Notes and References

Notes and References Chapter 1 l. For the purposes of this book I use the terms 'state', 'polity' and 'political system' as equivalent. 2. TheY oung Hegelians started by making a distinction between the exoteric Hegel and the esoteric one, trying to be faithful to Hegel's inspiration and to use Hegel in order to advance their own positions. The project of researches by Bauer and Marx I refer to dates from 1841 and was intended to encompass a reassessment of Hegel's position on religion, art and politics. A. Cornu, Karl Marx et Friedrich Engels, vol. 1 (Paris, 1955) pp. 271-9. 3. With regard to Marx's political theory, Avineri would adhere to the 'continuity' thesis (S. Avineri, Karl Marx: social and political thought [Cambridge, 1971] p. 2), and Poulantzas to the 'break' thesis (Nicos Poulantzas, Political Power and Social Classes [London, 1973] p. 20). 4. L. Althusser, For Marx (New York, 1970) pp. 32ff. 5. I use the term proposed by Bell (D. Bell, The Coming of Post Industrial Society [New York, 1973] pp. 10ff.) for denoting the main principle not of a conceptual schema (and this is the way in which Bell uses the term) but of the search for such a schema. Chapter2 l. G. W. F. Hegel, Philosophy of Right, tr. Knox (London, 1967) paragraphs 267, 273, 276. See also Knox's note, p. 364; and Pelczynski, 'The Hegelian Concepts of the State' in Z. A. Pelczynski (ed.), Hegel's Political Philosophy: Problems and Perspectives (Cambridge, 197l)p.l3. 2. Whether or not this is the case for the family, the textual evidence is scarce and ambiguous, though I would argue it. The question is much more clear in the case of civil society which explicitly includes the bureaucracy as a universal class and the public authority.

100 NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 6-16 3. Hegel, Philosophy of Right, para. 32 and its addition; paras 258, 267. 4. Hegel, The Philosophy of History, tr. Sibree (New York, 1966). 5. A. Kojeve, Introduction to the Reading of Hegel (New York, 1969). 6. Hegel, The Phenomenology of Mind, tr. Baillie (New York, 1967) pp. 514ff. 7. Philosophy of Right, paras 258, 259. 8. lbid.paras319,288. 9. Ibid. paras 292, 294. 10. For instance, addition to para. 269, 271, 276. (And this is a point that Marx later hailed as a great advance, in his critical comment on this book, K. Marx, Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, O'Malley [ed.] [Cambridge, 1970] p. 11.) On this general systems approach, see L. von Bertalanffy, General Systems Theory (New York, 1968); and, for the application of this approach to social systems, W. Buckley, Sociology and Modern Systems Theory (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1967). 11. Philosophy of Right, addition to paras 279, 280. 12. Ibid. para. 301. 13. Phenomenology, pp. 228ff. 14. K. Marx, 'Towards a Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Law: Introduction', in Easton-Guddat (ed.), Writings of the Young Marx (New York, 1967) pp. 249-64. 15. Philosophy of Right, paras 187, 297, 308; and additions to paras203,204,297. 16. Ibid. paras 295,296. 17. Ibid. para. 290. 18. Phenomenology, p. 527. 19. Philosophy of Right, para. 294. 20. Ibid. paras 182-7,249. 21. Philosophy of History, pp. 278-318. 22. Marcuse misinterprets Hegel's main line of argument on this crucial point; H. Marcuse, Reason and Revolution (Boston, 1960) ch. VI. 23. Philosophy of Right, addition to para. 255. 24. Ibid. para. 289. 25. Ibid. paras 244,245 (and their additions). 26. Ibid. additions to paras 255, 301. 27. Ibid. paras 301, 302 (and their additions). 28. Ibid. para. 333. 29. Ibid. paras 326, 328. 30. Ibid. preface, p. 10. 31. See Knox's note, ibid. pp. vi and 302; and Avineri, Karl Marx:

NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 17-26 101 social and political thought, p. 128. 32. Avineri, Karl Marx..., p. 117. 33. Phenomenology, pp. 242-67. 34. Even if, as Wahl points out, the experience of the 'unhappy consciousness' comes back under different forms at various stages of the process ( J. Wahl, Le M alheur de Ia conscience dans Ia philosophie de Hegel [Paris, 1951] p. 143), it is to be finally overcome by the experience of reconciliation with reality and unification of consciousness in the Absolute Knowledge. 35. Cornu, Karl Marx et Friedrich Engels, pp. 137-40, 157-62. 36. While Kierkegaard puts an emphasis on the infinite distance and heterogeneity between man and God, Feuerbach postulates a basic identity between God (as estranged human essence) and man. Their views of man are the opposite of each other. (From this viewpoint see Karl Barth's illustrative introductory essay to Feuerbach's Essence of Christianity, tr. George Eliot [New York, 1957] p. xxviii.) 37. Marx, 'Difference Between the Democritean and Epicurean Philosophy ofnature', ink. Marx-F. Engels, Collected Works, vol. I (New York) pp. 30, 69ff. 38. Cornu, Karl Marx et Friedrich Engels, pp. 165-72. 39. Hegel, Early Theological Writings, tr. Knox (Philadelphia, l971)p.157. 40. L. Feuerbach, Manifestes Philosophiques, tr. Althusser (Paris, 1960) pp. 15, Ill. 41. Hegel,PhilosophyofRight,pp.12-13. 42. Cornu, Karl Marx et Friedrich Engels, p. 85. 43. Ibid. pp. 135, 239ff. 44. See correspondence between Marx, Ruge, Feuerbach, Bakunin in the first and only issue of Deutsch-Franzosische Jahrbucher; some of the letters are in Writings of the Young Marx, ed. Easton and Guddat(New York, 1967) pp. 203ff. 45. A. Cornu, Karl Marx et Friedrich Engels, vol. n (Paris, 1958) pp. 31, 60ff, 85ff. 46. Marx himself recognised the crucial character of this experience in the 'Preface to the Critique of the Political Economy' (see Marx-Engels, Selected Works [London, 1970] pp. 227-31 ). 47. We may consider together his article 'On the Debate of Freedom of the Press' (written at the end of 1842 and issued in Die Rheinische Zeitung) and his 'Comments on the latest Prussian Censorship Instruction' (written in January-February 1842 and issued in Anekdota in 1843). See Marx-Engels, Collected Works, vol. I (New York, l975)pp. 132-81, 109-31. 48. Collected Works, I, pp. 22~3. 49. Ibid. pp. 225ff.

102 NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 26-9 50. Ibid. pp. 230ft'. 51. Ibid. pp. 234-5. 52. Ibid. pp. 241ft'., 259ft'. 53. First published by D. Riazanov in 1927; Marx, Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right. 54. As I said before, Hegel makes the point that the real or historical development is not to be confused with the logical order in which the matter is presented in a speculative discourse. The description in terms of an abstract idea becoming full and rational reality does not pretend to correspond with that historical development or with the process of production and reproduction of the object (in this case of the state). Of course, Hegel's description is ambiguous: it gives hints in the direction of (and can be interpreted in terms of) such identity between the two discourses. Marx (and Feuerbach) choose to clarify Hegel by over-simplifying his position. They tend to equate idea as abstract representation ( Vorste//ung) with Idea (Idee) or concept; they imagine that for Hegel this abstract idea (or the mental representation men have of an object) is the subject of a real development. One of the consequences of this way of posing the debate is a quite misleading interpretation of Hegel as an 'a priori logicist' (in della Volpe's terms) and as a defender of the rationality of empirical reality (and eventually of the Prussian State, a criticism that overlooks Hegel's distinction between Wirklich and real). In my opinion, the interpretation of Hegel could start by recording the ambiguity of Hegel's position, then it could rectify and clear up this ambiguity by treating the structure of the Philosophy of Right as the logical structure of a speculative argument (in a sense, an 'analytical model'). Maybe della Volpe (in 'The Marxist Critique of Rousseau', New Left Review, no. 59 [January-February, 1970] pp. 101-9) takes too seriously Marx's vision (1843) of Hegel's method and Marx's own fragmentary Feuerbachian ideas on the matter. The motto 'specific logic of a specific object' which della Volpe makes the key difference between Marx and Hegel echoes, in fact, Hegel's very positions (see for instance Phenomenology, p. 112). Anyway, the key point is not to discuss the dialectic of each real object but (a) of a 'reality' as an ensemble of objects and as a process, and (b) of the knowing subject as a 'community' of some sort which is already implied or involved in the development of that 'reality'. In truth, Marx's philosophical critique at this time bears witness to Marx's analytical gifts and basic orientations, but not to Marx's faithful understanding and balanced judgement on Hegel. In a sense, it was too difficult for Marx to understand Hegel: he wanted

NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 29-34 103 to transform him so badly that he could not understand him. And this is not meant only as an ironical paraphrase of Marx's mot celebre. I think it is in the nature of any creative work to be unfair towards (and misunderstand) its precedents. 55. Marx, Critique of Hegel's..., pp. 28ff. 56. Ibid. p. 50. 57. Ibid. pp. 42ff. 58. Ibid. p.47. 59. lbid.pp.46,53. 60. Ibid. p. 47. 61. Ibid. p. 53. 62. F. Carsten, The Origins of Prussia (Oxford, 1954) pp. 179-277; H. Rosenberg, Bureaucracy, Aristocracy and Autocracy (Boston, 1958). 63. Hegel, Philosophy of Right, para. 291. 64. M. Weber, 'Bureaucracy', in From Max Weber, ed. Gerth and Mills(New York, 1958) pp. 196-245. In fact, if we look more closely at Weber's actual analysis of the bureaucracy (in The Theory of Economic and Social Organization [New York, 1947] pp. 331-2), the separation between bureaucrats and their means of administration becomes a very problematic and 'open' question. 65. Marx, Critique of Hegel's..., pp.46ff. 66. Ibid. pp. 95ff. 67. Ibid. pp. 117ff. 68. Althusser, For Marx, pp. 223ff. 69. The theory of alienation was replaced, to a considerable extent, by a theory of unequal exchange. So in Marx's economics the concept of 'exploitation' came to cover a great deal of the territory that the concept of alienation had occupied in the past. One of the problems with the category of alienation is that it makes it difficult to deal with a situation where the alienation is not 'complete' and the 'subject' gets some retribution out of its activity while keeping some control over the result. See also my comment on Marx's interpretation of French peasants - an interpretation that, from my viewpoint, both benefits and suffers from the implicit use of the concept of alienation. Chapter3 1. Karl Marx, Precapita/ist Economic Formations, ed. Eric Hobsbawm(NewYork, 1965). 2. Karl Marx, The German Ideology (London, 1965) pp. 23-95. 3. Karl Marx, 'The Civil War in France', in Selected Works, pp. 248-70.

104 NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 34-7 4. Karl Marx, 'Critique of the Gotha Programme', in Selected Works, pp. 311-31. 5. Karl Marx, correspondence with Vera Zassoulitch, in CEuvres: Economie II, ed. M. Rubel (Paris, 1968) pp. 1551-74. 6. 'Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy', in Selected Works, pp. 180-4. 7. 'Manifesto of the Communist Party', in Selected Works, pp. 31-61. 8. See A ron's criticism of French contemporary Marxism and his characterisation of the theoretical attitude that prevails in those circles, at least up to the 1970s, as a 'theological' one (Raymond Aron, Marxismes imaginaires. D'une sainte famille a /'autre [Paris, 1970]). 9. 'The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte', in Karl Marx, Surveys from Exile (London, 1973) pp. 143-249. 10. 'The Class Struggles in France', in Surveys from Exile, pp. 35-142. 11. Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 1 (New York) chapters x, xv, xxv. 12. A summary of Marx's articles on France in the 1850s and 1860s can be found in.m. Rubel, Marx devant le Bonapartisme (Paris and The Hague, 1960). 13. (c) is, of course, (only) partly implied by (a). To say that the executive makes the fundamental political decisions implies that the legislature does not. However, there is more in (c) than a mere repetition of(a) to the extent that it points to the unimportance of democratic participation even at the early stages of the political process, and of the areas of autonomy even for 'non-fundamental' political decisions. 14. A. de Tocqueville, Recollections (New York, 1971) pp. 3-108; Marx, 'Class Struggles', pp. 41-7. From another perspective, Flaubert's L'Education sentimentale provides an extremely lucid account of the events of 1848 in Paris as they could be seen by an observer who was curious but not quite committed and whose interlocutors ranged from financiers, to pwvin.::ial bourgeoisie, to petty bourgeoisie, either in the making or iil the simple business of survival, and to lower-class people with seemingly intense but rather unstable convictions. It confirms the general impression that the bourgeoisie were intensely afraid, lost confidence, and took some time before regaining control of the situation. For a contrast we can look at Mann's account of 1848 in a German provincial town (T. Mann, Buddenbrooks [New York, 1961] pp. 141-51). Even though Mann was not a direct witness, his work may be considered a reliable source for the general ambiance of the city. There the bourgeoisie had no more than a brief spasm of fear, and

NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 38-40 105 never lost control of the events. 15. To begin with, the misunderstanding of thinking that the class conflicts were a misunderstanding; as Lamartine put it 'ce malentendu terrible qui existe entre les differentes classes 'Class Struggles', p.47. 16. L. Trotsky, History of the Russian Revolution (London, 1967) vol. 1, pp. 214-20. 17. Notably, the development of networks of resistance and internal solidarity such as the compagnonnage (see E. Coornaert, Les Compagnonnages en France du moyen age a nosjours [Paris, 1966]) and the societes de secours mutuel, and the diffusion of the radical ideas of Babeuf, Saint-Simon etc. (see M. Agulhon, Une ville ouvriere au temps du socia/isme utopique: Toulon de 1815 a 1851 [Paris, 1970]). These are indeed complex developments where discourses, strategies and forms of organisation belonging to an old corporative and a new working-class perception of the world are deeply intertwined with each other. This was particularly so with regard to the skilled workers who had a greater attachment to a corporate tradition and a greater readiness to engage in socialist modes of action and of discourse. A similar point has already been made with regard to the British working classes of the period by E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (London, 1963). R. Gossez provides abundant evidence of such a combination of corporative and socialist language among Parisian workers (Les ouvriers de Paris, L 'organisation 1848-1851 [La-Roche-sur-Yon, 1967]). See also W. Sewell, 'Corporations ouvrieres and Ia republique democratique et sociales: working class ideology in 1848' (Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, 1976). 18. In fact the Ateliers were conceived by the Government as an instrument against the Luxembourg Commission. (According to Lamartine: 'M. Marie organisa les Ateliers Nationaux... sans utilite pour le travail productif... II en fit... une armee pretorienne... dans les mains du pouvoir', quoted by E. Dolleans, Histoire du mouvement ouvrier [Paris, 1967] p. 239.) 19. Prices of cereal increased 100 per cent between May 1845 and May 1847 (E. Labrousse, Histoire economique. Les mouvements ouvriers et les theories sociales en France de 1815 a 1848 [Paris, 1848] p. 184). Consumption of bread amounted to 30--50 per cent of the budget for an average family of the lower classes in France during the 1840s (ibid., p. 23). 20. The activity in the cotton and metallurgic industries decreased about one-third between 1847 and 1848. 21. The share of the Bank of France went from 3180 in the last week of February to 2400 in the first week of March... to 950 by

106 NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 4~ 4 April (ibid., p. 194 ). 22. By April1848 the cotton industry was importing one-sixth of the raw materials it imported in April 1847 (one-seventh in the case of wool, one-eighth in the case of silk)(ibid. p. 196). 23. Tocqueville, Recollections, p. 207. 24. 'Eighteenth Brumaire', pp. 182ff. 25. Ibid. pp. 206--11. 26. Ibid. pp. 237ff. 27. Ibid. pp. 214-34. 28. Hegel, Phenomenology, p. 86. 29. I come back to this point in the 'Conclusion'. Marx (and Hegel) tried to articulate an 'actor-perspective' and a 'structural-perspective'. Whatever the success of his (and their) enterprise, it runs counter to Althusser's opposition between those two perspectives. 30. 'Class Struggles', pp. 111 ff. 31. Ibid. pp. 51ff. 32. Ibid. pp. 72, 113-21. 33. Ibid. pp. 62-8. 34. Ibid. pp. 94ff. 35. 'Eighteenth Brumaire', pp. 182ff. 36. George Lukacs, History and Class Consciousness (London, 197l)pp.5lff. 37. 'Eighteenth Brumaire', pp. 224ff. 38. Particularly in the 'Communist Manifesto'. But more, in general, a certain 'indignation' against the bourgeoisie's seemingly unwillingness to fulfil its 'historical mission' and to make a 'bourgeois revolution' runs through most of Marx's and Marxists' writings on this subject. 39. Marx, 'Debates on the Law on Thefts of Wood', in Complete Works, vol. I, pp. 224-63. 40. Between 1850 and 1869 the compound rate of increase of the French economy ran between 5 and 10 per cent a year (D. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus. Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present [Cambridge, 1972] pp. 193ff.). The railroad system was fairly complete by 1855-60, the extraction of coal increased three times and the use of steam power increased six times between 1850 and 1869, and the growth of both metallurgy and textile industries during the same period was also quite significant. This was, of course, a pattern of growth common to other European countries at the time, and largely a result of 'autonomous economic forces', but it was also stimulated by the financial and tariff policies of Bonaparte (the rise of jointstock investment and the Cobden treaty of 1860 etc.). See also J. H.

NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 4&--50 107 Clapham, Economic Development of France and Germany 1815-1914 (Cambridge, 1968) pp. 140ff., 232ff. 41. 'Eighteenth Brumaire', pp. 238-44. 42. 'Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts (1844)', in Karl Marx, Early Writings (London, 1975) pp. 332-400. 43. Surveys from Exile, pp. 301-24. 44. I develop this point about peasant religion and about the parallelism between peasant religion and peasant politics in my paper 'Peasant Ethical Cultures: a Study on "Irony" and Multiple Realities' (Princeton: Institute for Advanced Study, March 1976). 45. These are not Marx's terms, but they are compatible with Marx's (and Weber's) concepts. 46. P. Gourevitch, Comparative Responses to the Depression of /873-1896 (Harvard University, 1974). 47. Open-field practices, for instance, went on in many parts of France through to the end of the nineteenth century- M. Bloch, Les caracteres originaux de /'histoire ruralefranc;aise, 1 (Paris, 1968) pp. 239ff. Collective pastures in mountain areas have survived until now. 48. My qualifications question, too, the class-in-itself/class-foritself schema Marx explicitly uses in this discussion. That dichotomy is, in fact, a rather awkward tool for understanding processes of organisation and culture-formation in any human group, because (a) in the best Aristotelian-Hegelian tradition it assumes a progress towards increasing integration and self-consciousness, and by the same token it makes it difficult to think of several alternative developments with their corresponding range of possible forms of both organisation and (self-) consciousness; (b) the schema focuses the attention on two limiting situations (of 'no-consciousness' and 'trueconsciousness') and it is inadequate for considering those processes in terms of degrees of organisation and self-consciousness (peasants, for instance, are seen as a mere aggregate of atoms: an abusive simplification of the communal and region-wide networks in which these 'atoms' are involved); and (c) the schema poses in a much too rigid way the interplay of 'endogenous' and 'external' factors in shaping those developments. 49. 'Eighteenth Brumaire', pp. 163ff. 50. Ibid. pp. 237ff. Marx's analysis is, in fact, a mere description of the growth of the state apparatus in terms which are very close to those of his early discussions on political and economic alienationsee, for instance, his reference to the transformation of a 'common' interest into a 'general' interest (p. 237). My summary 'reconstructs' the text in terms of social strategies ('external demands' and 'bureaucratic strategy') as a first explanatory step. 51. Ibid. pp. 222ff.

108 NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 50---9 52. Ibid. p. 186. 53. Ibid. pp. 186ff. 54. Ibid. p. 187. 55. Ibid. pp. 239ff. 56. Ibid. pp. 199-200. 57. Ibid. pp. 58-63; 'Eighteenth Brumaire', pp. 153-4. 58. 'Eighteenth Brumaire', pp. 169ff. 59. Ibid. pp. 193-4. 60. Ibid. p. 154. 61. Ibid. pp. 222ff. Chapter4 1. For the purposes of this book I use the schema structure/production/effects for mapping my exploration rather than for making a systematic expose. Hence some overlapping is unavoidable. Indeed, if we treat the political system as a system of exchanges with its environment (as I partly do here), we deal with the mechanisms of reproduction of the system when we deal with its inputs, and we consider its 'effects' on the larger system when we deal with its output. As we shall see, another further complication for our mapping arises from the need to articulate a state-civil society schema and the economics-politics-ideology schema. Cf. pp. 86-95. 2. K. Marx, 'The Jewish Question', in Writings of the Young Marx, pp. 216-48. 3. 'The Civil War in France'. 4. This discussion has been stimulated in a rather indirect way by the metaphor of 'substances flowing through a network of concrete actors' implicit in network theory- H. White, Do Networks Matter? (Harvard University, June 1972). Incidentally, my approach runs counter to a view of 'the relation between the state conceived as a social relation and capitalist society (as being)... that of one version of the whole to itself' (B. Oilman, 'State as a value relation', in Kapitalistate, no. 2 [1973] p. 53). 5. N. Poulantzas, Political Power and Social Classes (London, 1973). 6. Marx, 'Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship', and 'Debates on Freedom of the Press', in Complete Works, vol. I, pp. 109-31, 132-81. 7. Marx, 'Towards a Critique of Hegel's...', in Writings of the Young Marx, pp. 249-64. 8. Marx,Capitai///(Moscow, 1971)p.886. 9. In Marx's, as in Hegel's, discussion of 'property' ownership and control go together; ownership is simply a type or specification

NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 61-3 109 of the more generic concept of control. Then, and as a further qualification, it is important of course to make a distinction concerning the quale and the quantum of such a control over the thing; for instance, on the part of stockholders and managers, between 'merely formal legal ownership' and 'real control'- though, in fact, neither ownership is a 'mere formality' nor managerial control is that 'real' (by implication, that 'complete'). As Bell points out, Marx took into account such a distinction while suggesting that the separation of 'ownership' and 'control' could be a first step in the socialisation of the enterprise (Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society, pp. 61, 80). 10. For instance, in 'Eighteenth Brumaire', p. 186. 11. Marx tends to characterise Bonaparte's economic policies in terms of a sort of 'Lumpenproletarian economics': the logic of generalised theft and universal corruption. This may help to explain why Marx, though interested in the phenomenon of joint-stock companies, considered the Credit M obilier and similar enterprises of the II Empire not as promoters of investment and development but as adventurers in search of speculative benefits. (Cf. Marx's correspondence to the New York Daily Tribune, 11 August 1856.) 12. Therefore, and within the limits of this essay, it is possible to consider that the political system includes not only the state itself but also a series of 'particular' political enterprises, especially the political parties. From this viewpoint, the parties are enterprises that specialise in the transformation of social, economic and cultural resources into political ones, and engage in relatively large-scale operations. In a very general sense, even the isolated individuals can be considered as 'artisans' who transform their own social, and other, resources into political ones (in votes, for instance). What the parties do, as Weber saw quite clearly, is to concentrate all these 'artisanal enterprises' and individual resources - but, at the same time, they separate ('expropriate') these resources from the individuals and keep them out of their control. 13. Economic growth and control of industrial conflicts were the two main services made by Bonaparte to level A. 14. As a matter of fact, and much against Marx's initial predictions, French peasant economy and society did not go through a process of decay during Bonaparte's regime. There is no evidence of a significant tendency towards consolidation of the land (perhaps, partly at least, as a consequence of a decline in the demographic growth in the countryside). By contrast, the era of railroads combined with an increasing demand for agrarian products: the results were growth and diversification for French agriculture (despite little application of scientific knowledge to agrarian activities and

110 NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 64-78 no significant technological changes), particularly for wheat, potato, wine and dairy products. See J. H. Clapham, Economic DevelopmentofFranceandGermany 1815-1914 (Cambridge, 1968) pp. 160-80. 15. The movement survived in a rather precarious way until the 1860s. On the other hand, at a late stage, Marx came to think that the Bonaparte regime demoralised the whole French populace, workers included (Marx's letters to Engels, 8 August 1870.) By the time of the Franco-Prussian war he had very few, if any, expectations for any serious revolutionary move by the French workers- and was, in fact, quite surprised by the Commune. 16. Marx, Capital/, ch. x. 17. See Paul Smith, Disraelian Conservatism and Social Reform (London and Toronto, 1967) pp. 5-11. 18. Ibid. pp. 288ff. 19. See some suggestions in this chapter and the next. 20. I do not mean to say that the political system is only a result of capitalist development. On the contrary, even though my approach privileges capitalist development as a factor in the production andreproduction of the state, the argument ends by pointing out the combination of economic and non-economic factors in the genesis of the state. 21. L. von Berta1anffy, General Systems Theory (New York, 1968) p. 130. 22. See A. Hirschman, A Generalized Linkage Approach to Development with Special Reference to Staples (Princeton Institute for Advanced Study, 1976). 23. And not for a theory that emphasises the interconnections among elements of a 'structured totality'. 24. In fact, this was Marx's big hope and strategic goal all along (coached in the terms of a programme which could be more democratic and more socialist according to circumstances). On the potentially revolutionary peasants, see 'Eighteenth Brumaire', pp. 240ff. Later on, during the crisis of 1871, he was again hoping for a strategic alliance between peasants and communards ('The Civil War in France', pp. 292ff.). 25. I leave aside the state of the economy. An economic crisis does not produce by itself any specific result. It has to be perceived and evaluated by social actors who face a specific situation-and they can do it in several ways. 26. See 'The Civil War in France', pp. 287ff. 27. The locus classicus is in the 'Preface to... the Critique of Political Economy', p. 181; but we can find similar expressions everywhere in Marx's work, for instance in the 'Eighteenth Brumaire',

NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 78-84 111 p.173. 28. I am suggesting two qualifications. First, concerning the mechanism by which political life has effects on cultural life; second, concerning the limits of these effects in shaping culture. Here I am concerned with the first one. 29. The discussion on 'spontaneous ideologies' or the 'common sense culture' may profit, I think, from some of Schutz's analyses, particularly from his essay 'On Multiple Realities' in Collected Papers I. The Problem of Social Reality {The Hague, 1971) pp. 207-59. Geertz's development in 'Common sense as a cultural system' (Antioch Review [Spring 1975] pp. 5-26) focuses on the stylistic characteristics of the common-sense culture while confusing what is to me the central issue of the contents of that culture. See also my paper 'Peasant Ethical Cultures: a Study on "Irony" and Multiple Realities' (Princeton: Institute for Advanced Study, March 1976). 30. Phenomenology, pp. 258ff. 31. Hegel, The Positivity of Christian Religion in Early Theological Writings, tr. Knox (Philadelphia, 1971)pp. 67-179. 32. 'Debates on the Law on Thefts of Wood', in Complete Works, vol. 1, pp. 224-63. 33. Immanuel Kant, Religion Within the Boundary of Pure Reason, trans. J. W. Semple (Edinburgh, 1838). 34. Philosophy of Right, paras267, 268,289. 35. Philosophy of Right, para. 285; Philosophy of History, pp. 314ff. 36. Weber, Theory of Economic and Social Organization, pp. 324ff. 37. Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, p. 45. 38. 'Eighteenth Brumaire', pp. 209-10. 39. Ibid. pp. 210-11. 40. CritiqueofHegel's...,p.47. 41. 'The Civil War in France', p. 296. 42. Tocqueville, Recollections, pp. 130ff. 43. I should qualify this point. Political leaders of the bourgeoisie did have political principles of a Legitimist or Orleanist character. But they did not have such principles as leaders of the bourgeoisie but as individual politicians or, at most, as representatives of fractions within that class. They could not put those Legitimist or Orleanist principles to work in order to appeal for bourgeois support, much less so for support by the population at large. ChapterS 1. Marx, Critique of Hegel's 'Philosophy of Right', p. 31.

112 NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 85-90 2. This is a rather controversial point on which I cannot elaborate in this book. It is clear that in making his 'innovations' and 'breaks' with regard to current and established schools, Marx was engaged in an ambivalent relationship of conflict and dialogue with a 'community of scientists'- of which he saw himself as a critical member who was both crucial to it and (unduly) neglected by it. Marx's hope of dedicating Capital to Darwin, together with Darwin's refusal, might symbolise this relation. (On this whole incident see V. Garretana, 'Marx and Darwin', New Left Review, no. 82, pp. 60-82.) Marx's attitude shows itself rather clearly in the Afterword to the second German edition of Capital (Capital I, pp. 12-20). Of course, this runs counter to the way in which Althusser poses the problem of what he calls the 'epistemological break', but I cannot go into this now. 3. S. Freud, A General Introduction to Psychoanalysis, ed. Riviere (NewYork, 1973)p.65. 4. It is clear that politics was treated as crucial for both the beginning and the end of the capitalist system, though the theoretical implications of such treatment were not even discussed. Also the political system could have been considered crucial for guaranteeing the functioning of the market and industrial discipline within the firm as well as for regulating the level of economic activity. 5. Williams makes a similar distinction between determination as a process of setting limits and exerting pressures ('weak' meaning) and determination as process in which a subsequent content is essentially prefigured, predicted and controlled by a pre-existing external force ('strong' meaning)- R. Williams, 'Base and Superstructure in Marxist Cultural Theory', New Left Review, no, 82, pp. 3-16. 6. It may be said that Marx uses the term 'determination' in contradistinction to the concept of 'freedom' in the context of a macrohistorical (Hegelian-like) argument: mankind would have to pass through several stages before entering into the realm of'freedom' (as Hegel would put it, of 'absolute freedom'). 'Determination by the economy', it is said, would apply only to a limited stage of this development: the capitalist mode of production (and not even to the transition to and from this mode). The point is that, again, even within these limits of the capitalist system (strictu sensu) economic determinism does not work. 7. Miliband tends to portray Bonapartism (in my terms, bureaucratic authoritarian regimes) as 'exceptional' ('Reply to Poulantzas', in Ideology and Social Science, ed. Blackburn [London, 1972] p. 260; and more particularly in 'Poulantzas and the Capitalist State', New Left Review, no. 82, pp. 89-92). In turn, Poulantzas tends to consider Bonapartism as the prototype of the capitalist state ('The

NOTES AND REFERENCES TO PAGES 90-8 113 Problem of the Capitalist State', in Ideology and Social Science, p. 246). In fact, 'Bonapartism' and liberal democracies are both normal and typical variants. What is 'prototypical' (or rather 'archetypal') is the continuous process of transformation which may be fully developed, partial, reversed, interrupted etc., from one to another. 8. This is the key word for Althusserians who like to use it in German (Trager) for fear it were otherwise to lose its magic. For instance, Poulantzas, 'The Problem of the Capitalist State', p. 242. 9. From the New Left Review title of A. Glucksmann's 'A Ventriloquist Structuralism', no. 72. pp. 68-92. 10. J. O'Connor, The Fiscal CrisisoftheState(New York, 1973). 11. For Latin America, see G. O'Donnell, 'Refl.exiones sobre las tendencias generales de cambio en el Estado burocnitico autoritario', Documento CEDES/ CLA S 0 (Buenos Aires, 197 5). 12. As a matter of fact, no orthodox Marxist has been able to come out with a convincing theory of the socialist state or even of socialist organisations. They certainly do not have the excuse Marx had. They, and we, are not at the beginning of the history of the working-class movement, and before any experience of a socialist state. We are already after more than a century of working-class organisations, and more than half a century of socialist political systems. (We may, of course, question the 'truly socialist' character of these states, but important as this may be for other purposes it is secondary for the matter at hand.) To make things even worse, some Marxists look for a refuge in the rather un-marxist argument that all this happens mainly because Marx's texts are still to be deciphered and have been, as yet, misinterpreted- because of the 'ideological deviation of economism', according to Althusserians. See Althusser, Reading Capital (London, 1970) pp. 138-9; Poulantzas, 'The Problem of the Capitalist State', p. 239. 13. The discussion of class-in-itself versus class-for-itself tends to blur this distinction.lt usually ends up in a (at times mystical) fusion between social class and the party, as the case of Lukacs shows. See Lukacs, History and Class Consciousness (London, 1971) pp. 295-342. Cf. note48, Chapter 3 of this book.

Index Absolute Knowledge 18, 19, 79 Absolute Subject 7-8, 18-21 actor-perspective 42-3, 76, 91, 94 Agulhon, M. 105 alienation, theory of 21, 49, 79-80 Marx's 33, 46--7, 89-90 Althusser, L. 4, 70, 91 army's role 73, 49-50 Aron, Raymond 104 authoritarian bureaucratic regime 35, 42-52, 57-8, 62-4, 85, 90 development of, 71-6, 83, 96 Avineri, S. 17 Barth, Karl 101 Bauer, B. 1, 18 Blanc, Louis 39 Bloch, M. 107 Bonaparte, Louis 37, 42, 48, 51 regime of 35-6, 42, 44-5, 48-51, 58, 61' 63-4, 89-90 bourgeoisie 14, 43-6, 48, 50-1, 59-60,63,71-2,82-3,87,89-90, 94 British State 64-7 bureaucracy, state British 65-6 in capitalist mode of production 34-52, 74-7, 85-6 '18 Brumaire' approach 36-42 class struggles and 94-5 control of 58, 62-3, 95 French 49-51 Hegel's theory of 10-13, 15 Marx's critique of 25, 30-2 Marx's views on 2, 3, 61, 67, 75, 84-5 political cultural effects of 76--83 in revolutionary situation 73-5 in socialist state 97-8 bureacratic cretinism 82 bureaucratic regime, authoritarian see under authoritarian capital, constant and variable 54 capitalism 26, 53-4, 96 capitalist mode of production 33, 67-73 bureaucracy in 34-52, 74-7, 85-6 control of 68 state and, Marx's view of 60-2, 67, 75, 85-7, 90, 96 transition to 54 Catholicism 47, 83 censorship, state 25, 28 Changarnier crisis of I 851 41-2 Christianity 18-20, 47 Cieszkowski, A. 21 civil society conception of 57-60 deactivation of 77, 86, 98 state and 72-3, 77-8, 92-5 in Britain 64-7 in France 50, 62-4 Hegel's view of 13-14, 29-32, 59, 80-1 identification between 56 Marx's analysis of 53-4, 59-60, 87, 89-90 separation between 55-6, 58-9, 78-9, 92-3, 95 class, party and 56, 87 class struggles and bureaucracy 94-5 classes 61-2, 66-7, 71-2, 77, 82-3, 93-4 Marx's analysis of 59-60, 87, 107 collective actors, interplay of strategies of 42-3 communes, French 55, 74 community, ethical 16, 30, 84 consciousness, false or double 82, 89 Coornaert, E. 105 Corn Laws, repeal of 64 Cornu, A. 99 corporations 14 culture, political 76-83 Darwin, Charles 112 della Volpe, G. 102 democracy, true 84

116 INDEX determination 88 determinism, economic 70, 87-8 division of labour, theory of 23, 32 dual power 38 economics, Marx's analysis of 53, 96, 103 economics-politics-ideology schema 56 education, humanistic 22 elections 9, 58 Enlightenment 9, 79 Epicurean philosophy 19 estates, Hegel on 10-ll, 14 executive-legislative relations 57-8, 82 explication 91 Factory Laws, British 64-6 fetishism of the state 46, 53--4, 79-83, 87, 89 Feuerbach, L. 18-21, 28, 79 Flaubert, G. 104 France 94 bureaucracy in 49-51 bureaucratic authoritarian regime in 42-52 civil society and state in 50, 62--4 communes 55, 74 Second Republic 36--42; see also Bonaparte, Louis universal suffrage in, 41-2 Frederick William IV 23 freedom 8, 13, 16, 22-3, 25, 91 of press 9, 23, 25, 28 Freud, S. 86, 88 general will 82 German ideology 23--4 Gossez, R. 105 Hegel, G. W. F. 6-15 Early Theological Writings 20 Marx and 17, 90 Marx's criticism of 17, 25-32, 81 genesis and background of 15-25 Phenomenology of Mind 8, II, 13, 18, 43, 79 Philosophy of History 7-8, 14, 18 Philosophy of Right 6-7, 9-17, 21, 31, 80 Marx's Critique of 28-32 Positivity of the Christian Religion 79 Hegelians 22-3, 79 young 18-24 Hohenzollerns 31 ideologies 77-8 Jacobinism 44 Kierkegaard, S. A. 18, 20 Kojeve, A. 8 Koppen 19 labour demand for 69 in France 1848-68 39--41, 51-2, 63--4 theory of division of 23, 32 theory of value 26-7 Labrousse, E. 105 Lamartine, A. M. L. de 105 Landes, D. 106 legislative--executive relations 57-8, 62 legislature 82 society's control of 62-3 Lenin, V. I. 70 liberal bureaucracies 58 liberal democratic regimes 62, 64, 81, 85, 90 transformation into bureaucratic authoritarian regimes 67-76, 96 liberals 23 limited freedom 91 linkage effects 68-9, 89 Lukacs, G. 45, 70,113 Luxemburg Commission 39 Mann, T. 104-5 Marcuse, H. 100 market economy in France 40, 44 market system, Hegel on 14 Marx, Karl analysis by 1, 45 'break' and 'continuity' theses on 3--4, 84-5, ll2 Capital 35, 59, 64-7 'Class Struggles in France' 35 Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right 11, 28-32, 81-2 'Communist Manifesto' 34, 59 Critique of the Political Economy 24-5, 34 early and mature writings of 3-5, 22-3 'Eighteenth Brumaire' 35, 46, 50-2, 59 on Epicure 19 exploration phase 4 generalisations by 1, 34-5, 85, 89 German Ideology, The 34 Grundrisse 34 journalistic experience 24-5 'Oriental Despotism' 47 theoretical lapses of 3, 86-91, 97-8 Marxism, essentials of 33 Miliband, R. 112 Oilman, B. 108

Paris 23-4, 39-40 Commune 55, 74 parliamentary cretinism 82 particularism 45 party and class 56, 87 patriotism 80-1 peasants 81, 89 French 46-9, 63, 72 property rights of 2lH! political system class struggles and 94 definition of 99 determined by the economy 87-8 effect on ideology 77-8 in socialist state 97-8 theory of 92, 94-5 see also state political theory, Marx and 53, 89 politics and religion 47 polity, definition of 99; see also state popular front 72 Poulantzas, N. 57, 112-13 press, freedom of 9, 23, 25, 28 private property 27-8, 31-2 problematic of the subject 91 property rights 2lH! Prussian State 17, 19, 22-4, 31, 61 reality 102 reason and 21-2, 24 Reformation 9 religion 47, 79, 83 Hegel's theory of 18-19 revolutionary situation, bureaucracy in 73-5 revolutionary strategy and organisation, development of 91-2 Roman world 13-14 Rousseau, J.-J. 81-2 Rubel, M. 104 Russian revolution 73 Sartre, J.-P. 70 schema, cultural economic and socio-political 57, 89-93 socialism 70-1 transition to 97 socialist state, political system and bureaucracyin 97-8 socio-political system 56-7 INDEX 117 state British 64-7 bureaucracy see bureaucracy bureaucracy and, theory of 52-83 capitalist mode of production and see under capitalist mode of production civil society and see under civil society definition of 99 fetishism 46, 53-4, 79-83, 87, 89 growth of in France 43-4, 50, 52 Hegel's theory of 6-10, 13-16, 17,22 Marx's Critique of 25, 27-30, 31-2 young Hegelians and 24 Marx's treatment of 2, 32, 84, 90-1, 107 Prussian 17, 19, 22-4, 31, 61 structure of 55-64 theories of 32, 84, 90, 93-5 see also political system Stoicism 19 Strauss, D. F. 18 structural perspective 43, 54 structures and practices, domains of 57 suffrage, universal 41-2 Thompson, E. P. 105 Tocqueville, A. de 37, 41, 83 universal insight and will 11-12, 30; see also general will value, labour theory of 26-7 Wahl, J. 101 Weber, M. 31, 48, 80, 90, 103, 109 White, H. 108 will, general and universal ll-20, 30, 82 Williams, R. ll2 wood, thefts of 25-7, 79 working class 39-40, 87, 97-8 radicalism of 69-72, 76 see also labour Zassoulitch, Vera, letters to 34