrook, 1992). The Evolution of Ethnography: from the traditional to the postmodern Traditional or conventional ethnography which began as a methodological device with which anthropologists might study foreign or alien cultures in order to describe it from an insider s view (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994; Spradley, 1979) has become subject to some criticism in recent methodological debate. What is at issue now, is that despite traditional ethnography s pedigree as a well-established method for the study of human cultures, it has become associated with the imperialism and ethnocentricity of nineteenth century Romanticism (Geertz, 1983; Clifford, 1988; Rosaldo, 1989). On the other hand, it should not be forgotten that the Chicago School sociologists championed the use of ethnography as a means with which to produce critical analyses of urban ghettos and their marginalized inhabitants (Vidich & Lyman, 1994; Strauss, 1983; Thomas, 1993). The revolutionary approach of the Chicago School Sociologists such as Robert E. Park (1928), Thomas and Znaniecki (1958), and William F. Whyte subverted dominant thinking on urban problems, which had hitherto served to pathologise ghetto behaviours (Thomas, 1993). Utilising the method of participant observation, they revealed that such behaviours arose from cultural difference rather than any abnormal characteristics of the individual or group. The critical approaches of the Chicago School, arguably paved the way for later, critical approaches, such as the Chicago Irregulars of the late nineteen sixties. Here, the emphasis was placed upon ethnic and cultural difference and integration of various peoples into American society (Vidich & Lyman, 1994) and can be seen as the precursor to what is now termed post-modern ethnography. A Postmodernist paradigm poses a challenge to researchers not only in terms of a critical interpretation, but involves a radical shift from the objectivist, positivistic attitude of the early ethnographers, who believed that it was possible to provide detailed interpretations of other cultures whilst maintaining a detached stance (Vidich & Lyman, 1994). Once, the ethnographer was seen as a scientific observer with the necessary skills to record, interpret and present accounts of their field work. But, their actual role as researcher, and the impact of their presence upon the researched was not considered. Conclusion The task for post-modern researchers then, is to select a method, which avoids the univocality and ethnocentrisms of our earlier counter parts and in selecting or even modifying one, which facilitates researcher reflexivity. A reflexivity that is, which, recognises our biographical situated ness and the inherent unavoidability of detachment from it. In addition, our methods need to produce multivocal and dialogic accounts of our respondents lived experiences (Guba & Lincoln, 1985; Schwandt, 1994). In taking up the postmodern challenge, for the above-mentioned study, the intention is to develop new theory in light of reflective analysis drawn from informant-led data. Thus, the social practices surrounding pop music consumption will be investigated and interpreted in terms of what is meaningful to consumers themselves. What will distinguish this ethnography from conventional or traditional ethnographies is that from design stage to final presentation of the findings, the key tenets of postmoderism will drive the research and its findings. Thus, whilst the subjective experiences of the informants are to provide the necessary insights, these will be analysed in conjunction with a selfconscious awareness of my own values and biographical situated ness. In this way the impact of my presence and my impact upon the research will be fully acknowledged, thus generating the degree of researcher reflexivity demanded by postmodernist orientations. Furthermore, rather than impelling the study towards discovering a singular truth, there will be an intrinsic recognition of the diversity, plurality and fluidity of contemporary cultural consumption. 9 Management Research Centre 2001

The intention here is to reject the didactic tendencies of earlier ethnographers who presented their findings in terms of a univocal discourse given from an imperialist perspective, and offer instead, a multivocal, multi-dimensional portrayal of lived experiences. This of course presents something of a methodological challenge (for example the practicalities of ensuring that all voices are heard and interpreted as they would wish to be), and necessitates the constant checking of texts with informants and fellow researchers to ensure that mis-representation is minimised, whilst the potential for richness and depth is maximised. Postmodern ethnography offers a method by which the researcher can literally enter the social world under investigation and emerge with the kind of richly detailed, descriptive data described by Geertz (1973) as thick description. 10 Management Research Centre 2001

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