Musicology Today Music Traditions in Totalitarian Systems. Volume 7. Institute of Musicology, University of Warsaw

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1 Musicology Today 2010 Volume 7 Music Traditions in Totalitarian Systems Institute of Musicology, University of Warsaw Musicology Section of the Polish Composers Union

2 Editorial Board Sławomira Żerańska-Kominek (General Editor) J. Katarzyna Dadak-Kozicka Zofia Helman Iwona Lindstedt (Secretary) Publication financed by the Association of Polish Authors and Composers (ZAiKS) and the Institute of Musicology of the University of Warsaw Typeset by Iwona Lindstedt Book cover design by Jerzy Matuszewski Printed and bound by BEL Studio Sp. z o.o. ( Circulation 200 c Copyright by the Musicology Section of the Polish Composers Union and Institute of Musicology, University of Warsaw 2009 ISSN Editorial Office: Institute of Musicology Musicology Section University of Warsaw of the Polish Composers Union Warsaw Warsaw Krakowskie Przedmieście 32 Rynek Starego Miasta 27 tel/fax: (22) tel/fax: (22) imuz@uw.edu.pl zkp@zkp.org.pl

3 Contents From the Editor page 5 PART I JOHN BLACKING MEMORIAL LECTURE 7 1 Coping with Change. Changing Musical Traditions, Changing Ethnomusicology Giovanni Giuriati 9 PART II MUSIC TRADITIONS IN TOTALITARIAN SYSTEMS 39 2 Music and Totalitarianism. Artificial Enthusiasm Piotr Dahlig 41 3 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction: Insights from Two German Totalitarian Systems Britta Sweers 55 4 Nostalgic Reminiscences: Urbanization, Music and Television of the 1960 s Austė Nakienė 83 5 Music Folklore and Politics. Three Life Experiences and Two Approaches Anna Czekanowska Work and Songs under Italian Fascism Serena Facci Polish Folk Music in the Period of Polish People s Republic Look from Afar Tomasz Nowak 129

4 4 Contents 8 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste: The Turkish State s Music Policies in the 1920s and 1930s Ayhan Erol Responses to Martial Law: Glimpses of Poland s Musical Life in the 1980s Cindy Bylander Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination of Virgin Mary s Icon. An Example of Traditional Polish Peasant Piety in Communist Times Jacek Jackowski Totalitarian Tendencies in Music Education: The Israeli Case Shai Burstyn Educating Audiences, Educating Composers: The Polish Composers Union and Upowszechnienie Lisa Cooper Vest The Use of Polish Musical Tradition in the Nazi Propaganda Katarzyna Naliwajek-Mazurek 243 List of contributors 261

5 From the Editor In totalitarian systems, music traditions have been subjected to many forms of pressure to realise specific social projects. Due to the processes of selection and reduction imposed by social, political and cultural institutions, traditional music has taken on new meanings and functions, helping to create the new musical forms and genres which, from the point of view of the totalitarian systems, best fulfilled its political, social and educational functions. In some respects, the various mechanisms employed by institutions and the resultant manipulation of traditional (folk, ethnic) music were similar across totalitarian political systems in different countries. There were also, however, substantial differences, determined by local interpretations of the totalitarian political ideology and also by the ways in which local music traditions functioned and the state in which they were preserved. The similarities and differences among techniques for manipulating music traditions may give rise to interesting debate among scholars representing different European countries. Just such a debate occurred during the international conference European Seminar in Ethnomusicology held in September 2008 in Warsaw. The papers delivered there, together with several texts by invited authors, comprise the contents of the present issue of Musicology Today, which opens with a lecture by Giovanni Giuriati devoted to the memory of the ESEM founder, John Blacking. Sławomira Żerańska-Kominek

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7 PART I JOHN BLACKING MEMORIAL LECTURE

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9 1 Coping with Change. Changing Musical Traditions, Changing Ethnomusicology Giovanni Giuriati First of all, let me thank the organising committee and all my Polish friends and colleagues for this unexpected honour, which is even greater as I have for a long time had the privilege to be part of ESEM in different capacities, and therefore the appreciation and the consideration of my colleagues and friends are the more dear to me. When recalling my participation in ESEM in the past years, I cannot but think with affection about Ruediger Schumacher a dear colleague with whom I shared for a long time the involvement and dedication to this Seminar, and who is no longer with us. He is, and will be, sorely missed. Back to ESEM, I must say that I have been around for a rather long time. I was not, however, among the first group that gathered to found and create the Seminar in I was kept informed by my close friend and senior colleague Francesco Giannattasio and by my professor at that time, Mantle Hood who, in Maryland, was an eager supporter of the new endeavour by John Blacking, to whom he was closely associated. I learned that, after a preliminary gathering of 14 scholars that took place in Belfast in 1981, there was a more formal meeting in Strasbourg, on the fourth of September 1982, where Blacking had gathered a rather small but authoritative number (27, to be precise) of ethnomusicologists, to found a European forum for exchange and debate in ethnomusicology. With him, there were some of our colleagues who have continued to be with us, and

10 10 Giovanni Giuriati are still here today in Warsaw (Anna Czekanowska and Jeremy Montagu, who was also among the first group of fourteen in Belfast). As a tribute to the work of John Blacking, and also to make better known facts that not all of you might know in detail, you can see in Figure 1.1 a copy of INFO 1 prepared in 1982 by Jos Gansemans with the announcement of the foundation of ESEM, and the list of participants in the first meeting in Strasbourg. 1 The impressive list of the names of the participants, and the expressions of gratitude, remind us of the great effort that Blacking had put into this project, and of the response that, from the very beginning, this call had elicited. I think that it is important to remember sometime how it all started, and to remind to ourselves what principles, ideas, and also people were behind the foundation of our Seminar. Later on, having already participated in some ESEM meetings, in the mideighties I had the privilege to get to know John Blacking personally and to work with him in July 1987 as his translator during the famous (for us Italians) Siena seminars, organized by Diego Carpitella. 2 On that occasion, Blacking lectured for two weeks three hours every afternoon. Besides learning so much from him, it was quite an effort for me, because of his highly cultivated English and his torrential way of delivering his speeches - full of energy, passion and enthusiasm, that was quite difficult to follow and to render in Italian. It was on that occasion that I got to know him and his family (his little daughter Deena had just been born that year a few days before my son, and I recall that we shared impressions and observations in the pure Blacking style on the musicality of infants in which he was very keenly interested at that time. And then I had the chance to work with him on the organisation of ESEM 1989 in Siena. I like to recall also my vivid memories of him here in Poland, when we all came to Tuczno in 1988, hosted by Anna Czekanowska, 1 I am most grateful to Francesco Giannattasio who provided me with a copy of the Bulletin. 2 Diego Carpitella, who also has been made an honorary ESEM member for life, for several years ( ) had organized a July Seminar in ethnomusicology in the town of Siena, at the Accademia Musicale Chigiana. To this Seminar, Carpitella invited some of the most authoritative international scholars in the field of ethnomusicology (besides Blacking, also Hood, Nattiez, Lortat-Jacob,Zemp,Fodermayr,TranVanKhe,Arom,amongothers)thattaughttoagroupof advanced students for one or two weeks. On this experience, cfr. Diego Carpitella, ed. (1989).

11 Figure 1.1 Announcement of the foundation of ESEM, and the list of participants of the first meeting in Strasbourg

12 12 Giovanni Giuriati a meeting when, for the first time in ESEM, a large group of colleagues from the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe met with scholars coming from Western Europe. I can still see his enthusiasm for the reunion of scholars from the two parts of our continent just before the fall of the Berlin wall, and I wonder what he would say today, when we are back to Poland in such different conditions for ESEM and for Europe! His work has been an inspiration for all of us, and often our ESEM John Blacking lecturers have quoted his book How musical is man? and other theoretical works by him. Many are his significant contributions, but I would like to draw your attention mostly to one paper that I stumbled upon long time ago, while I was writing my dissertation on the music of Cambodian refugees in the United States. 3 This paper has been inspirational to me, among others, and it is relevant to what I would like to say this evening. It was published in 1977 in the Yearbook for Traditional Music, under the title of Some Problems of Theory and Method in the Study of Musical Change (Blacking 1977). 4 Blacking s attention to cultural and musical processes was acute and in that paper he was exploring concepts that were to become important in our trade later on, taking them from anthropology, and adapting them for the needs of music studies. I am well aware that the issue of musical change is not new, and that it has always been of interest to us ethnomusicologists. And it is also a tricky issue, because change is so embedded in our work that it is difficult to isolate it as a concept and a methodology. While preparing for this lecture, and trying to make reference to seminal works on this topic, I tried to associate some other researches to that of Blacking and I had much difficulty in finding any. The term change recurs, of course, in a large number of papers and researches that are impossible to list here, and implies several different approaches that encompass all sorts of processes taking place in music, but it is not as of- 3 G. Giuriati, Khmer Traditional Music in Washington, D.C. Unpublished Dissertation, University of Maryland Baltimore County, This issue was of constant interest for Blacking. Nine years later he published another paper on the same topic (Blacking 1986), and the term change recurs also in other papers by him (e.g., Blacking 1987).

13 Changing Musical Traditions, Changing Ethnomusicology 13 ten addressed as a specific issue from a theoretical standpoint. Perhaps, the scholar that has most profoundly dealt with this concept is Bruno Nettl, to whom I have found repeated references, starting from the well known Eight Urban Musical Cultures, edited by him, that bears the term change in the subtitle (Nettl 1978), and including a more recent one, published online for the journal directed by the late Tullia Magrini Music & anthropology (Nettl 1996). In fact, change is a term, and a concern, that was more popular in the 1970s following a debate in anthropology in the light of the growth of an antiessentialist perspective (Vayda 1994). Later on, it is found frequently, as it is the case with this paper by Nettl, with a strong connotation with the historical dimension, one of the directions that ethnomusicology has recently taken. To give some continuity to my line of thought, let me go back to a previous ESEM seminar organized at SOAS in During that Seminar I served as programme chairman, and contributed by selecting as one of the main themes that of Changing soundscapes and the continuity of ethnomusicology. I went back to the proceedings of the Round table that was organized then, published by Studi Musicali (Giannattasio and Giuriati, eds. 2001), and to the introduction delivered by Francesco Giannattasio bearing the same title. In that introduction some key issues were outlined. Only little less than ten years have passed by, but the scenery has changed again, of course. For example, the issue that was hot then, that of the budding World Music, seems already to have gone out of fashion somehow, due to the dramatic change in the record industry, with the explosion of i-pods, playlists, digital sampling, and the crisis of CD labels (major and independent). However, one aspect that we wanted to discuss continues to be topical, and even more today than ten years ago. I shall use the words of Giannattasio to sum it up: [...] the considerable change in our traditional object of study and the increasing importance of musical metissages in a general process of cultural syncretism. [...] Of course, the ethnomusicologist could resist this change, and transform ethnomusicology into a historical discipline, confining itself to the traditional forms and behaviour. But some of us believe it would be a nonsense, since we ve always studied living music, and not mummified music. We all know, in fact, that our traditional field of study is more and more restricted by the disappearance of many folk and ethnic social contexts or by their radical transformation. This inexorable process is also connected with the increasing

14 14 Giovanni Giuriati phenomenon of musical revivals and forced survivals which the ethnomusicological research itself has nourished. [...] The problem is that musical change is not an ethnomusicological object in itself, but a process of transformation affecting one or more musical traditions. This means that studying musical change and detecting its particular patterns is a very difficult task, because it requires a deep knowledge of the original musical languages. On the contrary, a lot of studies devoted to musical change are based on a purely sociological approach, and this probably explains why they are so unsatisfying for some of us (Giannattasio 2001: ). I chose this rather long quotation from a colleague with whom I share several views and experiences, because it highlights some of the issues that confront us today as ethnomusicologists. That is, a crucial junction of our time: the radical and fast change in the soundscapes around us, that poses us a number of challenges for those dealing with it. And also the paradox that, the more ethnomusicology becomes relevant as a scientific discipline within the larger field of musicology, and the more it establishes itself in universities, academies and archives, the more the object of our research is vanishing or changing at such a fast pace that it forces us to reconsider our research methods and tools, and to constantly ask ourselves what the object of our study really is, and what is our place within the larger scientific domain of musicology. Of course, things move on anyhow. In fact, in their research, several authors, especially from the Anglo-Saxon world, have repeatedly dealt with this issue, making reference to anthropology, postcolonial studies, or sociology. I can mention Steven Feld and some of his recent work on World Music (2000), Bosavi (2001, 2004), and the issue of Jazz cosmopolitanism as seen from Accra, Ghana, 5 but I could mention also the names of Thomas Turino (1993, 2000), Adelaida Reyes (1999, 2004), Veit Erlmann (1996), Martin Stokes (1992), Jocelyne Guilbault (1993) I could extend this list to mention only some authoritative scholars who have shifted their interest to music that we could hardly consider as the traditional object of ethnomusicology during the 20 th Century. In fact, ethnomusicology is dealing increasingly with musical genres and styles that go beyond and outside what were considered as 5 This research has resulted so far in a series of films and of CD releases. I can just mention here the three recent films: Hallelujah! (2008, 60 mins) Accra Train Station: The Music and Art of Nii Nio Nortey (2009, 60 mins) A Por Por Funeral for Ashirifie (2009, 70 mins).

15 Changing Musical Traditions, Changing Ethnomusicology 15 the customary boundaries of the discipline, and happily so, at least in the United States. This trend is following also what is happening in anthropology, where the debate on cultural change was alive in the Seventies (when Blacking wrote his paper), and that has continued with other scholars in more recent years. I can just quote here the very well-known works by James Clifford (1988) and by Jean-Loup Amselle (1999, 2005) among several other scholars who focus on change, contamination, syncretism, cosmopolitanism in trying to interpret contemporary dynamics of culture. Even the neverending and very fashionable debate on identity and ethnicity can be interpreted as a study on how cultures resist change and try to place boundaries and limits where they in fact do not exist. It seems to me that somehow ethnomusicology in Europe is more resistant to these new developments in the discipline, for a number of reasons that it would be interesting to discuss further on some other occasion. I think that the fact that most of us are studying the music of our own country is one of the factors, and another are the stronger ties that we have with art music and musicology. Also, the presence of large archives, perhaps, induces us towards a more historical inclination in our view of the discipline. I do not want to dwell on it in detail, but just to mention some of the issues that could be taken up and developed in future. In fact, I do not want to enter into such a complex scenario of research methods and views about anthropology and ethnomusicology. Rather, in the rest of my paper, I will try to see what John Blacking has to say to us concerning those issues, and then to present some of my considerations on the same topic, based on a few examples drawn from my own research. Therefore, let us go back to Blacking s paper, and see what were, as I understand them, his thoughts on change. A crucial issue that Blacking emphasises in his paper is that change must be concerned ultimately with significant innovation in musical sound (Blacking 1977: 2) implying that there is something specific to music (and musicmaking) for us to deal with, and indicating that it is properly our task as ethnomusicologists to find out, and to define, the musically specific ingredient in cultural change. It is a fundamental statement in my view, because it

16 16 Giovanni Giuriati distinguishes us clearly from sociologists of music, or from the many massmediologists and popular music specialists that today deal with music as a sign of change in the society, but without any insight whatsoever into the music itself, and the musical processes. Another important statement by Blacking concerning the uniqueness of musical change, and why music can offer a privileged perspective on cultural change, is that music, according to him, is able to combine cognitive and affective elements: Music[...]obeysthelawsofculture,andsothroughbodilyexperiencesenablesmanto come to terms with the natural and cultural grounds of its being: it is a kind of adaptive ritual behaviour that by the special nature of its means of production combines the creative conditions of objective technological mastery and subjective human experience (Blacking 1977: 5 6). And Blacking tries to find out what the problems and the conditions are for the study of musical change: Musical change may epitomize the changing conditions and concerns of social groups, perhaps even before they are crystallized and articulated in words and corporate action: but it also may reflect an affection for novelty and changing intellectual fashion. Conversely, an absence of musical change may reflect a retreat from challenging social issues, or a determination to face them and adapt to them, while maintaining essential social and cultural values (Blacking 1977: 3). What I find very interesting and still highly relevant is also the evaluation of the absence of change by Blacking, something that has to do with the traditional music of our times of which precisely the absence of change is cherished.... I think here of some policies of Unesco (and this could be another topic to debate among us). Andhegoeson: The retention of traditional music can be enlightening and positively adaptive as it can be maladaptive and stultifying: the meaning of musical change or non-change depends on their structural and functional characteristics in the particular context under review. There is some justification in the traditionalists argument that musical non-change can signify a successful adaptation to the threat of anarchy by the retention of essential cultural values, as there is to the opposing view that musical change expresses a vigorous adaptation of musical styles to the challenge of changing social conditions. But the traditionalists(or purists...)haveneglectedthe deadweightoftraditionalroutines,asthe modernists (or syncretists ) have seemed unaware of the superficiality of merely fashionable changes, and both have failed to distinguish the varieties of musical change, and

17 Changing Musical Traditions, Changing Ethnomusicology 17 the levels at which they operate, or to relate them to other changes that are taking place in the society, especially changing relationships between classes and changing patterns in the allocation of power. It can, in fact, be argued that all evaluation of musical change tells us more about the class and interests of the evaluators than about the real nature of musical change. This objection can certainly be made to my own arguments, as well as the work of the purists and the syncretists, and to the efforts of the Ministries of Culture and other agencies to promote the performances of traditional music (Blacking 1977: 3 4). Prophetic words especially in pointing out the role of political and cultural institutions (pervasive in Italy nowadays) in promoting for a number of mostly nonmusical purposes the so-called traditional music, an issue with which we as ethnomusicologists are increasingly confronted up to a point that is becoming almost unavoidable in our work today. There is another passage in this article dedicated to the syncretists that retains its importance today, in my opinion, even more than John Blacking might have suspected back then: [...] but they have not followed up the logic of their approach and considered in their analyses all that is heard by the groups whose music they study, on television, radio, and in films, as well as in live performance. Modern listening habits have been the concern only of radio stations and a few sociologists, but they are an essential feature of anyorallytransmitted musictradition[...]ifmozart,gershwin,the Beatles,Ellington, Indian classical music, Country and Western, and Lutheran hymns, are all available for listening, we cannot ignore the positive or negative influence on folk music of Mozart because his is art music; or of Gershwin because his is not ethnic music (Blacking 1977: 8). And he insists on the fact very important to me that: A sociology of music may legitimately confine itself to studying the groups that use music and the different meanings that they assign to it, without analyzing musical structures. But musicologists cannot account for the logic of musical systems without considering the patterns of culture and of social interaction of the music-makers (Blacking 1977: 8). These are the words of John Blacking written in 1977, and I assume that there is a general consensus that we can find in them great insight into the processes involving traditional music that we are witnessing today, so that this paper can still be of much use for all of us in our own research. Of course, several things have changed, but, even in a deeply transformed setting, several remarks made by Blacking can be of assistance.

18 18 Giovanni Giuriati Let us take, for example, the distinction that Blacking makes, between purists and syncretists. It is a distinction that serves the purpose of creating a somewhat artificial dichotomy expedient to his line of reasoning, even though we all know (and Blacking was the first) that there is some purism and syncretism in all of us. However, there are still, among us, those who could be termed purists according to Blacking s categories. In that group I would include, for example, most of contemporary French ethnomusicology. Those who were there will perhaps remember that Simha Arom stated it explicitly during the round table of 1999, 6 and also very recently Bernard Lortat-Jacob in a private conversation reiterated to me, quoting his recent research in Albania, namely, that in the world Europe included there is still plenty of music that follows the patterns of what we ethnomusicologists would have considered as object of our interest a few years back, that is: oral tradition not influenced by Western musical patterns, socially circulated among a rather confined community, vitality that allows renovation within the tradition, and so on. I agree with these purists that there is still plenty of such music, even in Europe. I may mention also the example of South-east Asia where there is a wealth of unknown, and under-documented, musical cultures and traditions. Just think of Laos, or Burma, for example. I agree that it is our task as ethnomusicologists to study these unknown musical traditions. Who else? Perhaps we can all agree on the idea that it is an important, and even primary task of ethnomusicology to document all these forms of traditional culture, and to understand how they work in terms of musical, social, and dynamic cultural processes. But one cannot escape dealing with another term and a set of issues that come with it the idea of marginality. 6 In his statement in response to Giannattasio s paper, bearing the title of A conservative point of view Arom writes: What is our main task? It is to go into the field, to make descriptions of music in its cultural context, and in the ways and the various levels at which it is articulated within the culture in which this music comes into existence [...] (Arom in Giannattasio and Giuriati, eds. 2001: 233). And, in his conclusions: I think we should leave sociology to the sociologists, anthropology to the anthropologists, philosophy to the philosophers, and just do our work,i.e.gointothefield, collect what we can collect before it is too late, work it through, return to the field, try to validate and publish our results, and go on, and on, and on [...] And this will be useful not only for science, but also for the preservation and conservation of cultures to which the music belongs (Arom in Giannattasio and Giuriati, eds. 2001: 235).

19 Changing Musical Traditions, Changing Ethnomusicology 19 In fact in several contexts, such musics cannot be confined within themselves,andtheybecomepartof larger processesof change willingly orunwillingly that the researcher cannot escape from noticing and documenting. And I think that it is not by chance that, even in the case of the two names of our greatly respected colleagues that I have mentioned, a purist attitude cannot be maintained. A few years ago Arom, together with Denis-Constant Martin published a paper in which they analyse the procedures of World music in musical terms (Arom and Martin 2002), and I can remind you of a similar effort made by Dalia Cohen and Ruth Katz at our 2003 ESEM meeting in Gablitz. 7 Lortat-Jacob told me of an instance that seems to me emblematic of the problems of our work today. After the release of the beautiful documentary film that he presented in ESEM Lisbon, Chants d un pays perdu, the resonance of his work among Albanian Nationalists has been strong, so that the film was taken without the author knowing anything about it as a sort of implicit statement for the Albanian Nationalist Party (rather Annexionist), and this summer Bernard told me that he was very surprised when, on arriving at the airport in Tirana, he was unexpectedly met by a chauffeur in a Mercedes provided by that political group. Even though the stands and ideas of the Albanian annexionists, dreaming of a Great Albania, are totally foreign to Bernard s view and intentions in making the film, I quote this as an example to stress another major change in our work today. Any attempt to remain pure clashes with the increased resonance and relevance of our work for the communities concerned and with the informed and interested competence of the people where our work is done. In fact, the increase in the so-called applied or collaborative ethnomusicology that deals with issues such as survival, promotion, visibility, documentation (that implies circulation) is another relevant aspect of change in our work. While in earlier times an ethnomusicologist could pretend to come to a field, to stay there and to return home with his or her treasure to study and publish, nowadays our work in the field implies all sorts of negotiation, of collaboration, and involvement in the debate,in the dynamic processesof a community, and a diffusion of the documents and of the results of the re- 7 The title of their unpublished paper was: Characterizing various styles of world music.

20 20 Giovanni Giuriati search that has to take into account the views, expectations, and needs of the communities concerned, not only because it is an ethical principle to be followed, but also because it is nowadays almost unavoidable (that is, inherent in our research), especially if we use multimedia to produce research. And we enter the much larger category, again, according to John Blacking terms, of syncretists. But, if we see it that way, to be a syncretist is not such a radical position. Some of the founding fathers of modern ethnomusicology state it in their definitions. Not just because of value judgments (or prejudgments) that consider change as positive anyway, but because the object of study for ethnomusicology has for a long time now been an approach to the study of any music, not only in terms of itself but also in relation to its cultural context (Hood 1969: 298), or We believe that we must study all of the world s music, from all peoples and nations, classes, sources, periods of history (Nettl 1983: 9, in his Credo ). And you know well that, in selecting the definitions above, I have not chosen the most radical ones. Theissuenowadaysisthatany music means in fact for us really and not just in theory a much wider world of music because of the widespread diffusion of information, the increase in research, the blurred landscape of contemporary music where all the boundaries among genres, repertoires, live and reproduced music, oral and written, and all the geographical and territorial boundaries are constantly being moved and redefined. Common sense required that ethnomusicology had to deal with Oriental, primitive, and folk music. These used to be a world apart from art and popular music, and the role of ethnomusicology was to present this great unknown to the Western culture. I would say that this role is nowadays almost gone. The musical cultures that interested (and interest) us are, by now, widely known, and, literally, everywhere. Ligeti, Berio, Tan Dun, World Music, Coltrane, digital sampling, MTV and National Geographic music channel, You Tube, radio stations. I just mentioned some of the first names that came to my mind, taken from the most various domains of contemporary music, and in each of them I can find a number of elements and processes that can be related to the interest of ethnomusicology. And I am asking myself: under whose disciplinary jurisdiction should the study of Indonesian

21 Changing Musical Traditions, Changing Ethnomusicology 21 art music fall, or of certain forms of African popular styles, assuming that there is continuity with local musical utterances? And this continuity makes us privileged as observers of a number of processes that involve both popular music, art music, and the so-called traditional music as well. Should the study of a given musical culture observe and describe (perhaps trying not to promote) the processes of spectacularization, patrimonialization of traditional music, the theatralisation of rite, and other processes of a similar nature, that happen everywhere today? Do we not have anything to say about policy of patrimonialisation of culture propelled by so many local, national and international institutions mostly for economic and tourist purposes, the inclusion of several musical tradition in the commodified market of music, and the consequences that such processes have on local musical communities on one hand, and on the global development of music making on the other hand? These are immense questions that I certainly cannot answer. But I think it is fruitful to pose them, and to discuss, taking each of us our particular perspective and point of view, perhaps trying to reconstruct, through a puzzle, a European position on some of the issues that I mentioned above. In fact, it seems to me that, at least in looking at it from an Italian perspective, we are confronted today by a paradox. Ethnomusicology is becoming increasingly institutionalized (Universities, Conservatoires) and recognized (radio programs, festivals), increasing also our responsibility for rethinking and reconsidering musical processes in a perspective of general musicology. Yet, the so-called traditional music continues to be marginalized and disappears, surviving in most cases only if it becomes a source and fuel for some musicians of the important music world as a remedy for some creative standstill, or the need for an exotic touch, or for the economic development of local communities in simple terms often directed and promoted by local politicians. In other words, what has been for over a century the main object of study for ethnomusicology is shrinking and being marginalized, while the need for a multicultural, intercultural, anthropological, comparative approach pervades the world of musicology. This becomes increasingly true of music edu-

22 22 Giovanni Giuriati cation, for festival organizers, for scholars dealing with contemporary music, even for the new and budding field of popular music studies. An emblematic example of this new approach, though sometimes criticized for its shortcomings and lack of balance, may be the Enciclopedia della Musica in five volumes edited by Jean Jacques Nattiez and published in Italian and French where the intercultural approach and the space dedicated to the music of different cultures, also with a marked comparative approach, are of unprecedented dimensions: only one volume out of five is devoted to the History of Western music (Nattiez ). These very general, and highly theoretical (or political) issues may seem very distant from our daily work, but each of us is constantly confronted with them during research. As a partial illustration of some of them I can offer some examples drawn from my own experience. To attempt to explain how I understand Blacking s statement that musical change must be in the music itself, and not just in the social conditions around music making, I can mention the example of the tarantella of Montemarano where musical change, that is, change in musical features and deep structures to use another term dear to Blacking can be considered as a dynamic driving force that allows to go on, and not just an impoverishment, and decay of a given tradition. Change in the musical structure: the tarantella of Montemarano I have already presented this case in a past ESEM, in Rauland, but I want to reiterate it here, from a different perspective, because it seems to me that it fits perfectly the case at hand. A tarantella, that is, a dance music typical of Southern Italy, is played at the Carnival in a village, Montemarano, in the mountains near Naples. The Carnival in Montemarano consists of a processional dance performed for three consecutive days by the masked inhabitants of the village (see Figure 1.2), accompanied by a music performed by clarinet, accordion, and frame drum (see Figure 1.3). I have been studying and participating in this Carnival for a little over thirty years by now (see Figure 1.4), and I was able to observe and detect

23 Figure 1.2 The Carnival in Montemarano: processional dance

24 24 Giovanni Giuriati Figure 1.3 The Carnival in Montemarano: instrumental ensemble. Clarinet: Berto Cantone continuity and change, that go even beyond that span of time, and that can be traced back at least to World War II (Giuriati 2003). The traditional shawm (ciaramella, Figure 1.5), was replaced by a clarinet introduced by a musician of the local marching band, Domenico Ambrosini. This change apparently occurred at the end of the 1940s, and was benecificial to the continuity of the tradition this is my point without altering those who were the main principles of that Carnival music. It is apparent that, besides the difference in sound quality, the clarinet allows the performer to cope with the rules of Western harmony (it is possible to use modulations along the whole cycle of fifths), to employ three different modes (major, minor, and lydian with the augmented fourth degree)

25 Changing Musical Traditions, Changing Ethnomusicology 25 Figure 1.4 The Carnival of Montemarano within the same tonal framework. The use of the clarinet also helps the performer to extend the duration of phrases and, on a larger scale of time, to go on with his playing for a longer time and more easily, prolonging the duration of the Carnival for hours. If one listens to a performance of the two instruments the shawm and the clarinet, it is possible to notice clearly all the elements outlined above: while the ciaramella usually maintains two (three at the most) tonal levels, two modal settings (major and Lydian) due to the characteristics of the instrument that requires more breath in order to make the thick double reed vibrate, and has no mechanics to facilitate the fast closing of the holes, the clarinet ranges continuously over several keys, changing the three modes

26 26 Giovanni Giuriati Figure 1.5 The traditional shawm (ciaramella) played by Orlando Corrado and extending the phrases to eight bars, allowing the performer an agility of touch and speed impossible to attain with the ciaramella. Change in the instrument, and accordingly in the musical structure that is performed, has allowed the Carnival to continue and to flourish until recent times, with constant modification in relation to modernity. Change in the musical structure is an index and a signal of changes in the social structure that continue until now. Nowadays the local success of the tarantella is such that several young players consider it as a possible source of income (primary or, mostly, secondary). Some permanent musical bands have been formed and play at all sorts of country fairs, weddings, festivals, alternating tarantellas and popular dance music (waltzes, polkas, lambadas, Latin American hits such as Macarena, and so on).

27 Changing Musical Traditions, Changing Ethnomusicology 27 Furthermore, in Montemarano, there is a Museo della tarantella, and a local association has constructed a website 8 that, among other local news and information, describes the anthropological, choreutic, and musical aspects of the Carnival (I have also contributed a text to it). The debate in Montemarano today is on how (and whether) the Carnival can be promoted as a tourist asset (together with local products of quality such as wine and chestnuts) in the budding field nowadays in Italy, called agrotourism (agriturismo). Musicians, local people, local administrators become actors in a dialogue with the researcher, and the interaction with them and their needs must be taken into account. What a change from when Alan Lomax went there in January 1955, and recorded the tarantella for the first time, publishing a short example of it on the two seminal LPs devoted to Italian folk music edited by him with Diego Carpitella! 9 A study of musical change in Montemarano can tell us so much, and in a unique way, about social and cultural change occurred in Italy between 1955 and Change in repertoires. Music for the Gigli in Nola Referring to another quotation from Blacking mentioned above, in which he stated that the traditional musicians live in our contemporary society and listen to any kind of music that may influence their own music making, without boundaries imposed by genre or tradition, the example of my most recent research in Nola comes to my mind. In this case, we can witness a dramatic change in musical repertoires as a reaction to being exposed to different genres of contemporary music, but this change in repertoire does not seem to affect the function of the music in relation to the feast. I am referring to the music for the Festa dei Gigli at Nola. It is a festival, held in the month of June in Nola, a town of about people in the fertile flatland near Naples, and next to Mount Vesuvius. It is a propitiatory ritual of fertility on which a Catholic cult was superimposed, Southern Italy and the Islands, collected and edited by Alan Lomax and Diego Carpitella The Columbia World Library of Folk and Primitive Music, vol. XVI, Columbia, KL 5174, LP 33.30, 1957.

28 28 Giovanni Giuriati honouring the bishop of Nola St. Paolino, and celebrating his return from Northern Africa where he liberated from slavery some inhabitants of Nola. The Festa dei Gigli takes place when nine very heavy wooden towers 15 meter tall called Gigli (Lilies) are carried by about one hundred porters each through the narrow streets of the town. The procession lasts nearly 24 hours and music is an essential component of it (Figure 1.6). It is not known when this tradition started, but there are accounts from Gregorovius in the 19 th Century that tell us that the procession was accompanied by incredibly loud music (1966; ed. or. 1853). Some oral accounts tell us that the music at the end of the 18 th century was a mix of local peasant music and urban music of the town of Naples. From the beginning of the 20 th century we know from photographs that the music was played by a brass band (Figure 1.7). A unique feature of this feast is that the musicians are placed ON the Giglio, and therefore they have to be carried by the porters, establishing a very peculiar relationship between sound and body (that I think Blacking would have been much interested in, by the way). During the 20 th century we know from audio recordings that the music for the Festa dei Gigli was made up of mainly of two kinds of repertoires: songs composed according to the style of Neapolitan song, that is popular urban music style, and marches from brass bands. Starting with the 1980s these marches have gradually been substituted by commercial music taken from anywhere, jingles from television advertisements, popular international hits, television theme songs, soundtracks from popular cartoons, any kind of Italian pop music. A further change starts in the 1980s with the use of amplification, loudspeakers and microphones. The instruments change as well, with the introduction of the saxophone as the main instrument, and the use of the electronic keyboard as the instrument in charge of sustaining the harmony, making this ensemble resemble more and more the groups that play pop and commercial music in the area, with the exception of a consistent percussions section made of snare drum, big drum and cymbals (Figure 1.8).

29 Figure 1.6 Giglio in Piazza Duomo (Archive of Museo etnomusicale dei Gigli di Nola)

30 Figure 1.7 Brass Band on the Giglio in the 1950s (Archive of Museo etnomusicale dei Gigli di Nola)

31 Figure 1.8 Musical ensemble in the Giglio: Pino Cesereno and his band (June 2005)

32 32 Giovanni Giuriati Some aspects remain unchanged the function of sustaining and coordinating the movements of the porters, canzone per l alzata (for lifting the Giglio), relationship sound, music, body, movement, but the musical repertoirehaschangedinsuchawaythatitsoundsasifitshouldbemoreofinterestfor popular music studies than ethnomusicology (Giuriati 2007). However, it seems to me that we are witnessing here precisely what Blacking had mentioned in his paper: the musicians of Nola, profiting from the development of new technologies (microphones and amplification) and listening to the popular music that is surrounding them, have dramatically changed the musical tunes used for the Festa dei Gigli, while leaving nearly untouched the other elements and functions of the music that make this feast unique and a significant object of inquiry for an ethnomusicologist. Diaspora and globalization: Southeast Asia I just want to mention briefly an instance from another area of my interest, that is Southeast Asia, namely Cambodia and Indonesia, in order to stress how difficult it is now to study musical systems as confined to a given area and a given culture, and how deeply change is embedded in contemporary research. For example, in the case of Cambodia, in recent years, there has been a significant phenomenon of relocation of refugees, and the diaspora has affected traditional music, forcing the researcher to try to understand the processes of change that music undergoes in the transplantation from the homeland to a foreign environment. In this case, perhaps, change in the music itself is present, but in a very subtle way. On the contrary, changes in the social structure and in the function of the music are more apparent. In this case, as well as in the others mentioned before, music remains a strong indicator of change and therefore, by inferring changes in music, one can also gain a better understanding of the social and cultural changes that take place in a community (of refugees in this case) On this aspect, in relation to Vietnamese refugees, see also Reyes (1999).

33 Changing Musical Traditions, Changing Ethnomusicology 33 For example, the different relationship that the musicians entertain with improvisation practices, or the shortening of the duration of the pieces, are small but clear signs of adaptation to a changed environment. On a higher level, I have spoken of the shift in the function of the music among the Cambodian refugees where music becomes mainly a sign of musical identity within the larger multiethnic society to which they are relocated, rather than a necessity related to continuing their traditional lifestyle (Giuriati 2005). Another example that I want to mention briefly is the case of Javanese or Balinese gamelan music. Nowadays is really difficult to study gamelan music of the academies and of the leading musicians of Java and Bali without taking into account two processesof contamination and internationalization of that music that have been taking place in the last decades. Two factors could be mentioned here: The encounter of Indonesian musicians with Western musicians, with the exchange and contamination that are becoming increasingly strong in a world where musicians travel constantly (with so many Indonesian musicians in residence in the U.S., Europe, Australia) and sounds travel so easily as well. This implies a profound change in the aesthetic paradigm of Javanese and Balinese music, with repercussions both in Indonesia and in the West. The urge from the political and cultural agenda of Indonesia to construct a national music and dance that would take into account different cultures and styles within the multicultural country, trying to build a new style in which the local music is encompassed a larger container that can be identified as Indonesian. This is a phenomenon that I perceive very clearly in the views and musical choices of our teacher of Javanese gamelan in Rome, Widodo Kusnantyo, who graduated from ISI in Yogyakarta 11 and that one can encounter in so many Indonesian musicians today. And it is certainly not just a phenomenon restricted to Indonesia where a specific political agenda can account for such a development. In a totally different 11 Mr. Widodo Kusnantyo is a dancer and a musician in residence at the Indonesian Embassy by the Holy Seat in Rome, where he teaches Central Javanese gamelan and dance at the Embassy, also in agreement with the Universita di Roma La Sapienza.

34 34 Giovanni Giuriati area I can feel the marketable appeal of the construction of a Mediterranean music that is a total invention of contemporary musicians coming from the circles of folk revival and world music. To conclude, in order to cope with changes in our object of study, we must change, refine, and rethink our research methods. It is music, ultimately, and the people who make it that tell us where to go and how to proceed, rather than the fixed categories of our discipline. It is a process of reconfiguration that is taking place, reestablishing and moving the relative boundaries within a network of related disciplines (historical and systematic musicology, popular music studies, sociology of music, semiology of music), with the belief that music, and musicology, can ultimately become a unitary field ofresearch. Challenges of urban ethnomusicology (ethnicity, identity). multiculturalism, and world music, diasporas and refugee movements, new technologies digital sampling and the internet, music education and interculturalism, archives (and copyright) and the historical dimension: in all of these areas the issue of musical change is essential, and they force us to change our research methods and perspectives. Furthermore, these domains are all at the intersection point with other disciplines within the larger domain of musicology (and anthropology) forcing us to take interdisciplinary paths, and sometimes posing (not too often, please) the question of redefining our task, research methods, and object of study. But in presenting issues related to change I do not want you to believe that I think that we as ethnomusicologists are losing our identity. I still think that in this reassessment of the soundscapes, and of musicology, the discipline that studies them, there are some stable foundations that we can derive from our history. Some points still stand, in my opinion on which we can rely in our trade, such as (just to mention them briefly): the capacity to carry fieldwork, a comparative look at ANY music, study of music in relation to cultural systems. And I see Europe as a place of exchange and debate for these experiences, much less monolithic than other scientific environments. For example, what our European tradition of study may offer to this debate is the capacity to recognize, because of a long history of coexistence of folk and art music, the inner imbalances and changes in a rather complex network

35 Changing Musical Traditions, Changing Ethnomusicology 35 of musical styles and traditions within one country and one society, linked inextricably to the complex European society and history. Such a model, that is shared by several Europeans schools of ethnomusicology, starting with Bartók and Brailoiu and continued in France, Italy, and other Eastern and Western European countries, can offer some insight into the complexity of the contemporary globalised soundscapes. Just some examples of how I think we should try today to cope with change, by meeting the challenges of a constantly changing soundscape around us. And in this endeavour it might be useful to keep in mind some of the thoughts that Blacking pointed out to us some years back. To keep the focus on music and to continue to make a link between the musical systems and the musicmakers, in that inextricable bond of cognitive and affective processes that is music. In doing so, we can make a contribution to the development of our discipline, and also, more generally, to the understanding of contemporary world, society, and culture. Let me conclude with what the Cambodian friends tell me sometimes, quoting a saying attributed to the Buddha the enlightened : Nothing is constant but change. Works cited Amselle J. L Logiques métisses : anthropologie de l identité en Afrique et ailleurs. Éd. Payot, Paris (English translation: Mestizo logic. Anthrophology of identity in Africa and Elsewhere; Standford, Standford University Press, 1998). Amselle J. L Branchements : anthropologie de l universalité des cultures.champs Flammarion, Paris. Arom S. Martin D. C Commercio, esotismo e creazione nella World Music. Un approccio sociologico e musicologico. In: L eredità di Diego Carpitella, M. Agamennone and G.L. Di Mitri (eds.) Besa, Nardò, pp Blacking J Some Problems of Theory and Method in the Study of Musical Change. Yearbook of the International Folk Music Council 9, pp Blacking J. 1986, Identifying processes of musical change. World of Music No. XXVIII 1, pp Blacking J Intention and Change in the Performance of European Hymns by Some Black South African Churches. In: G. Moon (ed.). Transplanted Eu-

36 36 Giovanni Giuriati ropean Music Cultures: Miscellanea Musicologica (Adelaide Studies in Musicology 12), pp Adelaide. Carpitella D. (ed.) Ethnomusicologica. Seminari internazionali di etnomusicologia Quaderni dell Accademia Musicale Chigiana XLIII, Academia Musicale Chigiana, Siena. Clifford J The Predicament of Culture. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachussets. Erlmann V Nightsong: Performance, Power, and Practice in South Africa.University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Feld S A Sweet Lullaby for World Music. Public Culture No. XII 1, pp Feld S Bosavi: Rainforest Music from Papua New Guinea, Recorded and annotated by Steven Feld. Produced by Smithsonian Folkways Recordings Center for Folklife and Cultural Heritage, in collaboration with the Institute of Papua New Guinea Studies, SFW CD40487, 3CDs, booklet 80 pages. Feld S Chitarre nella foresta: la nascita di una nuova musica in Nuova Guinea. In: EM. Annuario degli Archivi di Etnomusicologia dell Accademia Nazionale di S.Cecilia, NS 1, pp Giannattasio F.; Giuriati G. (eds.) Changing Soundscapes and Continuity of Ethnomusicology. Studi Musicali No. XXX 2, pp Giuriati G Continuità e trasformazioni nei procedimenti esecutivi della tarantella di Montemarano. Studi dedicati a Paolo Emilio Carapezza in occasione del suo sessantacinquesimo compleanno dagli amici siciliani e polacchi Res Facta Nova No. 6 (15), pp Giuriati G Idealization and Change in the Music of Cambodian Diaspora. In: Um, Hae-Kyung (ed.). Diasporas and Interculturalism in Asian Performing Arts: Translating Traditions, Routledge Curzon Press, London and New York, pp Giuriati G Sui limiti del concetto di folklore musicale. La musica per i Gigli di Nola. In: Etnomusicologia e studi di popular music. Quali possibili convergenze?. On-line Proceedings of the XI Seminario internazionale di etnomusicologia, Laura Leante, (ed.) Istituto Interculturale di Studi Musicali Comparati- Fondazione Giorgio Cini, Gregorovius F. 1966; original ed Passeggiate in Campania e in Puglia, Nuova Editrice Spada, Roma. Guilbault J Zouk. World Music in the West Indies, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Hood M Ethnomusicology. Harvard Dictionary of Music,HarvardUniversity Press, Cambridge, pp Nattiez J. J. (ed.) Enciclopedia della musica. Diretta da Jean-Jacques Nattiez. Con la collaborazione di Margaret Bent, Rossana Dalmonte e Mario Baroni. 5 voll. Einaudi, Torino.

37 Changing Musical Traditions, Changing Ethnomusicology 37 Nettl B. (ed.) Eight Urban Musical Cultures: Tradition and Change, University of Illinois Press, Urbana. Nettl B The Study of Ethnomusicology: Twenty-nine Issues and Concepts.University of Illinois Press, Urbana. Nettl B Relating the present to the past: thoughts on the study of musical change and culture change in ethnomusicology. Music & Anthropology Journal of Musical Anthropology of the Mediterranean I, on-line journal http: // Reyes A Songs of the Caged, Songs of the Free. Music and the Vietnamese Refugee Experience. Temple University Press, Philadelphia. Reyes A Music in America. Experiencing Music, Expressing Culture. Oxford University Press, New York and London. Stokes M The Arabesk Debate: Music and Musicians in Modern Turkey.Clarendon Press, Oxford. Turino T Moving Away from silence.music of the Peruvian Altiplano and the Experience of Urban Migration. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Turino T Nationalists, Cosmopolitans, and Popular Music in Zimbabwe.TheUniversity of Chicago Press, Chicago. Vayda A. P Actions, variations, and change: the emerging anti-essentialist view in anthropology. In: R. Borofsky (ed.) Assessing Cultural Anthropology, Mc Graw & Hill, New York, pp

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39 PART II MUSIC TRADITIONS IN TOTALITARIAN SYSTEMS

40

41 2 Music and Totalitarianism. Artificial Enthusiasm Piotr Dahlig The combination of music and totalitarianism is particularly difficult to define. Music as an area offree and all-embracing expressionby man is tocome face to face with something of which the end result is derision of mankind in the extreme. It is difficult to comment on both these elements together with any academic objectivity emulating from the wonder of nature, the heavens, the mysteries of physics; neither is it possible to retain solidarity with mankind Albert Einstein s disgust for anyone who finds satisfaction in a parade marching past in time to the music is timeless. Neither are we motivated to ask God s forgiveness for those who created concentration camps or gulags as they knew exactly what they were doing. Nor can we draw on Anglo-saxon stolidity which gave birth to various sciences whilst a wave of suffering engulfed the world. It is even doubtful whether amnesia, which brings humans down to the level of equipment destined for the scrap yard, will be a cure; if we no longer remember then we are just biding our time until the next catastrophe. On our continent we traditionally weave the subject matter announced above in the title into a strangely intimate dialogue between God and satan about Hiobe. Consequently totalitarianism a ghastly test. As for music it is as if nothing happened. After all, functional music for people could only regard musica mundana as having no function for centuries has embellished the social structure everywhere: it resounds in praise of predecessors, tames rulers, including those in the upper echelons,

42 42 Piotr Dahlig it is instrumental in an individual s moments of desperation and happiness, it is of help to persons condemned to death in their last moments and here the message it conveys reaches a wide audience. Music seems transparent, neutral in the face of threat; can be used by anyone in any circumstances, for example, in the black humour of Mozart Days in December 1941 in Kraków, when the whole world was in the grips of war. The iconography of the dance of death from olden times to the musical accompaniment of its skeletons is a subtle prefiguration (?) of concentration camp orchestras or music bands playing to a procession filing past to work from which not everyone would return. The use of music to conceal or to accompany torture is extremely hideous (as for example, in Aleje Szucha in Warsaw under the German occupation). The norm in the misalliance between music and totalitarianism would therefore be enthusiasm which had been artificially created and was faked, where the level of simulated vigorous activity simply depends on the shrewdness of those taking part. For history has never been short of people who lost their reason and sense of empathy, who succumbed to the hypnosis of fear, including composers prepared to offer their music as sacrifice to the beasts. One cannot think of this and remain calm, even post factum, or with any distance, unless we imagine that God might say: Think what you would do yourselves in my place. In essence, totalitarianism, with its centralization and lust for the glorification of power, unity and uniqueness of a nation, admiration for the leader and the roaring of the crowds, is at best, a perversion of the worship of God. Omnipresence destroyed by surveillance of all types by the security services; deep compassion destroyed by perversity depending on the context; a stable disposition by usurping eternity; freedom of choice by the iron hand of an impersonal system. These are figures from theology, an echo of the anguish of the 20 th century. However the burning question - purely human although somewhat woeful still remains: where did and does all this continue to stem from? From a specific state of cultural ideology, from the psyche of society which feels itself under threat after the trauma of wars, revolutions, poverty and famine? From the much more deeply-rooted frightening economics in terms of hu-

43 Music and totalitarianism. Artificial enthusiasm 43 man sacrifices (let us call to mind the ancient Celtic priestesses, slitting prisoners throats probably to the accompaniment of musical instruments and foretelling the future using their blood? (Gąsowski 1987: 57 61). Death in exchange for the disclosure and reversal of fate, death in exchange for equilibrium and prosperity, death of a good person so that a lesser person can jostle his way through life. The only variable is the tempo and scale of human ransom: from periodic sacrifice of individuals to the factory of slaughter. A sense of purpose for what happened to the victims is what our ancestors and future generations must provide; it is also to be found in God s rejection of the futility of death, however the trained human mind continues to stubbornly ask why? All the more so, as the problem is relevant not only to Europe or merely limited to events in living memory. However if we are willing to some degree to put our concern for the victims of totalitarianism into the hands of our Maker and regain some objectivity in our reflexions, the first signs point to a state of awareness in the human group. Totalitarianism is already a mature state and defined by name, it is the culmination of earlier specific changes in mental behaviour: above all when people no longer question themselves, when personality is corroded by external forces as if the body lost its natural and intelligent quasi immune system, and psychology of the masses which was steered from elsewhere had begun to govern the decisions of individuals. Only then is a specific ideology implanted, or finds its own social medium. It is hard to place the blame on inventors of megaphones, although it was they who in the 30 s of the 20 th century replaced rumours with the power of suggestion, making possible planning and central control of crowd events by a superior authority. Fetes, fairs, church fairs in small towns where wandering singers played were replaced with crowds celebrating to mark anniversaries of the raise to power, rallies of leaders. Instead of village spring pageants the crowds would flock to large towns or the capital (for example on 1 May). Music began to be used in a way the original performers or composers would never have dreamed of: as background noise, to excite the crowds, to disable a person s critical assessment of reality. The new world of technology, with two different diametrically opposed uses, encroached directly on the sphere of human

44 44 Piotr Dahlig experience of sound, slowly creating the reality essential for centralization, so that it would have an effect. Totalitarianism has an important statistical and demographic variable. The aspirations of small nations, small states in this area may, particularly from a distance, seem quite amusing, as in Bhutan for example. However the endeavours of great countries with large populations manifest themselves in scenarios of bodies reduced to pulp under caterpillar tracks of tanks because we are great in numbers. General education in the inter-war period was polarized and had its good and bad sides. Community education, work education and induction of particular songs in children as part of educational programs in Germany and the USSR in the 30 s began to mould people just as one moulds and constructs a technical appliance destined only to carry out orders. The love of singing inherited from traditional customs, revived in state centres of power, first in the schools and then in armies, aimed at replacing the individual s own reflections with collective euphoria, to simplify the transfer of responsibility to the group or to a monster leader, to evoke joy as the fact that the party is thinking for the individual. It is a fact that schools in most of the European countries in the inter-war period wanted to make singing popular. It was known that spontaneous song in regional cultures, in particular in village communities, was on the wane because the nature of social bonds was changing from close local ties to artificially constructed ties. The intention was for song to bond the higher ranks of society, coerce the school community into thinking of themselves as sisters and brothers, and in so doing, choirs would not only grace new establishments, but also new nations. When territorial changes (even minor ones such as the one at Spiš in 1939) took place, one of the first priorities was change of school songs and their language. Before totalitarianism dragged the world into the World War II, it had already cast a shadow over music tradition amongst other things. Folk songs were set in marching tempo with livelier melodies, both in schools and in the army, songs from the frontier territories were translated into their own language, singing instructors were employed in the army so that all soldiers

45 Music and totalitarianism. Artificial enthusiasm 45 could become drummers to the same rhythm. Old Varsovians remembered the stomp of shoes and lively song of the corrupted sons of Germany. The essenceof totalitarianism is also to strive to take control over all information channels and to take over control of all forms of communication between individuals while at the same time isolating the socio-political sphere from the outside world. Confiscation of radio receivers, installing loudspeakers on the streets and the ever present state radios with stimulating music, today, in the age of mobile phones, seems, at best, laughable and embarrassing. However in its day, as part of the methodical activity, it posed a threat. Certainly, in discussing the title of this paper, when considering the misalliance of music and totalitarianism you should distinguish between the war and (relative) peacetime. With the passing of time, however, the connection between the cause and effect is more perceptible. The inter-war signs mainly include an acquiescence to or even a craving for national patronage, which also extended over the sphere of music. Chamber of the Musicians in Germany, which received courteous comments from central European countries, was cited as an example of a regulated music profession, and was used as a tool of total control over the musical environment, also in the area of discrimination. Ethnographic literature of that time in neighbouring countries gives recognition to Germany for reviving folk songs, dances, regional traditions (there was even a global term for this phenomenon, neo-renaissance of folk culture). Researchers could never have dreamed that the aesthetic drill, song and dance groups was a form of training for the lines of soldiers who would soon be firing shots from their rifles. In discussing the origins of folklore, the feeling of pleasure that its public presence gave, one forgot that by nature it is something intimate that is passed on to a maximum of two families and their circles of acquaintances at a wedding. Totalitarian nations in the inter-war period also introduced festivals into culture as part of their plan to organize a person s free time in order to control an individual s time outside work 1. It seemed that folklore festivals also 1 From Cajler (1936: ): There is one striking fact in this exhibition as in the whole congress. Namely at every stage it was stressed that the social welfare only started to develop when the national socialist party came to power and that before that time nothing had been done in this area. That same day in the municipal gasworks there was a workers performance entitled Let machines and engines be silent. The male and female workers performed their cultural repertoire of song,

46 46 Piotr Dahlig in traditional democracies motivate positive international interaction. How many young people from various nations have danced in great concert halls, including young people from Soviet states, who at the European Festival in England in 1935 took people aback with new folk costumes denim overalls. How many songs sung by the crowds resounded to the heavens, people deriving pleasure from the crowd s intoxication which made them more susceptible to manipulation in a manner only foreseen by the political elite. However, if we asked (the venerable even today) participants in the output of the totalitarian nation about mass events, marches, exercises, dances and songs at stadia and on the streets, unfortunately the majority would have a favourable view. After all, in % of Germans voted for Hitler, much post-stalinist sentiment is still alive also in Russia and the former Soviet republics. You will always find many people for whom building a canal, building a mine, factory, manufacturing a car for the population is more important than the life of an individual (always someone else not me). The response would not only be influenced by childhood and adolescence, but also even though deceptive and reversible the feeling of togetherness, the reflection of social ties, which in the 21 century, in conditions of total individualism, is sometimes clearly missing (even in discotheques where you are literally alone in a crowd or persistently forming a network of acquaintances on the internet). Although the totalitarian country in principle has become extinct, the rebuilding of imperia and fanatical nationalism does not seem possible, and condoning physical extermination of humans for political or ethnic reasons is probably becoming a thing of the past, yet the remnants of that mentality will linger for a long time (unless there is a fuel, water or food shortage, in which case all the herd instincts typical for totalitarianism may re-emerge). music and recitation. It was a serious performance from beginning to end with political significance as the speakers, of which there were several, stressed how great Germany was, the present prosperity, excellent organization of work, and all this is thanks to the Führer. In the evening in the Ufa cinema a performance took place entitled Peace of standards. The performance was to emphasize Germany s trend towards peace and as wide an international fraternization as possible. In the next few days public concerts by army and workers bands took place in various locations in Hamburg, sports shows by school children, the Hitlerjugend, army, workers, police, folk dances and appearances by folk groups of all nations taking part in the congress.

47 Music and totalitarianism. Artificial enthusiasm 47 Of what significance would the path which totalitarianism has taken worship of a centralized state power (n.b. after the period of economic crisis at the turn of the 1920s/30s in Europe and USA) be for music? Traditional, regional and local, peasant and folk music only found acceptance when performed for a collective audience and in the appropriate form and arrangement; the tradition of individuals passing on folklore, as it was referred to, was taken away from the general public. The physical extermination of hurdy-gurdy players in Soviet Ukraine in the late 30 s demonstrates that what could not be subjected to control and subordinated under the system was to be destroyed. The German press of that time abounds in reports of festive celebrations school concerts, numerous songs, stage productions etc, which took place under pompous slogans such as the one contained in the title Peace of standards ; then the result of this train of thought will lead to the Arbeit macht frei of Auschwitz. A composer had to belong to an organization and compose, as in the Stalinist era in the USRR it was an offence if he did not. The system of state commissions for works undoubtedly a gangrene for any freedom of creativity, often produced, as Bulhakov would have put it, goods (fish) of dubious quality meant that a creator was dependant on the biological level only. If he managed to emigrate, his presence in his native country was deleted 2. Even if the reality in the totalitarian system was in fact much more complex and varied in relation to e.g. literary output (especially in the former ZSRR 3 ), the oppressivenet was never far away. Socialist reality, or the healthy creativity in Nazism, tools from the distant past used to exact obedience, whose range includes mindless reproduction of behaviour, appear as a brutal incarnation of mass culture, irrespective of whether they are reduced to the lowest common denominator. The quality of inspiration in those creative programs can be likened to the charm of a set of instructions for implementing tech- 2 In Poland you could at least voice your regret in a publication that a person was a good composer, as Józef M. Chomiński commented in the I st edition of Formy muzyczne (1955) about Andrzej Panufnik after he had the iron curtain. 3 The folklorists in this country nurtured the conviction that serious study should be devoted to a published anthology of folk songs from various states in the USRR in the Stalinist period with the exception of the first tributary works, composed to please the censors, as the perfect lie. This opinion comes from E. Gippius.

48 48 Piotr Dahlig nical equipment. The products of creative minds of that time are nowadays regarded as somewhat of an aberration, for example the two metre accordion or three metre dulcimers. In the sphere of musical creativity eulogies, those well paid mirages, seem to have been quite an elitist equivalent of artificial enthusiasm intended for general use. Good quality music and musical culture, however, are amongstthe essentials in German and Soviet collectivism. This was because of the conviction of the influence of the art of sound on social awareness. The arts were ranked using the criterion of how effective they were in creating a new people (for Lenin, as we know, cinema was the highest ranking). All the same the high standing of music was rather inherited by totalitarianism and it was not totalitarianism that elevated it to that level. In Germany this occurred as a result of centuries of singing from the score, in the USRR frequently thanks to natural, instinctive musicality which survived in traditional cultures. Totalitarianism could however at any time take away this right to contact with music. Instead of listening to an opera from the latest model of gramophone or broadcasts of concerts from an excellent radio receiver in einem gemütlichen Häuschen what was dished out to the young Germans was death in extreme temperatures for example in Stalingrad. On visiting the camp at Majdanek in Lublin, looking at the noble facial features of the administrator of the German group of co-workers it is not difficult to imagine the metamorphosis of a music connoisseur into a torturer. Again, on another political arena, in the first proletariat nation, Dmitri Shostakovich when composing music often wondered at the back of his mind whether they would come for him at night or not, to take everything away from him. Zoltán Kodály sensed that this usurping i.e. giving and then taking away, which also applied to life, like other prerequisites of totalitarianism, stemmed from offending God. He approached the communist authorities in Hungary, stating that if they wanted to make people happy, they must give them something that cannot be taken away (clearly what he meant was introducing music education with an emphasis on multi-part singing; Kodály believed that this would produce a social bond of a higher order than that produced by the totalitarian culture of the masses). The appeal had a positive result in essence, in particular after

49 Music and totalitarianism. Artificial enthusiasm when the trauma in the wake of the Budapest uprising had to be healed. Politicians of this sole redemptive communist party realized that youhad to loosen the reigns somewhat to retain power. And this was noticeable in relation to folklore. In Poland after the trauma of the events in December 1970 people were allowed to sing Christmas carols at reviews in community centres, despite the fact that that the latter had originally been created as a shining contrast to the gloomy churches. In the first decade after World War II, when totalitarianism in central Eastern Europe took on a different, brighter hue, external manifestations of how the regional and ethnic traditions were kept up and were regarded were reminiscent of what occurred in Germany before the war. The same mustering up of crowds, stunning with colours, fluttering skirts, acrobatic figures in trousers. This is understandable in central Eastern Europe under the Soviets. These were crowds weary of the war with fears as to whether they would survive. They did not need to know that the best individuals were dying in underground prisons. The resettled people from the Eastern Borderlands were more aware of the latter, but they also tended to celebrate on arriving in the Reclaimed Land. The new authorities knew they had to organize events in order to obscure the reality of what was happening to political opponents. They knew well from the 1930s, that you could smother poverty with folklore, also giving the masses the impression of social advancement, because singing and showing effective obrabotki on the podium is something more than taking pleasure in poverty and frolicking on a mud floor. Stage managers ensured a flourish of false smiles. But behind this totalitarian roller atleastsunganddanced onebecameawareofthevoiceofthepiper from Wielkopolska on the decelith recording playing and singing at a stadium after the end of the official harvest festival in I stand at your door Lord, and wait for your mercy... In Wielkopolska where all matters were approached literally and to the point, serious consideration was given in 1946 to forming pipers bands in the militia, i.e. communist police (in fact this was reminiscent of the 30 s when regional instruments were introduced in the army). This did not happen, though not only because of the difficulty of agreeing on a common bourdon and scale in the windpipes which are a

50 50 Piotr Dahlig very specific instrument. The combination of a militia man s truncheon with a folk instrument with European traditions proved impossible. It is worth adding that Poland s membership of the International Folk Music Council, an organization founded in England in 1947 was, despite efforts in the early 50 s, blocked. Ministerial correspondence stated that Poland doesn t need that. In turn, in Western Pomerania, according to archival research by Bogdan Matławski, there were plans at the end of the 40 s and beginning of the 50 s to introduce a uniform folk costume for groups in the Szczecin province (województwo), a costume connected with Wileńszczyzna. And here the obstacle proved to be not only the actual diversity of the composition of the population of Nowa Wileńszczyzna, but also the principle that historical memory connected with the era of independent 2 nd Polish Republic was to be erased. The organizers zest, change of names, founding of an organization, associations, song and dance groups, which took place under the watchful eye of the peoples authorities, ie. the control of a communist and socialist nation all this was an attempt to control village cultural environments and to give credence to a people s nation, which cares about progressiveness of folklore. In turn, amongst town dwellers, the sentimental hit of the period of the bourgeoisie, rotten tango was to be ousted by the voice of a vigorous song of the masses with limited lyricism, which had been commissioned or selected in a contest between composers. Certainly, those great constructions of socialism, steelworks, factories etc. needed some sort of aesthetic flavouring. The language of propaganda, its vigour fuelled as a rule by a hate of the past and the subjectivity of man, had to be neutralized somehow through songs, such as Bridge to the left, bridge to the right. Today, if one were to attempt a virtual history, which is popular nowadays, and ask whether in the conditions of a free Poland which would have had the models of western European democracies to hand, and indeed democratic after 1945, you could have conducted a Campaign for a Collection of Folklore Music ( ) funded from the state budget, the answer would have to be negative. Efforts in this area would probably have been broken down, distributed among specific centres (just as in the inter-war period ),

51 Music and totalitarianism. Artificial enthusiasm 51 striving (like today) for subsidies. It is true, we owe the financial basis of the Folklore Collecting Campaign (AZFM) and the priceless bank of sources of music and dialectological sources we have today more to the idea of nature conservation (state dignitaries were enthralled with the colourful folk costumes and flowers at mass events), than the intention to protect traditional culture. One of the reasons why the campaign was suspended was insufficient documentation of rebellious and revolutionary songs from the peasantry. What an important change and despite everything, humanitarian progress in comparison with the practices of the NKVD on the occupied Polish territories in When village meetings at that time were organized for the purpose of forming kolkhozes, people were encouraged to ask questions only so that the participants in the discussion, individuals singled out, could be arrested after the meeting (a clinical example of how totalitarianism functions is the cutting off of any ears of corn in a corn field which stick out as the corn must be of equal height). The toilets which were set up in wayside chapels are an example of the attitude at that time to local traditions, something that is mentioned with a sense of trauma by musicians from those regions. Each posttotalitarian country seems to be all the wiser after wading through a period of utopian and criminal ideology, which thrived alongside the tactful indifference shown by the free world. Seemingly Albert Camus was justified in putting German and Soviet totalitarianism on an equal footing as regards three points: 1. shared contempt for the individual s human dignity; 2. analogous creation of isolated places of collective torment Germany, in truth, did not murder prisoners of war in camps for officers, as the Soviets did with the Polish officers who were prisoners, but brought dishonour on themselves by the Holocaust; 3. shared high-pitched tones and emotions in their hypocrisy, eg. as to freedoms or the future fortunes of mankind. Comparison on the level of music and musical creativity will not however be justified, just as the history of a 12 year old is difficult to compare with the

52 52 Piotr Dahlig experience of a 70 year old. The authors of MGG maintain that there is a lack at the end of the 20 century of a scientific and critical study on the creativity of German composers in the period examined as a whole and individually. They are able to differentiate a few stances (Finscher, Jaschinski 1995: 1187): the positive stance of a few little knowncomposerstoday, seeming to support the regime and themselves supported by it; the circumstance of internal migration (Karl A. Hartmann); and the situation where the political neutrality of creators did not influence their life situation in this period (Richard Strauss, Carl Orff, Werner Egk). Only one composer murdered in a concentration camp is mentioned - Viktor Ullmann. Perplexed muses fell silent, though, and from the twelve years of chauvinistic euphoria we are only to remember the prohibition of playing jazz and expressing social support for the regime through the German ethnic speciality marching music. In the Soviet world and its dominions not everything functioned in a totalitarian fashion, especially after 1956, as the free world, moved by its conscience, would want to see it in retrospect today. Above all, music and musical creativity, including local regional and ethnic traditions, in the Soviet block were remarkably successful in the compensational and therapeutic role they fulfilled: from dance, even if performed only on stage, through collective song in private company to the depth of the experiences of the most sensitive person, for example the aforementioned Dmitri Shostakovich, and also many outstanding composers in the former Soviet nation, who had to compose in particular conditions of isolation. Here let us name at least one of the representatives of the avant garde Edison Denisov 4. 4 In the volume Duchowość Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej w muzyce końca XX wieku (2004), there are two interesting reports from the second half of the 20 th century on the general picture of music creativity in the former USRR. Levon Hakopian (2004) in a comprehensive article questions the simplified view of artistic culture in the former USRR as confrontation of the world of real socialism and the diametrically opposed creativity of dissidents. From the position of an insider he sees the complexity of conditions, transitional zones, a wide spectrum of the standpoint of various creators. He points out the fact that musicians in contrast to authors of literature did not lose their lives in the persecutions. In the creativity of many composers you could sense the dualism stemming from ancient religions light encountering darkness. In the short historical outline the author discussed the fate of avant-garde personified by such persons as: Edison Denisov, Nikolai Karetnikov, Alemdar Karamanov, Alfred Schnittke, Sofia Gubaidulina, from Estonia Arvo Pärt, from the Ukraine Sergei Slonimski, Valentin Silvestrov, Leonid Grabovski, from Armenia Tigran Mansurian. He stresses that the ideological resistance against avant-garde ceased in At the turn of the 20 th

53 Music and totalitarianism. Artificial enthusiasm 53 The range of shades of totalitarianism in countries under Soviet rule deserves a comparative monograph study of the functioning of cultures and musical life. And in this corrupt totalitarianism of the 20 th century something remained of the automatic customs of the past, when musicians of a defeated or murdered king were engaged at the new court, instrumentalists were treated as spoils of war worthy of further exploitation, in order to increase the splendour of the victor. Ultimately music and musical creativity always escapes unscathed from political oppression, and in its deepest dimension helps to forge good out of evil. The elusive substance of music is both an infinitely variable and manifold reality. It cannot be overcome by any other, subsequent or possible, totalitarianism which has its sources and profiles more refined than dull thinking, craving for power and physical liquidation of the real opponent or one who has been created. century, after abandoning the archaic polarization of the spirit and matter, the author perceives a crisis. An expression of this degradation is, amongst others, minimalism, this is by the way an example of divergence between the oriental and occidental interpretation; for in the west minimalism often has a meditational or prayer origins. Irina Nikolska (2004) discusses more by dissection the contemporary changes in musical creativity, as compared with artistic trends in literature, art and theatre. She describes the downfall of the myth of socrealism and the myth of highest quality arts. In the decomposition of canons she considers that there is a deficiency of creative ideas and the presence of commercialism even in the religious trend. On the other hand she emphasizes the permanence of the effect of the heroic ethos of Dmitri Shostakovich and the maintenance of a high level of symphonic creativity. It continues to contain philosophic and ethical nuances, which is evidence of a deep rooted connection between a musical work and religious systems.

54 54 Piotr Dahlig Works cited Gąsowski J Mitologia Celtów, Warsaw. Cajler F Kongres Wczasów w Hamburgu, Physical Education, No. 9 11, pp Finscher L., Jaschinski A Deutschland. In: Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Sachteil, Bd. 2, Bärenreiter Verlag. Chomiński J Formy muzyczne,vol.i,kraków. Hakopian L The Beginning and the End of the Soviet Musical Avant-garde: In: K. Droba, T. Malecka and K. Szwajgier (eds.), Duchowość Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej w muzyce końca XX wieku.kraków:theacademy of Music. Nikolska I Duhovnost i hudozestvennye processy v russkom iskusstve na rubieze XX-XXi vekov [Spirituality and Artistic Processes in Russian Art of the Turn of the 20 th and 21 st Centuries]. In: K. Droba, T. Malecka and K. Szwajgier (eds.), Duchowość Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej w muzyce końca XX wieku. Kraków: The Academy of Music.

55 3 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction: Insights from Two German Totalitarian Systems Britta Sweers I came across this song (see Table 3.1) while conducting the Polyphonie der Kulturen [Polyphony of Cultures] project together with the Rostock-based civil initiative Bunt statt braun [Colourful instead of brown] (see Figure 3.1). The project was a response to a Neo-Nazi arson attack on a house that hosted asylum seekers and Vietnamese contract workers in a suburb of Rostock, formerly East Germany, in In the course of this project which was undertaken between 2005 and 2008 we first recorded a CD with local migrant performers, Rostock-based world musicians, and intercultural artists. The subsequently produced CD-ROM with background material also included a didactic aid to support teachers dealing with Neo-Nazi music in the classroom that was requested by Mecklenburg-West Pomerania s Ministry of the Interior one of the financial sponsors of the project. 1 The song clearly reflects the subtle strategies of current German right-wing extremism, but also illustrates some challenges of historical (ethnographic) research on music in totalitarian systems. While the song seemingly echoes the traumatic experiences of many war refugees, it actually belongs to the repertoire of the right-wing extremist group Noie Werte. Led by the lawyer Steffen Hammer, the band that also runs the label and distribution ser- 1 Other sponsors were the Hansa City Rostock, the Federal Ministry of the Interior (Family, Senior Citizens, Women, and Young People), as well as the Landeszentrale für Politische Bildung Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and the Norddeutsche Stiftung für Umwelt und Entwicklung. See also Sweers (2010) for further details concerning the actual project.

56 56 Britta Sweers Table 3.1 Noie Werte, Vertriebenenballade (CD Am Puls der Zeit, G.B.F. Records 2000) Noie Werte: Vertriebenenballade Es ist genug, sind nur drei Worte, der Schrecken hat so viele Namen. Ein kleines Lächeln, ein starker Blick, Doch das seh ich nicht an ihr. Sie nimmt mich traurig in die Arme, Versteckt den Kummer, zeigt ihn nicht. Ein Leben lang hat sie es verborgen, Auch wenn ihr Herz zerbricht. Refrain: Die Mutter hat es mir oft erzählt, Die Hölle selbst miterlebt Die Trauer steht ihr im Gesicht, So viele Jahre nur gequält. Und nur das nackte Leben zählt Was sie sah, vergisst sie nicht, Vergisst sie nicht, vergisst sie nicht. Es war eine Zeit, über die man nicht spricht. Als das Licht von der Erde verschwand Das Böse kam und wollte nehmen, Den Hof, die Heimat und das Land Brennende Häuser, schreiende Kinder Teuflisches Lachen lag in der Luft. Sie wurden gefoltert, sie wurden erschlagen, Doch das Flehen der Menschen verhallt im Wind. Refrain Ein dunkler Nebel, vor dem ich fliehe, Dahinter warten die Bilder von einst. Ich hasse sie und will sie vergessen, Doch am Ende zwingen sie mich auf die Knie. Die Frauen entehrt, die Frauen geschändet In jedem Dorf, an jedem Tag. Ein kleines Mädchen bettelt um Gnade, Die sie bis heute nicht bekam. Refrain [ Ballad of a displaced person ] It is enough, are just three words The terror has so many names A tiny smile, a steady gaze, But this is not what I see here Sad, she takes me into her arms, Hides the sorrow, does not show it. She has been hiding it all her life long Even though her heart is breaking. Refrain: My mother often told me She had lived through hell sadness is written on her face So many years just suffering And only the naked life counts She will never forget what she saw She will never forget, she will never forget. It was a time one doesn t speak about When light disappeared from the earth The Evil came and wanted to take The farm, the homeland, the country Burning houses, crying children A devlish laughter was in the air They were tortured, they were beaten to death But the pleading of these people died away in the wind Refrain A dark fog which I escape from Behind it are pictures waiting from that time. I hate them and want to forget them But they force me on my knees in the end The women dishonoured, the women raped In that village, on that day A little girl begs for mercy, which she never got up to now. Refrain vice German British Friendship Records released albums such as Kraft für Deutschland, which was blacklisted in The group s guitarist Michael Wendland was regional party leader of the right-wing extremist party NPD

57 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction 57 Figure 3.1 The CD cover of the Polyphonie der Kulturen [Polyphony of Cultures] project [Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands]. 2 However, taken out of its initial context, it is difficult to identify this specific piece as a right-wing extremist song or to find any legal justification to blacklist the song. The language gives only vague references except for a few key phrases used by the German Second World War generation (marked in italics) and one or two am- 2 See also Arbeitsstelle Neonazismus und Argumente & Kultur gegen Rechts e.v., Argumentationshilfe gegen die Schulhof-CD der NPD

58 58 Britta Sweers bivalent because outdated phrases (also marked in italics like geschändet [raped]). Likewise, the music itself (which can be described as American singer/songwriter style) is not distinguishable as explicitly right-wing extremist. The text s vagueness also illustrates the difficulty of obtaining valid data for music in totalitarian systems on various levels not only with regard of how approach these systems at all, but also concerning historical reconstruction. The latter often requires dealing with nostalgia and traumatic experiences likewise which, in this case, was instrumentalized by a right-wing extremist group. Before analysing the Vertriebenenballade further, I will provide some background necessary for a deeper understanding of rightwing extremist strategies, of which this song has also been part. Right-wing Extremism in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania While Rostock particularly due to the work of the civil initiative Bunt statt braun developed several successful counter-strategies in the aftermath of the Lichtenhagen events (see also Sweers 2010), the region has nevertheless been in the focus of right-wing extremist activities for a long time. This became especially apparent during the elections of the years 2005 (Bundestag) and 2006 (county parliament of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania). From a rightwing extremist perspective, Germany s northeastern county Mecklenburg- West Pomerania of which Rostock is the largest city with inhabitants has become exemplary, as these groupings managed to set up, almost unnoticed, a functioning right-wing extremist network. Particularly the eastern regions close to the Polish border have been characterized by high unemployment, weak economic power, regional emigration, and a deterioration of rural and urban structures even in the new millenium. Rural areas like Postlow (election share (NPD) in 2006: 38%), Blaswitz (32%), and Bargischow (31%), but also cities like Anklam and Ueckermünde thus became centres of right-wing extremist activities (see Geisler 2007). The success of the right-wing extremist party NPD in the regional election in Mecklenburg West-Pomerania in 2006 was grounded on a multi-layered

59 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction 59 strategy. Against a background of the local population having become tired of politics and democracy, the election propaganda cleverly triggered everyday fears, such as school closures, economic emigration, unemployment, the loss of social status, and the fear of foreignization. Issues such as criticism of the new (more restricted) unemployment support system, demands for better maternity protection and job training strongly resonated with this population. Foreign migrants who were actually scarce in the region that only had a total share of % of migrants in all became the central scapegoats. As Ohse and Pingel-Schliemann (2007: 12) pointed out, the NPD propaganda suggested to voters that this could all be financed, if one developed a different migrant policy. 3 Providing simple answers to complex problems with slogans, such as tourists welcome, asylum swindlers out, the party also presented itself as close to the public. Right wing extremist symbols or the iconic combination of army boots and bald head were rarely ever seen, party members rather invited to cycling tours. Also other factors contributed to the success of the party during the 2005 elections. These included (a) the impression of political competence (presentation of programmatic alternatives to the established democratic parties); (b) a broader network backing; (c) a strong public presence through the mass media; and (d) the NPD also profited from the weakness of the established parties that had started their election campaigns with vague programs (see Ohse and Pingel-Schliemann, 2007 for further details). The election success was also grounded on the integration of the so-called Vorpommerschen Kameradschaften [West Pomeranian Camaraderies] into the NPD. During a period of ten years yet almost unnoticed by politics and the public right-wing extremist groupings had managed to set clear foundations within the local municipalities. After the arson attacks that occurred between 1990 and 1993, various right-wing extremist organizations and parties were blacklisted. The right-wing extremist groupings thus developed new strategies on the basis of smaller, nearly invisible structures. The aim was to set up Kameradschaften, which, being regional groups without orga- 3 [...] suggerieredenwählern, dassdies alles finanzierbar sei, wennman eineandere Ausländerpolitik betreibe.

60 60 Britta Sweers nizational and party-like structures, continued the political work of the forbidden organization (Hoffmann 2007: 21). 4 The organization of demonstrations, army sport activities and political training, particularly with regard to democratic issues, were part of these activities. The course of action regarding the common population was carefully elaborated, as this text from the Nationaldemokratische Hochschulbund from the 1990s reveals: One can help old people to fill in forms, one can help them with their shopping [...], one can clear up their garden, keep the streets clean and safe by having regular night patrols... One has to act in such a way that one swims in a sea of sympathy, so that the ordinary citizens would vouch for us (quoted in Hoffmann 2007: 21). 5 Music has been playing a central role in right-wing extremist activities (see also Staud 2006: ). The boom of right-wing extremist rock started after German reunification. While only few albums had been released before 1989, 15 albums were released in 1990, and in 1992 one already counted 26 in Germany (these are only official numbers). The music of groups like Störkraft and Noie Werte, yet also non-german groups could almost be read as a macabre soundtrack to the attacks in Hoyerswerda and Rostock-Lichtenhagen: The British band No Remorse, for instance, released a song with the title Barbeque in Rostock after the arson attack. Ethnomusicological Fieldwork on Right-Wing Extremist Music: Some Considerations Analyzing the role of music within right-wing extremist groupings can pose a dilemma for an ethnomusicologist used to applying established fieldwork methods, such as in situ observation, observant participation, or interviews in order to obtain first-hand data (see also Emerson 2001). Not only can it 4 Kameradschaften zu gründen, die als regionale Gruppen ohne Vereins- bzw. Parteistrukturen die politische Arbeit der verbotenen Organisationen fortführen [sollten]. 5 Alten LeutenkannmanbeimAusfüllen vonformularen helfen,sie beimeinkauf unterstützen[...], man kann den Garten in Ordnung bringen, die Straßen sauber halten und durch regelmäßige Nachtpatrouillen sicher halten... Man muss so handeln, dass man in einem Meer der Sympathie schwimmt, dass die normalen Bewohner für uns,die Hand ins Feuer legen (in Hoffmann 1991: 21).

61 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction 61 be extremely difficult (and dangerous) to gain access in these scenes, particularly if one represents a different political attitude (which is already reflected in the scope of the discipline) participation in these groupings and in right-wing extremist activities is also illegal in Germany. The following incident concisely illustrates the difficulty of undertaking even distanced observations on these groupings. In the course of the Polyphony of Cultures project, I conducted a seminar on right-wing extremist music together with my historical musicology colleague Hartmut Möller during the summer semester When the NPD staged a demonstration in Rostock on May 1, 2006, we hoped to get some first-hand insights within a legal framework (e.g. observing the demonstration, listing songs that were chanted, and maybe talking to NPD representatives at supposed information stalls). However,inordertoprevent any violent activities that were particularly incited by encounters with (autonomous) left-wing extremist groupings the police set fences along in the whole demonstration route. It was nearly impossible for us to hear whether anything was chanted at all from a distance of metres. Moreover, anyone who had actively participated in (often musical) counter-events on the market square was suddenly locked inside the city. After having sung in a joint church service of the catholic, protestant church, and the Jewish community, I also found myself likewise stuck inside for several hours. Encountering my colleague with a group of students from the seminar, we nevertheless tried to approach the demonstration route only to figure out that we were not only kept away, but also filmed and photographed by police officers. Some other students who had participated in the initially peaceful counter-demonstrations found themselves trapped between some leftist extremist groupings and came close to a violent encounter with the right-wing groupings. While we thus collected material of how music is used in counter-events, we gained little material (with the exception of a few, anonymously distributed leaflets) on the actual study object at all. Research on right-wing extremist groupings is mainly undertaken by the Verfassungsschutz [Office for the Protection of the Constitution] in Germany a police section on the county and also state level. Our seminar later also

62 62 Britta Sweers invited one officer who was specialized in analysing the confiscated material for possible blacklisting. This not only included sculptures, ordering brochures that even offered Hitler perfume, but predominantly numerous CDs each of which had to be checked for offensive content. Undercover agents of the Verfassungsschutz also conducted what might come close to a participant observation of right-wing extremist events, although, of course, with the clear purpose of discovering illegal actions. Given the lack of alternatives, the applied Polyphony of Cultures project thus had to fall back on these second-hand insights. The Role of Music within Right-Wing Extremist Activities As the German federal Verfassungsschutz (2004) pointed out with regard to Skinhead concerts and this can also be transferred to other right-wing extremist groupings music is the medium that clearly attracts the attention and interest of teenagers, not least because it is forbidden. Particularly the texts that also convey right-wing extremist images seem to have a strong impact on novices on the scene and often set the path for the way into these subcultures. As the Verfassungsschutz (2004) pointed out further, concerts serve as a trans-regional solidarity factor, particularly in the remote parts of the predominantly rural county of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. Concerts also provide the space for the sale of (illegal) material, the distribution of extremist propaganda material. Yet, the police can only intervene if a music event can indeed be classified as illegal on a juridical basis. One reaction to the increasing focal role of music and music events was therefore the so-called Konzerterlass [concert verdict] in 1999, which regulated the police actions against events organised by right-wing extremist groupings in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. As the Konzerterlass pointed out (here quoted from the revised version from Nov. 10, 2004), the police has frequently been observing a so-called conspiratorial behaviour; for instance, the events are often disguised as birthday parties or alumni school meetings, and the meeting place is often kept secret. In the era of cell phones, messages are mostly sent via SMS, which often in-

63 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction 63 clude information of alternative meeting places in case of police intervention. The Verfassungsschutz could observe the following behaviour among concert visitors: singing of right-wing extremist slogans (element of offence: propaganda); racist, anti-semitic songs (element of offence: incitement of the people); alternating singing between bands and audiences, who mutually stir each other up to sing right-wing extremist slogans. The bands often leave it to the audiences to sing the forbidden phrases. The Verfassungsschutz and also academic researchers observed a direct connection between right-wing extremist violent crime and music. As Thoralf Staudt (2006: 159) remarked in his study on Modern Nazis, When two Vietnamese were nearly trampled to death in the West Pomeranian Eggesin in 1999, the culprits shouted loudly the refrain of a well-known song, Fidji, Fidji, 6 have a good journey. The three Neo-Nazis who murdered the Angolan Alberto Adriano in Dessau in the summer 2000, reported at court that they had listened to a song of the group Landser shortly before the deed. 7 The Verfassungsschutz (2005: 24) pointed to a direct connection between the actual music and aggression-stimulated effects: The aggressive rhythms and violence-glorifying, Neo-Nazi and racist texts of the Skinhead music hammer the message of the music into the brains of the followers during the extremely loud concerts. 8 One could indeed also frequently observe violent activities in the immediate aftermath of the concerts. However, the Verfassungsschutz has been careful to set up a direct connection between a specific group (or song) and violent activities. 6 Fidschi [Fidji] is a swear word with origins in East Germany. Used to describe Asian (particularly Vietnamese) contract workers in East Germany, it was applied to foreigners in general after Further details can be found on the following website: Netz-gegen-Nazi: Mit Rat und Tat gegen Rechtsextremismus. warum-ich-das-nicht-mehr-hoeren-will-teil-4-fidschi. 7 Als 1999 im vorpommerschen Eggesin zwei Vietnamesen fast totgetreten wurden, grölten die Täter lautstark den Refrain eines bekannten Liedes, Fidschi, Fidschi, gute Reise. Die drei Neonazis, die im Sommer 2000 in Dessau den Angolaner Alberto Adriano ermorden, gaben vor Gericht an, sie hätten kurz zuvor ein Lied der Gruppe Landser gehört. 8 Die Skinheadmusik hämmert mit ihren aggressiven Rhythmen und Gewalt verherrlichenden, neozaistischen und rassistischen Texten bei den extrem lauten Konzerten die Botschaft der Musik in die Köpfe der Anhängerschar.

64 64 Britta Sweers The observationsof the Verfassungsschutz (2004) concerning the central social role of music in right-wing extremist contexts were also confirmed by a study undertaken by Kurt Möller, a professor dealing with social work, and political scientist and criminologist Nils Schuhmacher, who interviewed 40 Skinheads between 2003 and As Möller and Schuhmacher (2007) demonstrated, the music constitutes the basis for communal experiences and a differentiation from others for this group, while aesthetics play only a minor role. The study also confirmed observations of the Verfassungsschutz that the music indeed influences the thinking and behaviour of its listeners, while the specific bands immediately lose their focal position after the interviewees have left the subcultures. 9 Music also played a central role during the Bundestag elections in 2005 and then particularly in the county parliament elections in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania in During the months of election, the NPD distributed free copies of the so-called Schulhof-CD (Schoolyard-CD; see also Figure 3.2). This Schulhof-CD from which also the introductory example was taken clearly reflects the altered, more subtle strategies of modern right-wing extremism described above. In tune with the current strategy of a normal middle-class outfit, the CD was presented in an almost leftist design and the subtitle Hier kommt der Schrecken aller linken Spießer und Pauker! [Here comes the threat of all leftist pedants and teachers!]. Insider right-wing extremist material is often blacklisted as, for instance, are the recordings of Landser, one of the focal bands of the scene. Founded in 1992, the group was the first band declared as a criminal organization by the German Federal Supreme Court of Justice in 2005, due to incitement of the people, insults on democratic declarations and public calls for crime acts. The material of Landser and other groups like Spreegeschwander and Zillertaler Türkenjäger is clearly anti-semitic, often highly violent and often also includes Nazi slogans. In contrast to these bands, the Schulhof-CD aims at an outer level i.e. potential (teenage) novices to the scene; particularly insecure teenagers who are in search of leading figures or peer groups. Part of the strategy is the inclu- 9 See also a review by Hartmut Möller in Fastnacht and Sweers (2008).

65 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction 65 Figure 3.2 The 2005 Schulhof-CD [Schoolyard-CD] sion of exclusively legal material. Backed by an own set of lawyers, the rightwing extremist party NPD chose songs with mollified phrases or phrases that contain a subtle double meaning. For example, what appears like a criticism of capitalist Europe (song 1: Europa, Jugend, Revolution [Europe, Youth, Revolution] by the band Carpe Diem) contains, in fact, the ideology of the Neue Rechte that tries to establish a trans-european extremist network, which, again, only becomes visible through contextualization. Other topics include anti-americanism (song 7: Odem: Frieden durch Krieg [Peace

66 66 Britta Sweers through War]) which had been a central issue during the era of George W. Bush; still, it was also combined with a hidden anti-semitism. A central statement of the CD can be described as we at the bottom of the society against those up there. The texts (see also Table 3.2) accuse the state, the system, and politics in general, while propagating values like freedom and justice that are repeatedly emphasized. Many songs also contain key words like protest, revolution, and rebellion, although none of these texts offers any solutions. The inversion of cultural relativism is also part of the strategy of the Neue Rechte (see Brodkorb (2002: 34 37) for a detailed analysis). Rather than continuing with the biological racism of the Nazi Era, this new approach employs a perspectivetermed ethnopluralism, which is also reflected in song 11 (Annett, Zeit zu rebellieren [Time for rebellion]). Initially also set against the Eurocentrism of western colonialism, cultural relativism, asshapedby Franz Boas pupil Melville J. Herskovits, argued that a culture can only be understood in its own terms. Thus so the inverted ethnopluralist argument if a culture can only be understood in its own terms, it is impossible to integrate a foreign (or diasporic) culture into its host nation. Likewise, if cultures can only be understood in their own terms, it is also impossible to evaluate the Nazi Era or Neo-Nazi activities as bad or evil, because they have to be understood as coherent cultural systems in their own terms. Within this context, as also Brodkorb (ibid.) emphasized, human rights i.e. universals that are valid for any culture however different on the surface level become a central argumentative means. The music is often relatively simple (simple harmonic structures; narrow melodic range; low singing quality: the music is predominantly performed by male singers and, in accord with presenting the image of masculinity and strength, is often shouted; yet various songs often include catchy refrains). However, one can also again observe a lingering ambiguity here: The musical arrangements often include styles that either copy leftist music bands, Punk rock, and even the American singer/songwriters (see Table 3.2). The strategy as far as we sorted it out in self-experiments during the seminar can be described as such: Curious teenagers start to listen to these

67 Table 3.2 Overview of the songs of the 2005 Schulhof-CD Track No. Group Title Text (content) Associations and comments on music and text a 2. Faustrecht Die Macht des Kapitals [The Power of the Capital] Criticism of capitalism; economy vs. population Punk sound; text difficult to understand 3. Nordwind Leb dein Leben [Live your Life] Declaration of war against government & democracy; call for protest & system change Acoustic guitar melody; also medieval-style rock 4. Sleipnir Rebellion The system (not politics) need to change; call for protest/ counter-activities Text difficult to understand 5. Faktor Widerstand Wenn der Wind sich dreht [When the wind turns] Bad social conditions (keywords: politics; bigwigs, taxes) Associations with punk rock 6. Noie Werte Wer die Wahrheit spricht, verliert [Who speaks the truth, loses] Against free press which only tells lies about right-wing extremists (hidden threat) Sound of the Oi scene 7. Odem Frieden durch Krieg [Peace through War] Anti-Americanism; anti-war propaganda; criticism of capitalism Punk-sound; howled text; slogan peace through war clearly stands out a This is a summary of the analyses undertaken during the seminar on right-wing extremist music.

68 Table 3.2 Continuation 8. Nordwind Bürokrat II Bureaucracy against the common man 9. Nahkampf Ein Krieger [A Warrior] Warrior hymn (emphasizes violence; against Christian values) 10. Noie Werte Vertriebenenballade [Ballad of a Displaced Person] Traumatic experiences of war refugees 11. Annett Zeit zu rebellieren [Time to Rebel] Bad social conditions (slogans calling for a racially clean Germany) 12. Sleipnir Wille zum Sieg [The Will to Triumph] Prophesises end of Germany; salvation only through system change 13. Frank Rennicke Das Mädel mit der Fahne [The Girl With the Flag] Connection to ideology of Neo-Nazism 14. No group mentioned Deutschlandlied All three verses of the National Anthem Piece to relax (not to forcefully yelled as other pieces) Medieval style; hymn-like Singer/Songwriter style Ballad character Artificial folk song atmosphere Ballad character, yet also schlager The first two verses are not forbidden, but are not sung as they represent a connection to the aggressive National Socialism.

69 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction 69 freely distributed CDs as background music on their MP3 players. While the complete texts can often not be fully understood (also against background noises), the refrains and specifically emphasized phrases (partly unconsciously) stick in the minds of the listeners, who thus become more open and adaptive to right-wing extremist ideology. This analysis was based on the 2005 version. In the revised version that was used for the county elections in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania in 2006, four songs were replaced and two new ones added. The CD hereby became more radical, yet still had to be classified as legal. Both CD versions are concluded by the three verses of the German national anthem. The first verse (like the second one) has not been sung since the end of the Second World War, because having served as the National Anthem of Nazi Germany it is considered offensive against other nations. Yet, it has never been officially forbidden. The presentation on this CD can thus be considered a conscious provocation, as these first two verses are connected with the ideas of the aggressive National Socialism. The strategy of subtle ambiguity applied by modern right-wing extremism is also apparent in the introductory example. This highly sentimental song apparently describes the traumatic war experiences of a mother. Yet, neither does the text mention a specific war (though the Second World War is obviously meant), nor a specific group of people (although it is, due to the chosen key phrases, clearly obvious for German listeners that it refers to the experiences of German refugees), nor is it further specified who is meant by the Evil (verse three; in italics). The song s extreme vagueness illustrates the difficulty of finding the right counter-arguments, and the vagueness also works on the imagination of teenagers not completely familiar with the actual background. When developing the didactic aid for the Polyphony of Cultures project, we initially planned to use the predominantly already existing argumentative support material that also served as the basis for the text analyses above. As was pointed out in the central argumentative commentary with regard to the Vertreibenenballade : The band leaves out any historical context and forgets that it was Nazi-Germany that started the fire and carried it to Eastern Europe, which finally returned to Germany. The right-wing extremists continuously bemoan that the issue of flight and enforced

70 70 Britta Sweers resettlement has been made a taboo subject in Germany. In fact, however, there is almost no topic that has been more intensively dealt with (in terms of publication and didactic approaches) by Post-War Germany than this issue. 10 This quotation concisely illustrates a central argumentative counter-strategy that is based on rejecting right-wing extremist arguments by also applying a very authoritative tone. However, reconstructing also with the aid of local teachers a possible encounter of a teacher with pupils who might have already come into contact with right-wing extremism, we found this counter-argument too blunt for the new, more subtle right-wing extremist strategies of the new millenium. Moreover, the recent wave of German TV documentaries and journalistic interviews created the impression that the issue had indeed long been suppressed. This would have made it difficult for a teacher to argue with teenage schoolchildren who had listened to this song within the context of the public discussion. Particularly the last part of the counter-argument against the Vertriebenenballade (however correct) would not have worked with teenagers unfamiliar with the larger historical context which called for a deeper psychological understanding of the memorization process. The Reconstruction of Historical Events in Totalitarian Systems: Some Considerations The song stext and the Schulhof-CD clearly illustrate how right-wing extremist groups jump on the bandwagon of a public discussion on suppressed issues from a totalitarian system and how these groups add up subtly distorted interpretations within a musical context. Yet, the text also elucidates some problems of historical reconstruction through interviews particularly considering the fact that the reconstruction of music practices, persecution, and censorship during the Nazi Era have reached a central turning point since the beginning of the new millenium. Research institutions and groups 10 Arbeitsstelle Neonazismus und Argumente & Kultur gegen Rechts e.v Argumentationshilfe gegen die Schulhof-CD der NPD

71 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction 71 (such as Hamburg s Arbeitsgruppe Exilmusik [Study Group Exile Music] that was founded by Peter Petersen in 1985) still contribute to the rediscovery of Jewish musicians, for instance. However, as the central primary sources the eyewitnesses have become extremely old or died already, the sources of information will be reduced to exclusively written, printed, and recorded material within the next few years. In retrospect, one might thus wonder whether we have indeed documented this past well enough and from a sufficient number of perspectives. An interviewer encountered specific challenges already during the previous decades, and I would like briefly to refer to my own completed project on the alteration and instrumentalization of German folk music during the Nazi Era (see also Sweers 2005). It initially started out as private research on the totality of surviving remnants of folk music in Northern Germany. Yet, upon talking informally to several older informants, it quickly became apparent that it would be difficult to get beyond music associated with the events of that era that occupied a large part of their memories. This also reflects the role and importance of oral history here understood as the historical reconstruction of events through retrospect interviews (see also Richie 2003). Described as a hermeneutic method, oral history has frequently been challenged by historians, due to its subjectivity, particularly due to the actual interview methods which also indicates a need for further collaboration between anthropological/social and historical sciences. I subsequently would like to focus on some problems regarding the historical reconstruction through the memories of contemporary eyewitnesses who experienced totalitarian systems and traumatic experiences. While many issues of the so-called oral history clearly resemble ethnographic methods (see also Emerson, Fretz, and Shaw (1995) and Emerson (2001)), a comprehensive theoretical reflection on historical work in ethnomusicology still seems to be rare. This impression is also confirmed by Bohlman s (2006) and Noll s (2006) reflections in Barz/Cooley s seminal publication on fieldwork in ethnomusicology,shadows in the Field (2006). Focusing on the Jewish presence and past in Burgenland, Bohlman, for instance, clearly realized that the ethnomusicological past is not one past, but many (2006:

72 72 Britta Sweers 141). Bohlman subsequently illustrated various possible issues of ethnomusicological historical work, such as how things were remembered, the history, fieldwork in the past, and the past as another or as oral tradition. Bohlman s multi-dimensional historical picture was also corroborated by Noll s analysis of historical ethnographicresearchin the Ukraine.AsNoll realized, there is not one picture that emerges from the past; rather the question is how to interpret past material (2006: 168). Taking this a step further, I would like to argue that it is also important to ask how to deal with the actual recollection process of the interviewees. Had my interviews on the Nazi Era been undertaken shortly after the Second World War, I presumably would have obtained much more precise descriptions and answers. I already made these observations of memory losses in a less political context when interviewing musicians about the history of Electric Folk or Folk Rock in England in the 1990s. The major body of authentic interview material stemmed from journalistic writing from the 1960s/70s. It left many gaps in the history, also concerning the validity of the statements. However, with events already 30 years in the past, personal recollections often remained on a comparatively superficial level in the 1990s interviews. Likewise, particularly important figures of the scene like the Fairport Convention and Steeleye Span members, Martin Carthy, or Shirley Collins had constantly been interviewed about central issues and thus often repeated a superficial or summarized version of their original narratives (see also Sweers 2005: 16 18). Yet even similar descriptions of central events not necessarily indicate the truth, as became apparent with the tragic death of singer/songwriter Sandy Denny ( ) who had also been a member of Fairport Convention. While journalistic accounts and interviews repeatedly described how she died as a result of falling down a flight of stairs at a friend s house, the actual reason for her death had been concealed until her biography was published by Clinton Heylin in As became apparent here, Sandy Denny who seemed to have been a alcohol and medication addict at that time most likely had this accident at her parents house and then also after her embarrassed parents had refused to drive her to the hospital suffered from in-

73 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction 73 ternal bleeding some time, before she fell into a coma at her friend s house. Several of these issues, like her actual psychological situation at that time, had been completely covered up by the music scene around Denny. Moreover, that even on site reports might not necessarily describe the actual incident is also well exemplified by Bob Dylan s performance on the electric guitar at the Newport Festival 1965, which has become known as the beginning of folk rock. As has repeatedly been written and also described in contemporary reports Dylan was booed by the audience when he appeared with an electric guitar on the stage, as it represented a betrayal of the anti-commercial ideals of the acoustic performers. Yet, as a transcription of the tapes that re-appeared in 2000 revealed, the booing audience requested Dylan to return to the stage, because he had only played a set of three songs (see also Jackson 2002). One could assume that the distortion of the actual realty is even more apparent with regard to events in totalitarian systems, as these are even more strongly tied to layers of shame, embarrassment, and trauma. As a contemporary account of an American officer Saul K. Padover ( ) who conducted interviews with Germans between revealed, almost none of his interviewees was willing to talk openly at this point (which extended into the first two post-war decades). With regard to music, the biography of the Comedian Harmonists by Eberhard Fechner (1988) provides another good example. One of the most popular male a-cappella groups in the 1920s, the Comedian Harmonists consisted of six (Jewish, German, one Romanian) singers the Bulgarian tenor Ari Leschnikoff, the Jewish second tenor Erich Abraham- Collin, the Jewish tenor-buffo and group founder Harry Frommermann, the Polish-Jewish baritone Roman J. Cycowski, the German bass Robert Biberti, and the German pianist Erwin Bootz. The original group disbanded around when the Jewish members could not perform in public any more, migrated to either Australia or the United States and were replaced by the German singers Alfred Grunert (second tenor), Fred Kassen (tenor-buffo), and Herbert Imlau (baritone). Fechner interviewed the singers and family members between 1969 and 1974 and became increasingly aware of the fact that some interviewees tried

74 74 Britta Sweers to cover-up their role during the Nazi-Era, while others as in the case of Collin s widow were very reluctant to talk about the difficult period in exile and afterwards. He thus not only introduced the personal portraits with an interview description, but also responded to this increasingly contradictory situation by contrasting the self-presentations with other interview parts. One could thus read completely different versions of the events during the Third Reich because each interviewee described the behaviour of the band members towards the Jewish members in clearly different light. Some German historians therefore even question the reliability of personal interviews recollecting this period (see Plato 2000) and this particularly applies to the events depicted in the introductory song. It nevertheless seems that by not undertaking interviews also many chances of documenting these events have been missed. Precise accounts on musical practices are still scarce, leaving many open questions. Concerning school music, for instance, it seems that the execution of the Nazi directives was not uniform, but depended strongly on the individual teachers (in both directions). However, the patterns that evolved approximately 60 years in retrospect (see Sweers 2005 for exact details) were still highly illuminating regarding the long-term psychological effects of musical instrumentalization under a totalitarian system (the oldest of my interview partners had been teenagers at that time): The teenage generation was part of Nazi youth organizations (membership was compulsory after 1939) in which hiking, campfires and singing played a central role. A major portion of the song material had been taken from pre-existent sources and were ordinary folk and seasonal songs. By using the songs in a new context, however (increasingly early-morning drills, marching events, and medleys alongside Nazi propaganda songs), these unaltered songs took on a second, political layer of meaning which was still associated with the songs by this generation several decades later. At kindergarten, one could observe the insertion of propaganda and war songs alongside traditional children s songs such as Hänschen klein [Little Jack]. Especially this material was perceived as folk songs by some informants. One informant, for instance, recalled that she felt unable to tell

75 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction 75 those songs from the other material. She was therefore later corrected by her children and, completely confused, stopped singing at all. With regard to long-term effects, marching songs had the most lasing impact, partly because of the marching exercises themselves, partly because they could also be heard constantly during Nazi events in the city. Not only could these songs still be recalled in exact detail; as Tomi Ungerer a well-known graphic artist from Alsace recalled years after the War, music from that time also still had a soothing effect on him when he was upset. The obstruction of memorization processes due to traumatic experiences has been well reflected in psychology and psychotherapy. As psychological studies like Kuwert et al. (2006) reveal, symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) were clearly apparent among that generation nationwide, partly (as in Germany) being further combined with defence mechanisms, such as repression and denial. Also sixty years later, interviews were still partly overshadowed by traumatic recollections. One informant, for instance, started talking about her childhood memories but got stuck when she recalled how young (civilian) girls were asked to sing (children s) folk songs for the entertainment of wounded soldiers hosted in the barracks of her hometown. She still associated these tunes with the smell of decaying flesh and the feeling of frozen ears. This observation also confirmed recent psychological and psychopathological studies on late-life sequelae of war experiences, and particularly war childhood. For example, as Kuwert et al. (2006) observed, symptoms of PTSD were still apparent even sixty years after the Second World War. 11 The strategy of the Vertriebenenballade of the band Noie Werte is clearly grounded on the instrumentalization of these highly complicated psychological mechanisms. Similar to the election propaganda, the song promises simple solutions to a highly complex issue. Responding to these strategies of current right-wing extremism, we therefore added a more psychologically informed segment in the Polyphony of Culture s didactic aid (see also Fass- 11 Schultz (2005) offers an interesting insight into the possible impact of the experiences of the First and Second World War into western post-war avant-garde music.

76 76 Britta Sweers nacht and Sweers 2008). It explained that while the issue of these refugees has indeed been dealt among the German public, this had only scarcely happened within more private contexts. Few of the refugees have ever openly talked about these experiences with their families until the present day. This not only occurred due to political reasons, one can also find mechanisms of what Freud called memory repression, partly combined with traumatic repression and few of that generation would have attended psycho-analytical support at that time and likewise at present. The Investigation of Musics in Other Totalitarian Systems: A Possible Transfer How far can this psychological-methodological knowledge be applied to the research on more recent totalitarian systems, such as former East Germany (GDR)? My interest in this topic was stimulated when, after having moved from Hamburg to Rostock, I joined a church choir of approximately 60 members in As I was slowly integrating into the choir, subtle cultural differences from the west became increasingly apparent, be it the ritual of extensive hand shaking, a slightly different everyday language ( Kaufhalle instead of Supermarkt ), or remnants of a different social system (in contrast to the context of my former choir, many members married and had children at a relatively early age; a large share of the female singers were also working full-time). Yet, another, more subtle layer became apparent when we sang a (from my western perspective) historical and politically neutral church song Sonne der Gerechtigkeit (Sun of Justice) 12 which excited my neighbours who immediately shared memories of the so-called Evening Prayers and demonstrations of which this song had been part. East Germany has been described as one of the most de-churched regions of Europe (see also Wittenberg and Wolle 2008: ), which had been the result of an Anti-Christian (as a representation of the old bourgeois system) policy of the state party SED 12 Melody: Bohemia 1467/ Nuremberg 1556; Text: Christian David (1728), Christian Gottlob Barth (1827), Johann Christian Nehring (1704), compiled by Otto Riethmüller (1932).

77 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction 77 [Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (Socialist Unity Party of Germany]. Yet, especially the Evangelical-Lutheran churches played a significant role in the 1989 revolution, as the Peace Prayers resulted in increasingly semipublic meetings that finally led to the major Monday Evening demonstrations in During the GDR era, churches while still focal points within the city s architecture 14 had become increasingly marginalized within the East German society. Yet, they thus also provided alternative spaces that could not be completely controlled by the state. As Wittenburg and Wolle (2008: 117) pointed out: The everyday noise fell silent within the cool and badly lighted churchnaval. [...].Theworldoftheringingphrasesandbrassmarch music remained outside the church door. 15 Not only were the churches the founding spaces for several democratic parties, they also often provided an alternative performance sphere for music that was officially not fully approved (meaning that the band members had difficulties in obtaining the permission to perform in public). This included rock and punk concerts or blues church services, but also folk revival music (see also Wittenburg and Wolle 2008: ). As became also apparent when interviewing some Rostock-based folk musicians during the Polyphony of Cultures project, while they had mostly not been church members, they strongly acknowledged the importance of the churches that had constituted a central space for the strongly interconnected folk network. 16 In contrast to these guest musicians who were sometimes also greeted with suspicion by the actual church members (Wittenberg and Wolle 2008: 13 In the case of Rostock s St. Marien Church, particularly the Monday Evening Prayers of parish priest Joachim Gauck should be mentioned. Gauck would later become Germany s first federal commissioner for the Stasi documents. 14 Although buildings were also systematically destroyed or blown up. Too close to the new Stalinist representative street, the ruins of Rostock s protestant church St. Jakobi, which was badly damaged during the Second World War, were blown up in 1958, while the catholic Christuskirche was blown up to make way for a never realized street project in In demkühlenundschlecht beleuchtetenkirchenschiff verstummteder Alltagslärm.[...].Die Welt der tönernden Phrasen und blechernen Marschmusik blieb vor der Kirchentür. 16 Rostock s folk network consisted of a small number of groups who had partly taken their musical material and inspirations from western radio stations, occasionally visiting Anglo-American students, combined with their own research work on local traditions (see also Fassnacht and Sweers 2008).

78 78 Britta Sweers 119), as they raised a lot of public attention to these alternative spaces many choir singers had to take systematic political repressions into account. This not only included limited access to university education for their children, but also a stronger surveillance by the Stasi [Staatssicherheitsdienst: state security service of the former GDR] even inside the choir, which was usually perceived as a more open (retreat) sphere. The informants revealed that, also in this case, twenty years in the past, one could observe some similar, yet likewise highly differentiated mechanisms that serve as an important framework for further investigations: Some informants, who were years old at the time of reunification, could still remember exactly the political songs they had learnt as folk songs at kindergarten, school, or in the case of those who joined the choir after reunification in the youth organization FDJ. As one informant of the latter group pointed out, she had accepted pioneer songs like Pioniere voran! (Hell scheint die Sonne) [Pioneers forwards! (The sun shines brightly)] or Der kleine Trompeter [The little trumpet player] as part of her natural childhood environment. As her parents also gave her access to church activities, she developed a more balanced picture already as teenager, which was further strengthened through increasingly political background data after reunification. Another informant the daughter of a Baptist preacher refused to sing political songs from the beginning, due of her parents impact, although it carried the risk of getting bad grades. While almost becoming an outcast at school, she nevertheless recalled that it was through music that she was still integrated, up to being asked to sing at political events (which she refused to do). As she later discovered, not only had her family been on the list of deportees who should have been transported to work camps shortly before reunification; the family had also strongly been invigilated Stasi informants. This reflected another general issue many interviewees had often been denounced by good friends or closest neighbours, which has also led to repressive behaviour (on both sides). Various singers would have liked to write down their memories shortly after reunification, yet the political and most significantly, the economic

79 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction 79 changes forced them to focus on other issues. It also seems that the economic changes might have led to a form of extreme disappointment taking the form of traumatization many lost their jobs or had to adapt to an overwhelmingly new (western) situation. 17 Therefore, while many church members had experienced suppression during the GDR period, some nevertheless have started to re-evaluate the past more positively with growing economic difficulties, yet others (as in the case above) more negatively. This has also led to an altered account of the events. Outlook As in the case of oral history, some of the findings of this article are already well established within their own disciplinary framework. Yet, as this article illustrated, it is worth exploring further this combination of oral history, psychology, and ethnomusicology, particularly with regard to music in totalitarian systems. While I only presented the first preliminary impressions from my fieldwork on the role of choir music in former East Germany, one can nevertheless again discover highly differentiated stages here. The first general impression with regard to historical recollection through interviews might thus be summarized as such: While the most precise historical accounts occur most closely to the actual events, one will also find the strongest suppression mechanisms here. The evaluation of the events will constantly alter over the years. Long-term retrospective interviews (e.g years after the events) might be least precise, yet they might also provide the strongest insight into the manipulative use of music. In those cases where traumas have been integrated, the long-term perspective might also offer a chance of getting a more balanced (and re-evaluated) impression of past events. In cases of suppressed trauma, however, the 17 This also affected my role as interviewer from an emic/etic balance: While having indeed joined the choir as an outsider detached from historical and local events, I was nevertheless a westerner, thus also representing this new heavily criticized system.

80 80 Britta Sweers memory often seems to re-emerge at an older age. Despite the combination with processes of re-traumatization, this can also be in less severe cases another (maybe final) chance for a rebalanced perspective. 18 Observations like these (that will be subject to further differentiation in the future) seem to confirm the importance of a long-term perspective in order to gain a fuller historical picture (I am avoiding the word complete) of music in totalitarian systems. As might have become apparent with the introductory example, one danger of this so seemingly harmless modern musicaltextual material lies in the instrumentalization of information gaps and psychological long-term effects that can only be counterbalanced by a profound historical-psychological-ethnographic background knowledge. Yet, as this example should have demonstrated it is highly necessary to undertake this work at all, because it otherwise might become increasingly difficult to counter-act current and future conservative or right-wing extremist groupings at all. Works cited Antholz H Die (Musik-)Erziehung im Dritten Reich. Erinnerungen, Erfahrungen und Erkenntnisse eines Betroffenen. Augsburg: Wißner. Arbeitsstelle Neonazismus und Argumente & Kultur gegen Rechts e.v Argumentationshilfe gegen die Schulhof-CD der NPD. -le-neonazismus.de/news/36_argumente-gegen-npd-cd2.pdf. Arbeitsstelle Neonazismus und Argumente & Kultur gegen Rechts e.v Argumentationshilfe gegen die Schulhof-CD der NPD. de/uploads/media/argumente-gegen-npd-cd-2006.pdf. Baake D.; Klaus F.; Lauffer J. (eds.) Rock von Rechts II. Milieus, Hintergründe und Materialien (Schriften zur Medienpädagogik 28). Bielefeld. Brodkorb M.; Schmidt T Gibt es einen modernen Rechtsextremismus? Das Fallbeispiel Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. Schwerin: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz Rechtsextremistische Skinheads: Musik und Konzerte. Köln: Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz. See also: verfassungsschutz.de. Dornbusch Ch.; Raabe J RechtsRock.Bremen:UnrastVerlag. 18 See, for instance, Hartmut Radebold, Die dunklen Schatten unserer Vergangenheit. Ältere Menschen in Beratung, Psychotherapie, Seelsorge und Pflege. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 2005.

81 Interview Perspectives in Historical Reconstruction 81 Emerson R. M Contemporary Field Research: Perspectives and Formulations (Second Edition). Long Grove (Illinois): Waveland Press. Emerson R. M.; Fretz R. I.; Shaw L. L Writing Ethnographic Field Notes.Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press. Fassnacht L.; Sweers B. (eds.) Polyphonie der Kulturen: CD and Hintergrundmaterialien zur CD. CD and CD-ROM. Rostock: Bunt statt braun/hmt Rostock. Flick U Qualitative Forschung. Theorie, Methoden, Anwendung in Psychologie und Sozialwissenschaften. Hamburg:Rowohlt. Geisler A Einleitung. In: Regionale Arbeitsstelle für Jugendhilfe, Schule und interkulturelle Arbeit (RAA) Mecklenburg-Vorpommern e.v. (ed.). Rechts oben. Vorpommern als Modellregion der extremen Rechten. Neubrandenburg: Henryk Walther. pp Heylin C No More Sad Refrains: The life and times of Sandy Denny. London: Helter Skelter. Hoffmann G Freie Radikale: Die Kameradschaften in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. In: Regionale Arbeitsstelle für Jugendhilfe, Schule und interkulturelle Arbeit (RAA) Mecklenburg-Vorpommern e.v. (ed.). Rechts oben. Vorpommernals Modellregion der extremen Rechten. Neubrandenburg: Henryk Walther, pp Jackson B The myth of Newport 65: It Wasn t Bob Dylan They Were Booing. Buffalo Report. (August 26, 2002). Krause R Die Nazizeit als,chosen trauma : Über die Ambivalenz der Erinnerungsarbeit in den Medien. Forum der Psychoanalyse 24/4, pp Kuwert Ph.; Spitzer C.; Träder A.; Freyberger H. J.; Ermann M Posttraumatische Belastungssymptome als Spätfolge von Kindheiten im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Psychotherapeut 52/3, pp Ohse K-G.; Pingel-Schliemann S Erntefest: Der Wahlerfolg der NPD in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. In: Regionale Arbeitsstelle für Jugendhilfe, Schule und interkulturelle Arbeit (RAA) Mecklenburg-Vorpommern e.v. (ed.). Rechts oben. Vorpommern als Modellregion der extremen Rechten. Neubrandenburg: Henryk Walther, pp Padover S. K Lügendetektor: Vernehmungen im besiegten Deutschland 1944/45. Transl. by Matthias Fienbork. München: Econ, Ullstrein, List. [original publication date: 1946]. Plato A. von Zeitungen und die historische Zunft. Erinnerung, kommunikative Tradierung und kollektives Gedächtnis in der qualitativen Geschichtswissenschaft ein Problemaufriss. BIOS No. 31/1, pp Möller K.; Schuhmacher N Rechte Glatzen. Rechtsextreme Orientierungs- und Szenezusammenhänge Einstiegs, Verbleibs- und Ausstiegsprozesse von Skinheads. Wiesbaden: Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften.

82 82 Britta Sweers Regionale Arbeitsstellefür Jugendhilfe, Schule und interkulturellearbeit (RAA) Mecklenburg-Vorpommern e.v. (ed.). Rechts oben. Vorpommern als Modellregion der extremen Rechten. Neubrandenburg: Henryk Walther. Richie D. A Doing Oral History. A Practical Guide. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press. Schultz W.-A Avantgarde und Trauma: Die Musik des 20. Jahrhunderts und die Erfahrungen der Weltkriege. Lettre International (German edition) No. 71, pp Sweers B The Power to Influence Minds: German Folk Music during the Nazi Era and After. In: Randall, Annie J. (ed.). Music, Power, and Politics. New York and London: Routledge, pp Sweers B Music Against Facism: Applied Ethnomusicology in Rostock (Germany). In: John Morgan O Connell und Salwa el-shawan Castelo-Branco (eds.),music in Conflict: Ethnomusicological Perspectives. University of Illinois Press, pp Trauma-Informations-Zentrum Traumata: Der zweite Weltkrieg. trauma-informations-zentrum.de/infos/trauma/krieg. VerfassungsschutzMecklenburg-Vorpommern Demokratie, aber sicher! Grundrechte, Extremismus, Verfassungsschutz (August). Verfassungsschutz Mecklenburg-Vorpommern Rechtsextremistische Subkulturen. Rostock: Altstadt-Druck. Wittenburg S.; Wolle S Die sanfte Rebellion der Bilder: DDR-Alltag in Fotos und Geschichten. Darmstadt: Primus. Wolf M Zum Musikalischen Spektrum einer politischen Jugendkultur am Beispiel der Schulhof-CD. Magisterarbeit (Leipzig).

83 4 Nostalgic Reminiscences: Urbanization, Music and Television of the 1960 s Austė Nakienė This study focuses on new trends in Lithuanian culture in the 1960s: socialist urbanization, popular music and the very first television programs. The article will describe the themes of popular songs, musical styles, and cultural context of that time in order to determine the reasons for their popularity: why are songs created in the Soviet era remembered with nostalgia, and what is their appeal for the present-day listener? Within the Soviet period the 1960s were marked by a wave of liberalism and are therefore referred to as a time of political and cultural thaw. During this decade, there was a shift in attitudes within the Lithuanian society: resistance towards the Soviet occupation and its political system was replaced by a hope that Soviet society could be just. The younger generation actually believed in the Soviet ideals and enthusiastically worked to create a new Soviet Lithuania. Concrete became the economic symbol of the sixties;all Soviet cities were surrounded by factories and districts of concrete apartment blocks. Urban growth encouraged cultural changes as well a wave of modern culture swept over Lithuania. Television, radio programs and the press spread a youthful optimism, which sounded especially joyful in songs created during that era. This thaw and its musical expression became a special phenomenon of Lithuanian culture when the National Television claimed the songs of this era to be part of its tradition. During the celebration of the TV s 50 th anniver-

84 84 Austė Nakienė sary, a visual documentary called Fifty Singing Memories, was released, which presented interesting material from the television archives. During various jubilee commemorations, these popular songs were presented alongside historical footage and black and white movies. The songs were introduced as classics of Lithuania s popular culture and as a retro trend. The entire style of living in the sixties was presented with great nostalgia. On the screen one often saw musical stars from that legendary decade, who talked about their spare time activities, their fashions, friends, travels, movie theaters, coffee houses, etc... During several TV projects were initiated in which old songs were given a new life they were interpreted by the old stage veterans as well as by young, contemporary singers. Thanks to these programs a new bond was formed between the different generations of Lithuanian pop performers. At the same time, viewers were led to believe that there are lasting values even in the world of entertainment. New Roofs of Vilnius Let us travel back to the 1960s by picking up the first issues of Kultūros Barai (Cultural Fields), a monthly journal, which was first published in Young, ambitious contributors to this journal did not want to reiterate the required Stalinist definitions of culture and instead searched for new ways of thinking, calling for a more contemporary evaluation of current cultural phenomena. The recent changes in the urban environment are broadly described in articles included in the journal s section called Epochs Walk the Streets. Their authors take pleasure in the fact that there are more and more streets in Vilnius where the new style of life is becoming more evident: Having stepped off the major street, Red Army Prospect, we find ourselves in a cozy environment, where in its wide expanse stand residential buildings with appealing patterns on the facades, sparkling windows and colorful balconies. Clusters of green pine trees, reaching toward the sky, imbue more life into the surroundings. In the sunlightandintheshadowofthepineschildrenplaycheerfully.[...]howquicklythered Army Prospect has changed, almost beyond the point of recognition! Already a third

85 Nostalgic Reminiscences: Urbanization, Music and Television of the 1960 s 85 nine-story building is going up along with extensive quarters of five-story residences. Old wooden single story homes that stood near the street are steadily disappearing. The same process is rapidly taking place on other streets. (Bučiūtė 1965: 5). It is understandable that the topic of urban change was included in popular songs. Perhaps the most characteristic of them is the swing-style song, The Roofs of Vilnius (text by E. Juškevičius, music Mikas Vaitkevičius), which poeticizes the renewed capital of Soviet Lithuania: Senieji Vilniaus stogai, Nušviesti ryto spindulių, Aušra nušvinta rausvai, Ir aš miegoti negaliu. Nešuosi mintį, Vilniau, tais rytais Tave dabinti vis naujais stogais: Dabinti, dabinti, dabinti! Naujieji Vilniaus stogai, Užgimę vidury dienos, Balkonai, šviesūs langai Nerimsta, prašosi dainos. Ir aš dainuoju pilna krūtine: Jaunasis Vilniau, tu suprask mane: Aš jaunas, tu jaunas, aš jaunas! The old roofs of Vilnius, Lit by the morning light The dawn turns rosy, And I cannot sleep. On such mornings, oh Vilnius, I m thinking That I should adorn you with new roofs: Adorn, adorn, adorn! The new roofs of Vilnius, Born at midday, Airy balconies, bright windows Beg for a song. And I sing at the top of my lungs: Young Vilnius, you must understand me: I m young, you re young, I m young! Today the socialist constructions are viewed in a negative light since they were erected in place of destroyed historical sites, and the uniform buildings, set out like boxes, have scarred the urban landscape. But at that time, the new constructions represented the growth of socialist economy, and great pride was taken in them. Therefore, these apartment blocks, symbolizing a contemporary and modern city, were captured on many video clips accompanying songs from the sixties. Watching the 1965 video clip for The Roofs of Vilnius, it is interesting to observe the performers young, stylish fellows driving along in a convertible through the streets of Vilnius. Judging by appearances, they follow western fashions, yet they are not so rebellious as to pose a threat to the Soviet system. Cheerful, friendly and energetic young men may be perceived as positive heroes. As we know, the depiction of such heroes was one of the main tasks

86 86 Austė Nakienė of socialist art. If, in the films of the war and post-war decades the positive hero was one who fought the enemy, walked through fire and water and even sacrificed his life for the sake of a bright future, then in the arts of the 1960s the image of the hero changed. During these years of peace, the hero was depicted as a shock worker of communist labor, whose main achievement was committed and selfless work. Every member of society could be such a hero, not only persons overly dedicated to communism s ideals. Thus we may assert that the slightly wild fellows in the film did not upset the censors because they were regarded as Soviet youths who were building their new life and happy about it. Reading the press from the sixties and listening to the songs of that decade, we notice that they both reiterate the same themes, addressing the most pressing topics. In the second issue of Kultūros Barai, theyoungestcityin Lithuania, called Elektrėnai (Electric City), is described in an elated tone: In the middle of the year 1960 together with the building of the energy giant Lithuania s national electrical plant, the foundation was laid for the residential area as well. At the end of that same year, new residents settled into the first buildings, and, after two more years, the construction of all the main city buildings was completed. That is why Elektrėnai is not just the youngest, but also the most rapidly built city in the republic. Today the city is already widely known: poets are dedicating their poems to it and composers their music. Even our country s architects, power specialists and other experts consider Elektrėnai to be the best and so far the only such city in all of the Soviet Union (Vaškevičius 1966: 18). The article mentions a song The Lights of Elektrėnai (text Vytautas Bložė, music Eduardas Balsys), which sketches an image of a rising city: Mūs jaunystės svajonės ir viltys Tįsta žemėje vario laidais, Širdį jungs su širdim saulės tiltas, Juo ir meilė, ir laimė ateis. Elektrėnai, Elektrėnai čia dainuos naujakuriai, Šviečia naktį, šviečia dieną Elektrėnų žiburiai! The dreams and hopes of our youth Stretch across earth like copper wires, The sunny bridge will unite heart to heart, Over it love and fortune will come. Elektrėnai, Elektrėnai the new settlers will sing here, Night and day the lights of city shine on!

87 Nostalgic Reminiscences: Urbanization, Music and Television of the 1960 s 87 The tune of the song is in swing-style, and its most appealing details are an energetic rhythm, clear trumpet calls, enthusiastic voices of young men and women and a bright ending (like the evening glow of a distant city). It is a shame there was no video clip for this song, which probably would have been very youthful. It most likely would have reflected the contemporary hopes that soon every family would have a cozy apartment, and the life would be simple, good and beautiful. The Wind Told Me Only Your Name Some of the songs created during the cultural and political thaw seem not to have any of the usual Soviet attributes. One such example is the song, in a bossa nova style, titled The Wind Told Me Only Your Name (text Stasys Žlibinas, music Teisutis Makačinas). The heroine of the song, a young girl, lives in her own dream world: Kaip pilka kregždutė padangėm nardau, Jai labai pavydžiu žydrių kelių. Vėjas man pasakėvientavovardą, Bet tavęs surasti aš negaliu. Skaidriom naktim klausiu savo ežerų, Sapnuos matau žiburius žarų, O kaip arti čia susirenka keliai, Kokie karšti saulės spinduliai. Like a grey swallow I dive through the sky I envy its azure paths. Thewindtoldmeonlyyourname But I cannot find you. On clear nights I ask my lakes, In dreams I see the glow of dawn, Oh how close the roads come together, How hot are the rays of the sun. The lyrics of the song are very poetic, the music marvelous, and the first frames of the video clip resemble a dream: with her arms spread like wings, a girl walks on the railing of a bridge. Later we see sunlight on the water s surface and sails also not our everyday scenes, which appear as if in a daydream or a movie. The images accompanying this song are associated not with work but rather with leisure. And what was leisure like in the 1960s? Without any doubt a trip to the countryside and enjoyment of the sun s warmth, gentle breezes and the endless horizon of the sea. Today it may seem that in nature s safe haven people could feel free, not

88 88 Austė Nakienė constricted by set rules and not watched by keen eyes. Actually, however, the leisure of Soviet citizens was very regimented. In one essay analyzing the aesthetics of the 1960s Saulius Žukas writes: The Soviet border military patrol allowed people to use only a short section of the coast(it was forbidden to go to the beach at night), and thus the concentration of people at the seaside resort was very large. Running away from the hustle and bustle of everyday life an individual would find himself again in a huge crowd where rules and regulations were strictly enforced, just as in other spheres of Soviet life (for example, brightly lit signs throughout the town proclaimed: Quiet. From this to that hour the city sleeps ). [...] People who came to the resort were protected from any kind of extreme experiences and were exceptionally socialized. The highlight of evening entertainment was watching the sun set into the sea, and this ritual attracted huge crowds of vacationers to the shore. Because there was little night life in cafes and restaurants (as mentioned earlier, they closed early and the families were on a limited budgets), this promenade where one could see and be seen became the culmination of a vacation day (Žukas 2004: 195). In the 1969 video clip of the song The Wind Told Me scenes of leisure are chosen as the setting: the singer walks along the rail of a bridge, and then sails through the waves on a yacht together with her friend, a bohemian-looking young man. Nonetheless, this scene conveying the feeling of freedom is deceptive, because freedom, as it turns out, was controlled. Thus the romantic girl seeking to simply flee to her dream world did not draw the censorship s attention. The heroine, in no way resembling Soviet women tractor drivers, construction workers or astronauts, could be justified from the perspective that after hard work, Soviet women had a right to pleasantly spend their free time, expressing their thoughts and feelings. (Once again, in this case the youthful flight of fancy and creativity did not overstep the boundaries of the system). In the compilation of popular songs 50 Singing Memories released by Lithuanian Radio and Television there is a variety of music video clips, however, scenes of newly constructed buildings and seascapes are especially frequent. The directors use these images over and over again until finally they become boring. In the video clip of 1977 Come On a Date the images of newly built homes are no longer portrayed optimistically, but instead appear melancholic. The singers walk arm in arm down a street, and later the cam-

89 Nostalgic Reminiscences: Urbanization, Music and Television of the 1960 s 89 era shows grey, monotonous houses, drably dressed people, an occasional automobile passing by... Ten years later the young couple no longer looks at life so optimistically. Unfortunately, the Soviet system couldn t and didn t offer them anything better than a standardized apartment. This section tried to reveal the context in which these popular songs thrived and their connection with the reality and ideology of the 1960s. However, today these songs are remembered with nostalgia not because of these ideological concerns (which have consciously been downplayed and forgotten), but for other reasons: the youthful perspective on life, the lighthearted gaze toward the future and the catchy rhythms. Today s listeners do not care about the achievements of socialist labor, but the clear and unique music style of the sixties attracts them very much In Front of the Blue Screen Now we will examine why the thaw generation s music is so closely connected to television. Without a doubt, it is because swing-style songs as well as televised images are all part of that same generation s experience. The Vilnius television studio was established in 1957, and at first, programs were broadcast only 2 3 times per week for only two hours at a time. However, by the 1960s, information was already broadcast for eight hours every day. Watching TV after coming home from work became part of the daily routine. Analyzing the effect of the new media on its audience in the article Give Us More Images the author writes with humor: In our times, when polytechnic education is introduced in schools, when buying on credit is the new form of sales and everyday life is getting better, any Soviet citizen above the age of three can become a television watcher. [...] Frequent spectators consider it their civic duty to turn on the television around 5 pm (in time for the program For You, Our Little Ones ) and then not to turn it off until the terribly annoying slow-fox comes on announcing that there really won t be anything more (Levinas 1965: 30). Our companion guide to the 1960s, the journal Kultūros Barai often addresses the variety of television shows, their quality and educational pur-

90 90 Austė Nakienė poses. In 1967 a whole volume of the journal is dedicated to the theme of the blue screen. The introductory article reports: Today the blue screen is changing the family s daily rhythm by bringing into homes the pulse of reality as well as the romance of work and travel. It provides an irreplaceable forum for public figures of society and culture, theaters and musical collectives. In Soviet Lithuania alone there are about 300,000 television sets. [...] What does it give? What does it take away? How does this newfound miracle affect the individual of the 20 th century? It is still too early to say. One thing is clear the blue screen is a beacon of civilization and culture in our country, a window to the world situated somewhere between the door and cupboard that enriches people s spiritual lives (Pūras 167: 3). In this special issue of the journal, the reader is encouraged to glance at what goes on in the television studios when the projector lights turn on and the announcers, guests,producers, sound and image technicians of programs take their places. The reader longs to see them from up close, hence the numerous illustrations in the journal. In the photographs we see announcers getting ready for their show, set decorators busy at work, high tech operators armed with their newest equipment. The tension and importance of the moment is felt everywhere. In the report, we see that many people contribute to the production of the TV program and that the television staff make up a huge collective. This collective s production strongly influenced the taste of the 1960s TV spectator. The news and images emanating from the screen formed one s sense of style and defined a cultural outlook. Just as new domestic comforts installed in modern districts change the lives of Lithuanian city-dwellers, so too did television programs make their lives easier, cozier and more carefree. Shine for Me Again So what happens when the viewer turns off the TV? Isn t it a shame that TV programs that so many people produced are as if lost? As with any group, so TV producers as well would like their work not to be short-lived but rather lasting and with its continuity strongly felt. It is not surprising that individ-

91 Nostalgic Reminiscences: Urbanization, Music and Television of the 1960 s 91 uals appear who want to browse around in archives and become interested in what was shown some decades ago. We realize the value of archives when when it comes to artists who for many years entertained the public, sang and acted for them, but have since left the stage and we can only see them on the screen. Then the fragments of their creative talents captured on film clips become extremely touching. Every detail of the archival recording is interesting: a talented singer s or actor s voice, a certain gaze, a smile, style of clothing, interior décor or outside landscape, even a hard to define aura of the times. For many, such images conjure up not just an interest, but also nostalgia. The first retro program was on TV3 channel a musical project called Shine For Me Again (2008), named after a popular song sung in the sixties by Stasys Povilaitis. The singer himself, who is still continuing his career, appeared on the program and on behalf of the producers invited many of the former popular singers to return to the stage and regain some of that former brilliance. The initiative was further picked up by the Lithuanian National Television program Our Days Are Like a Holiday, named after a song by another popular singer, the legendary Vytautas Kernagis. The program remembered singers who have passed away, viewed archival clips and reminisced about them. In the studio, mention was made of the elderly singers birthdays and their anniversaries, recounting their youthful years, first concerts, and all kinds of adventures on stage and behind the scenes. The studio decorations include many details from the sixties: the program MC has a tie with polka-dots, in the corner stands a typical lamp from that period, a table, backup singers wearing hairdos, dresses and shoes of that era. However, the most retro without any doubt was the sight of the old black and white screen on today s color TV. When the program MC announced Let s turn on the time machine, the viewer could see how the famous singer looked and sang some thirty or forty years ago. We could observe the interaction between different generations by watching the program host talking to elderly guests such as the 80-year-old stage

92 92 Austė Nakienė director Galina Dauguvietytė, who recounted with pleasure how she created the first video clips and how she spent her first paychecks, and how the bohemians of those days spent their evenings. These reminiscences are truly interesting because the 1960s press did not write much about songs and entertainment. During the thaw years, the entertainment culture was just getting started and that is why there were no journalists who could write about it. Now there is much discussion about today s popular music on TV, radio, in the press and on the Internet. Yet while the music scene constantly needs new names, it also needs tradition. That is why the thaw years are presented as the golden age of popular music and the songs of that decade are described with epithets such as never ageing, the best, legendary, and golden. The Thaw and the Freeze Towards the end of this article it is important to ask why only swing and rock-n-roll type of songs have made a successful comeback, and why the later disco music generation does not seem to be so fascinated by the music of their youth? In order to answer this question it will be helpful to consider the name for the later decade the freeze. As we know, from the mid-seventies until the mid-eighties, throughout all of the Soviet Union there was an economic and cultural freeze. During that period many ideas of socialism became trite and overused. Even though the economic growth was obviously slowing down, the press, in its propaganda style, continued to write about the wonderful accomplishments of the soviet citizenry and how life was always improving. And the socialist artists continued to express the noble goals of the Soviet citizenry and to instruct them on how to be full-fledged citizens of the Soviet society. However, these often repeated slogans did not reflect the actual reality of life during that time. Life in the seventies and eighties was boring, even the rhythms of popular music were monotonous. Certain feelings and sentiments which art historian Agnė Narušytė called

93 Nostalgic Reminiscences: Urbanization, Music and Television of the 1960 s 93 the aesthetic of boredom penetrated ordinary life and all the artistic spheres. According to the art historian, around the year 1980 a new photographic style emerged in which one could notice many signs of boredom. The younger generation did not pay attention to the requirements set for Soviet photography: to illustrate and propagate the Soviet reality and to construct the model of Soviet history. Photographs of monotonous and bleak urban scenes and other objects meant that the young authors refused to create the optimistic image of a progressive society and even criticized the current situation. (Narušytė 2008: 17). The once wide and modern yards around the new residential buildings began to be depicted by artists during the freeze as non-functional, full of banal details: concrete columns, dying trees, broken benches, even playgrounds where children once played are now shown as abandoned and worn down. The well being of the Soviet system is no longer represented by the concrete blocks. Photographs in which the viewer s gaze hits a wall with no sense of depth signify a lack of freedom and openness. Even the TV does not bring joy to the bored individual of the 80s. Instead of being a source of information, in a society that is hampered by ideology it becomes a piece of furniture, a detail of a banal interior (Narušytė 2008: 160). An example of the above mentioned aesthetic in popular music is the song The Plumber from Ukmergė (text by Juozas Erlickas, music Vytautas Kernagis). The theme at first seems pro-soviet, but the chosen city does not stand out in any way; even the hero does not accomplish big projects, but only occupies himself with ordinary everyday repair jobs. The song allows us to understand that new impressions, exotic travels and exceptional leisure opportunities are not within reach of the ordinary Soviet citizen. It is not even worth dreaming about such things:

94 94 Austė Nakienė Aš negaliu sugrįžti i Jamaiką, Nes niekuomet tenai ir nebuvau, Ir niekuomet žavioji juodaplaukė Į lūpas nebučiuos manęs karštai. Ir niekada tikrai aš nenuskęsiu Tų aksominių josakiųgelmėj, Kada saulėlydžiai raudoni gesta Nuostabiame mieste Montego Bay. Kodėl aš niekuomet tenai nebūsiu? Neklauskit apie tai, geriau neklauskit. Štai remontuoju kriaukles bei kranus aš Ir kartais į žemėlapį dairausi. Montego Bay, Montego Bay... Santechniku aš dirbu Ukmergėj. Ican tgobacktojamaica Because I ve never even been there And never will the dark-haired beauty Passionately kiss my lips. And never will I really drown In those velvet depths of her eyes, When the red sunsets fade In the marvelous city of Montego Bay. Why will I never be there? Don t ask me about that, better not to ask. Here as I fix sinks and faucets I sometimes glance at the map as well. Montego Bay, Montego Bay... IworkasaplumberinUkmergė. The start of the song, I can t go back to Jamaica, because I ve never even been there is anti-nostalgic. Unfortunately, for the Lithuanian proletarian, Jamaica is only a dot on the map; you cannot stray anywhere far from the attentively guarded shores of the Baltic... The text of the song is ironic, tragicomic (the censorship let it pass as humorous, light-hearted). The music is also somehow strange, written in a tango rhythm that completely doesn t fit the context of entertainment music in the 1980s. This genre seems dated, no longer relevant, remaining somewhere only in the provinces. Indeed, even the music of the song treats the freeze with irony as a period of stagnation, lacking in change and creative impulses, to which one does not want to return. Works cited Bučiūtė N Pagrindinis principas visapusiškas gyventoju poreikių tenkinimas [The Primary Principle Overall Satisfaction of Residents Needs]. Kultūros barai No. 4, pp Vaškevičius J Jauniausias Lietuvos miestas [The Youngest City of Lithuania]. Kultūros barai No. 2, pp

95 Nostalgic Reminiscences: Urbanization, Music and Television of the 1960 s 95 Levinas A Duokite daugiau vaizdų [Give Us More Images]. Kultūros barai No. 8, pp Pūras K Tūkstantis už ir prieš [One Thousand For and Against]. Kultūros barai No. 12, pp Žukas S Saulės palydėjimas ant Palangos tilto [Watching the Sunset on the Palanga Bridge]. Baltos lankos No.4, pp Narušytė A Nuobodulio estetika Lietuvos fotografijoje [Aesthetics of Boredom in Lithuanian Photography]. Vilniaus dailės akademijos leidykla. OginskaitėR Nes nežinojau, kad tu nežinai. Knyga apie Vytautą Kernagį [I Didn t Know That You Don t Know. A Book About Vytautas Kernagis]. Vilnius: Tyto alba. Audio and video recordings Geriausios auksinės dainos/the Best Golden Songs. CD. 33 Records, Auksinės miestų dainos/golden Songs of the City. CD. 33 Records, Visų laikų Lietuvos radijo dainos /Lithuanian Radio Hits of All Times CDs. Lietuvos radijas, Penkiasdešimt dainuojančiu prisiminimu /FiftySinging Memories DVD. Lietuvos televizija, 2007.

96 96 Auste Nakiene Illustrations Figure 4.1 New Vilnius. Square in Lazdynai suburb. Photo by L. Ruikas, 1978

97 Figure 4.2 Singer Jonas Mašanauskas in the clip The roofs of Vilnius. (Fifty Singing Memories )

98 Figure 4.3 Singer Danutė Neimontaitė in the clip The wind told me. (Fifty Singing Memories )

99 Figure 4.4 Shock workers positive heroes of Soviet times. Photo by Marius Baranauskas, 1986

100 Figure 4.5 Songwriter Vytautas Kernagis in Photo from the family archive. (A Book About Vytautas Kernagis)

101 5 Music Folklore and Politics. Three Life Experiences and Two Approaches Anna Czekanowska To what extent can music be an instrument of politics and its programmes and/or activities may be used for propaganda purposes? To what extent may the power of music (operating both consciously and subconsciously) manipulate people?may it be possible to possesspeople against their will? To what extent, on the other hand, may these not always honestly motivated activities have positive results inspiring people to act appropriately? To what extent, finally, may the wrong and positive results of those activities remain still active, even though the system which created them does not work anymore? The objective of this paper is to open the discussion about the cultural policy of countries which experienced the harsh rule of an authoritarian and/or even totalitarian system. My contribution is based on my own life experiences of the three periods: that of my childhood ( ) spent under the direct Soviet occupation (Lvov); that of my young years involved very much in the state-managed activity of collecting Polish folklore ( ) in communist Poland; and finally that of my adult years and of my field work in the former Soviet Union ( ) (Czekanowska 1986, 1993, 2002). In this presentation I would be happy to include both an insider s and an outsider s looks, attempting to confront them with an intention to be as objectiveaspossible.atthesametime,iamfullyawarethatmemoryisa

102 102 Anna Czekanowska weak instrument and that what you remember from the distant past may not always be true and objective. Turning to my first experience ( ) means to return to the feelings of rigour, if not of terror under which the children in primary schools were educated. It concerned also the pupils of artistic schools (music), which in the former Soviet Union had a special rank. The rigour started with the demand for punctuality executed in regular primary schools personally by the school s director sitting on duty at the entrance and catching pupils who were late. The efficiency of this practice was so high that as far as I remember,there was only one case of coming late to our class (the school year ) and the culprit was a nine years old boy from a class counting 54 children. The victim was caught and later examined by the director, who expected him to know the basic principles of the Communist Manifesto. In the case of secondary school students the examination and the punishment were probably much more severe. Absence from school had to be legitimised by official documents confirmed by state medical offices. All pupil activities (both in regular and artistic schools) were exactly recorded and assessed in points, according to which pupils were ranked after the principles of an established hierarchy on their individual positions (e.g. pupil number 35 th in the class). According to school authorities at the end of the school year the best pupils were distinguished by special diplomas with the symbol of the SU (sickle and hammer) and Lenin s and Stalin s portraits, which documented the position they attained and the collected points. The value of this document was immense. Children marked out by these diplomas were under special State protection. The most important was the privilege not to be deported to Kazakhstan, which was a mass practice at that time in former eastern Poland (ca half of million deported) (Ciesielski, Materski, Paczkowski 2002). The privileges in artistic schools (special bonuses) also had a flipside. The children were under special control, being obliged to practise intensively (two hours a day for small children). This requirement was addressed also to the teachers who were obliged to find talented children and execute rigorously their practice.

103 Music Folklore and Politics. Three Life Experiences and Two Approaches 103 From a long distance of a time I remember this experience as a permanent race from point to point, which I really enjoyed. Actually, we felt needed and fulfilled, despite the many evident paradoxes and this atmosphere of permanent control. The atmosphere in regular schools was similar, though the pressure to a certain extent weaker. The programme was overloaded, with evident stress on Russian language and mathematics. According to this programme we learned languages 1 : 6 hours of Russian a week, 4 hours of Ukrainian (Lvov belonged to Ukraine), and 4 for Polish i.e. for the local community s tongue. The most prominent was mathematics (7 hours a week). The latter was executed very much like the practice in artistic schools. The other subjects basically referred to the culture of Soviet Union in its extended scope and cultural diversity (e.g. Central Asia, Siberia, the Caucasus); the world beyond these borders virtually did not exist. It created a distorted but still an interesting perspective, which helped us to learn about the culture of this huge country, which for me was new and refreshing. I was really charmed by the creativity of Kazakh or Kirghiz epic story tellers (Djambul Djabaev 2 and Toktogul Satylganov 3, and it is highly probable that the roots of my later interest in Central Asia are to be found in this childhood excitement. The power of Russian musical culture was also immense, we were constantly singing Russian songs, those offered by the propaganda as well as others. The intention to teach us the Russian language and culture was successfully fulfilled To summarise, I remember this time as a period of intensive learning thanks to which I had the opportunity to make some reserves for the time of German occupation ( ), during which education was limited to the basic counting, reading and writing. Indeed, Germans wanted to educate us as very primitive workers, while the Russians,tried to enlighten us ideologically and to adapt us to the obligatory standards of the Soviet Union. The latter weretotallyunderthecommandofmoscow,sinceeventhetimeofmoscow was obligatory in this territory of seven time zones. 1 A similar programme was obligatory in many republics of the SU, including even the so-called autonomous republics. 2 Djambul Djabaev ( ). 3 Toktogul Satylganov ( ).

104 104 Anna Czekanowska It is not an easy task to evaluate properly this memories of early childhood; it is even more difficult to evaluate to what extent we the children could really think being completely overwhelmed by this race and the pressure of authorities. Actually, it is hard to differentiate between conscious and unconscious feelings in which music played an important role supporting the pulse of this race and intensifying its emotional impact. My second experience ( ) was dominated by a certain kind of fascination. It was connected with the discovery of the unknown world of traditional folk culture and music. Despite some earlier contacts with Polish villages I was totally unconscious that this world existed. The wealth of this culture which I had the opportunity to experience during the local parish fair on Saint Bartholomew s Day in the town of Opoczno really struck me. From the beginning the links of our activity with the official propaganda system were evident but for us, very young students, they went partly unrecognized. It was the project for the Collection of Musical Folklore supported by the highest state authorities in Poland. The government s propaganda in the People s Republic of Poland decided to gather materials for Folk Ensembles of Song and Dance, actually copying the Soviet ensembles of that type. This activity was incorporated into the more extended programme of adapting Polish culture to Soviet standards, with an evident admiration for folklore which belonged to the traditional Russian paradigm. For experienced people it was clear that the basic intention of this action was to replace the national culture of a sovereign state (Poland) with the vision of the folk culture of regional communist republic. In principle the ideology was oriented towards the people of the former lower classes, i.e. simpler people, who thanks to these actions should be properly acknowledged and receive a new status. We, the very young students, actually coming from the former middle classes, did not take these objectives too seriously. For us it was only an opportunity to travel, and get to know our own country.

105 Music Folklore and Politics. Three Life Experiences and Two Approaches 105 For our professors, however, it was already evident that they should use this opportunity for specific scholarly goals. This project created a very good chance for the documentation of folk culture. Actually, it concerned not only folk culture and music: respected scholars of merit from that time used this opportunity to preserve and edit many sources of the national monuments, utterly devastated by World War II. The challenge to use a chance for source restoration became the hallmark of that period disregarding the entire propaganda context. The propaganda slogans were usually treated as a topic for jokes. It does not mean, however, that this way of thinking was common to all people Attitudes were quite diversified. The people from villages and towns were highly appreciative of the opportunities for the fast social advance and education. However, in the traditional villages that we were usually dealing with these new trends were not present as yet. Very often the distance from the world beyond was immense. In many villages of central and eastern Poland, the people who went into the world were remembered in local transmission almost like a legend. It happened to me several times that I was asked am I perhaps this Aniela (and/or some other name) who went to the city some years ago and now is coming back? The time of mass urbanization and industrialization was still a phenomenon of the future. Under these conditions it was clear that one had to document folk culture before the processes of transformation would change it. It was the main source of motivation for our professorsjadwiga and Marian Sobieski (Bielawski 1973; Sobieski 1950). Over the years, however, people began to value highly the opportunity to be taken on by one of the successful ensembles which enabled you to perform on stage and to become well known. It fascinated especially young people. Many of them made their life careers at that time. 4 The older generation were usually more critical. They did not like some new fashions and styles. Though they were often very pleased to perform in new local ensembles, were often skeptical of the instructors coming from beyond. They did not like to sing in a multipart fashion according to the standards of Russian 4 E.g. The famous singer Irena Santor.

106 106 Anna Czekanowska polyphony, they did not like to dance acrobatic dances rooted in the tradition of the Ukrainian/Russian Cossacks. The popularity of salon waltzes was also limited and could not compete with the folk version of the regional oberek, which was so well stylized by Chopin. The new proposals should have been closer to the traditional concepts, and people were not ready to follow the imported standards. Actually we researchers were following our instinctive feelings and the experience of our professors. In practice we neglected many of the warnings and instructions which had been sent by our highest authorities (the Ministry of Culture under the command of the Prime Minister responsible for Culture and Security). We did not pay special attention to the songs about class conflicts, and we did not take into account many social dimensions actually, in most cases we were acting against our instructions. But, we did not accept these commands especially since they were coming directly from Moscow. However, in reality we could not be totally independent, as we often needed protection and help. Since we were working in the framework of an officially recognised state action, every group was legitimised by special documents signed by the highest state authorities 5, which bid the local authorities to provide us with help and protection. It was necessary - not for the local peasants who were very friendly towards us, but for the local clerks who could not understand what was going on. It was the duty of every group s leader to register at the regional police and security offices, which were usually deeply concealed, because it was still a time of the anticommunist underground s activity in the countryside. Our protection was supported by the ideology evidently imbued by the Russian enthusiasm for folk tradition. This pro-folkloristic trend was in fact rejected by a considerable part of the Polish intelligentsia and by many artists and composers. Despite some quite successful compositions in the folkloric style the artists felt uncomfortable being pressed to create this kind of works (Pilarski 1958). Paradoxically, the interest in folk tradition was much higher 5 The highest authority supporting this campaign was Edward Ochab ( ), Secretary of the Polish Communist Party in the years

107 Music Folklore and Politics. Three Life Experiences and Two Approaches 107 in the pre-war Poland, and the compositions inspired by folk music were in the old days much more popular and successful. 6 Similarly, many institutions supporting folk art and especially folk handicraft 7 were also popular in the prewar time, as were the festivals of folk songs and dances organized by regional and state authorities (Dahlig 1998). Actually, ourprofessorswere acting according to the principles elaborated in the prewar Poland including its evident conservatism and the appreciation of the source. The historical bias dominated the sociological one. In final result our methodology was not affected by ideological intervention. Despite some critical observations, I remember this research as an emotionally intensive experience, not only because we learned very much about folk culture and its bearers, but also as a memory of the very special atmosphere which had an inspiring power for the whole of my life. Our instructions and their propaganda elements could not distort the good relations with the subjects of our research and their tradition. At that time nobody spoke of participant observation yet, but we were actually recognized as insiders as their own, actually as those Anielas who returned from the city after some years. The whole system, its ideology and security measures were far away. It should also be pointed out that many monograph studies which were prepared at that time (e.g. the studies of Włodzimierz Kotoński on the music of Polish highlanders) (Kotoński 1953, 1954, 1956) would probably not have been written if composers and/or scholars had not been motivated and/or even inspired by this specific atmosphere. This kind of mental inspiration supported by state protection, typical of autocratic states, was very helpful. Work in a group toward a specific goal, whatever the approach might be, gives people a feeling of power and of fulfilment, and/or even carrying a special mission. In these psychological mechanisms, the authoritarian systems try to find an excellent instrument for manoeuvring people, quite consciously using music to this end. It depends only on the degree of people s 6 E.g. the compositions of: Stanisław Mierczyński, Roman Palester, Jan Maklakiewicz, Michał Kondracki. 7 E.g. the co-operative for folk art Ład.

108 108 Anna Czekanowska awareness: to what extent they could maintain their distance and proper judgment, and to what extent they could remain relatively independent. During the years my nostalgia for Central Asia was finally fulfilled. After some years of looking for opportunities it became possible to go there and do research thanks to the exchange between the Polish and Soviet Composers Unions. It was already the experience of an adult researcher and the author of methodological studies thanks to which I understood how much I had to change in my methods. It was no longer an activity based on intuitive feelings, but rather the application of a proper scholarly approach. It was also for the first time a challenge to get to know a very different culture, which was superficially modified by the ideology enforced by the political system and the strong Russian influence. My familiarity with this system wasinthiscaseveryhelpful. The methodology we were dealing with did not yet include questions of the culture s authenticity. This kind of approach was not taken into consideration. We were dealing with the actual reality, with the traditional legacy as well as that undergoing a transformation, treating both as authentic. The local people of those years were deeply involved in current processes. They were simply their own, they were growing and changing with them, accepting the dominant system without denying its authenticity; they lived with concepts and slogans without paying attention to the results which they could bring. Thanks to the initiatives of former generations the oldest sources had already been documented. It was very fortunate, because the dominant culture of that time actually reflected choices made by the cultural administrators who organised the local culture according to their own concepts. Actually, those choices were in many cases not improper and not devoid of links with tradition. Their success depended on good adjustment to the general expectations. But, still it was the result of an evident manipulation. At that time and in this area nobody spoke about invented tradition. However, the offered programmes could be viewed as examples of this phenomenon, though they were much more deeply rooted in the still vital past. Among the organisers of this research programme one could find some highly

109 Music Folklore and Politics. Three Life Experiences and Two Approaches 109 educated scholars (mostly Russians) 8 who tried to control this process, and what was the most important to educate the local scholars of the young generation. Many of them later became excellent ethnomusicologists 9 The coexistence of these two different cultures (traditional and transformed) presented an excellent material for studies. The historical and socio- anthropological methodologies were very much in demand. We tried to concentrate on the discovery of the deep roots of traditional paradigms, though the dynamics of current transformation also fascinated us. The most important, however, was the proper relation to the subjects of our research, to whom the local researchers were fortunately very close. For me as a Polish scholar, it was not easy to establish a proper approach to this unknown culture and to examine my deeply rooted biases. The first impressions were evidently dominated by an outsider s look. With time, however, thanks to the help of our local colleagues I learned a lot, and actually exchanged my own experiences with them. Our colleagues were fascinated by the achievements of international scholarship, which were totally unknown to them. We were even more struck by the independence of their thinking developed on the basis of their authentic feeling for the local culture. It does not matter to what extent it concerned the traditional legacy and to what that which was already transformed. Very much the same concerned their relation to propaganda. Briefly speaking, people had simply learned to live with this talk and those activities, remaining satisfied with the small profits which they could achieve thanks to them. Nevertheless, the most advanced students, especially those educated by famous professors in the best universities 10, had developed already a certain sensitivity in this area and a sense of humour. Our contacts with them were perfect, we became the best friends. The visible changes emerged, however, only after the evident weakening of the Soviet state s power. The consequences of this change were im- 8 Victor Belaev, Victor Uspenski, Victor Vinogradov. 9 Bagdaulet Amanov, Asija Mukhambetova, Saira Amanova, Saule Utegalieva. 10 Former Leningrad and Moscow Conservatories, One should not forget the leading role of Evgen Gippius?

110 110 Anna Czekanowska mense. The people started to find their former life unsatisfactory; they started to discover many lies and to discredit the evident propaganda talk. Many things began to be seen in a totally different way. The old custom to receive some presents on the days of special state feasts (the day of the revolution or the first of May), formerly highly appreciated, now became the subject of scoffs; individual work started to be appreciated more highly than the formerly highly appreciated work of the collective. The composers started to address their works to religion. The latter as well as local history returned by the broadly opened gate. 11 All the same, in many cases people have serious problems with approaching religion and especially understanding Islam. The consequences of a strong atheistic education are very persistent. Not too many people, however, have had the chance to notice that, having rejected one propaganda, they started again to operate in the framework of another propaganda and in the framework of new slogans. These revolutionary changes destroyed the former structures, frequently making proper observation more difficult. Under these conditions the researcher had to develop new approaches again, concentrating on the preservation of his or her own scholarly identity and proper contacts with the subjects of the research. The new reality penetrated both the researched and the researcher. Only authentic fascination with the culture of the old sources could help to maintain a proper judgment. The most seductive was the danger of limiting oneself to superficial observations. The analysis of autocratic systems is a subject for political science. Scholars concentrating on the analysis of culture may, however, better understand the complex nature of psychological phenomena: those of people being terrorized by political systems and those of simple manipulation by the mass trends and fashions. Both are dangerous because they annihilate human independence, and the freedom of the scholar in this particular case. The most dramatic, however, is the fact that many results and consequences of the old system still remain rooted in human minds. It concerns the evident 11 i.e. Alfred Schnitke, Requiem (1975).

111 Music Folklore and Politics. Three Life Experiences and Two Approaches 111 feeling of fear, especially the fear of being frightened 12 and the tendency toward an easy fascination, or, on the contrary, to exaggerated rejection The most dangerous seem to be the negative feelings of hate and revenge, which deeply hidden for many years may now explode with a great force. People affected by the totalitarian system need some time to react normally. Let s hope in these cases music will play a positive role. People from Central Asia believe in that. Works cited Bielawski L. (ed.) Polska muzyka ludowa i jej problemy.pwm.kraków. Czekanowska A Iconically Conceptualised Programmes and their Role in the Form-Setting Process: Some Examples from Central Asia. In: Y. Tokumaru,O.Yamaguti(eds.)TheOralandtheLiterateinMusic.Tokyo. Czekanowska A Political Transformation and the Role of Musical Performance, Proceedings of 15 th IMS Congress. MadridRevista de Musicologia vol. XVI, Madrid. Czekanowska A TheMuqamintheCultureoftheUyghurs.InGarland Encyclopedia.vol.6.The Middle East.Routledge. Dahlig P Tradycje muzyczne a ich przemiany. Między kulturą ludową, popularną i elitarną Polski międzywojennej. Studia Instytutu Sztuki PAN, Warszawa. Kotoński W. 1953, Uwagi o muzyce ludowej Podhala. Muzyka Nos. 5 6, 7 8, and Nos Kotoński W Góralski i Zbójnicki. PWM, Kraków. Pilarski B Witold Lutosławski odpowiada na pytania. Ruch Muzyczny Nr II/7. Ciesielski S., Materski W., Paczkowski A Represje sowieckie wobec Polaków i obywateli polskich. Ośrodek Karta, Warszawa. Sobieski M. and J Instrukcja w sprawie zbierania polskich pieśni i muzyki ludowej. Muzyka Nr A popular saying in the difficult years 1968, 1969, precisely formulated by Polish sociologist Jan Szczepański.

112 6 Work and Songs under Italian Fascism 1 Serena Facci Introduction: Fascism and propaganda ( ) All recent studies on the Fascist regime in Italy agree on the fact that Mussolini and his staff paid particular attention to the use of media, in particular the new media, which were spreading or arriving in Italy in those years: the radio, movies, records and the first versions of television. 2 The regime started to organize some form of control over the communication media and to exploit them for its own propaganda very early. An Ufficio Stampa (Press Office) was founded in 1926 to control the press. This Office became part of the Government in 1935 as a Sottosegretariato di Stato (Undersecretary s office) and, in 1937, it became the Ministero per la Cultura Popolare (Ministry for Popular Culture) (see Tranfaglia and Maida, 2005). These three different steps in the history of this office set more and more rigid rules: in fact the regime passed from some form of influence on the 1 The songs analysed in this article were published in the LP Come è bello avere un posto all e ferriere, ed. Paquito del Bosco, Fonografo Italiano, Anno V, n. 10, Nuova Fonit Cetra, Roma 1982 (new edition on CD 1997). Many thanks to Paquito del Bosco for his help. 2 The public radio, EIAR, was born in In 1933 another institution, Ente Radio Rurale (organization for rural radio), aimed to popularize the Radio in rural villages through a special form of broadcasting for schools and public places. Television programmes began officially in 1954 in Italy, but some experiments with closed-circuit programmes were been conducted before the Second World War, during the Fascist period. See: Monticone, 1978; Verdegiglio, 2003.

113 Work and Songs under Italian Fascism 113 cultural production to a stronger control and eventually to strong censorship after The Ministry for Popular Culture had control over many cultural institutions: National press Cinecittà (Cinema) Istituto Luce (Documentaries) Ente Nazionale per il Teatro (the National Theatre Trust) O.N.D. - Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro (the National Working Men s club) Discoteca di Stato (the National Sound Archives) In our context the most interesting institutions are: the Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro, abbreviated as OND, which organised the workers free time, and the Discoteca di Stato, which was the first sound archive in Italy. I want to discuss the Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro for its influence on the diffusion of Italian folk music, but also on changes in that music. Among the activities promoted by the OND clubs were singing and playing local music in choirs, and dancing in folkloristic groups. The regime disliked any free cultural and social expression of folklore, such as free dances in public places, free public festivals, carnivals, and so on. One of the OND tasks was the organisation of all these kinds of meetings, changing them in well-controlled events (see for example Sanvitale 1999; Cavazza 1987: ). At the same time the OND supported also some scientific projects like collecting and transcribing rural songs, later published in the proceedings of the 3 rd conference on Folk Art and Tradition (Liuzzi 1936). My focus here is on popular songs. Canzonette was the word used at that time. It means light not important songs. Nowadays we use the English definition Popular Music to define this kind of authorial production, commercialized before the Second World War through 78 rpm records or scores, diffused by media like the radio. The OND also produced some canzonette such as La canzone dell operaio analysed in this article.

114 114 Serena Facci The Discoteca di Stato was another interesting public institution born under the fascism. It was founded in 1928 inspired by a very important author of songs, the futurist poet and dramatist Rodolfo De Angelis. 3 His initial idea was only to preserve the Great Voices by collecting and preserving in archives the recordings of the best opera singers, as well as poetry read by poets, or speeches by important Italian intellectuals and politicians. The Managers of the Discoteca di Stato soon realized that music was the most important recordable product, and in 1934 a new law laid down two new aims for the archive, which are interesting for us: the first aim was to promote the recording of rural music and spoken dialect as well as new classical composition; the second aim was to store two copies of every record published in Italy in the Discoteca. As matter of fact the Discoteca made few or no recordings of rural music under fascism. We would have to wait for the foundation of the AELM (Musical and Linguistic Ethnological Archive) promoted by Diego Carpitella in Nevertheless the collection of commercial songs continued in a regular way and today the Discoteca has an important record collection. I have already said that the Discoteca di Stato was put under the control of the Ministero per la Cultura Popolare in Two years before, in 1935, a fascist law had established a special Committee of censorship. Before being published, each song had to be approved by this Committee. In this way the Discoteca began to exercise control over the songs production and publication. The history of OND and Discoteca di Stato is an example of the evolution of the regime. During the Twenties and the early Thirties the artistic and cultural activities were strongly influenced by the fascist ideology and were used for the propaganda, although sometimes this happened in a contradic- 3 For the history of Discoteca di Stato see the website: 4 Before the Discoteca di Stato-AELM, another important archive for oral traditional music had been founded in Italy in 1948: the Centro Nazionale di Studi di Musica Popolare (now Archivi di Etnomusicologia), sponsored by the Accademia di S. Cecilia and the RAI (the national radio and television after the Second World War).

115 Work and Songs under Italian Fascism 115 tory way and a little freedom for creativity was tolerated. After the conquest of Ethiopia, the foundation of the empire, the alliance with Nazism and the racial laws, the cultural politics became more and more propagandistic and the censorship more and more rigid. The regime collapsed in 1943, during the last part of the Second World War. Case study. Three popular songs about factory work, at the beginning of musical globalisation My case study is a group of three canzonette composed under Fascism. I am talking about the beginning of musical globalisation, as a lot of influence on Italian songs was coming from abroad, particularly from France and South and North America. This foreign influence had a particular importance and also contributed to the establishment of a lot of symbolism in Italian popular songs. Some stereotypes emerged during and before the Twenties, such as the association between the dance coming from South America and its licentious element, or the idea of North American music being modern. This was allowed to happendespitethe fact that the regime was very eager to construct an idea of a strong National Identity, and to promote a sort of autarchy also in the music. All these foreign influences were in most of the cases injected into a formal and harmonic model derived from local productions: the regional song in dialects, born at the end of the 19 th century (the most famous being of course the Neapolitan song) and the romanze da salotto [parlour songs]. These genres were in turn influenced by the high tradition of the Italian opera, especially in the vocal style and melodic contours. The topic of the three songs I have analysed is work, in particular factory work. I have chosen this subject because it was one of the favourite topics of the regime s propaganda: Italy needed people to work in order to become a strong country, a satisfied and proud nation, but mostly to be independent from international trade. From 1926 Mussolini promoted the battaglia del grano [wheat battle], a

116 116 Serena Facci programme which aimed to increase wheat production and to reduce the national dependence on imported food. Documentaries and photos show him working in a wheat field. Some songs were composed to support the ideology of battaglia del grano, dealing with the beauty of agricultural work, such as La canzone del grano [The wheat song] which begins with the words: The sunrise gave the sun to the morning/it found the farmers marching/ on the usual way, full of passion/to give the fields arms and sweat/and on the street/ as in a prayer/ they sung a hymn from the heart. Industry had a particular function in the economy. Compared to other WesternEuropeancountriesItaly was less industrialised, butnational industrial production was important for the autarchic project of Mussolini. Some big factories, like FIAT in Turin or Ansaldo in Gene, became crucial for the transport system and weapons production. Before Fascism, in Italy, industrial urban culture had features different from the rural one. From the late 19 th Century in Italy free associations of workers (Società di Mutuo Soccorso and Leghe) promoted social and political battles for better work conditions. The first trade unions (most of them strongly influenced by Marxist ideas, some of catholic inspiration) were very popular in the North of the country. In 1920 after crucial strikes and with the political support of the Socialist Party they obtained a reduction of working time to 8 hours a day. In a few years Fascism cancelled all these achievements, forbidding strikes and abolishing all kinds of workers free associations and all kinds of parties other than the PNF (National Fascist Party). Some public institutions controlled by Mussolini s government, such the Ente Nazionale Previdenza Infortuni (the National Organisation for the Prevention of Accidents), abbreviated in ENPI, were founded in order to assist the workers. The OND (Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro) organised the workers free time. Fascism wanted to appear like a good father providing all kinds of assistance. The reality was that it only intended to exercise all sorts of control through those organisa-

117 Work and Songs under Italian Fascism 117 tions. At the same time the beauty of the work and its good consequences in terms of welfare became themes of the propaganda. 5 Of course, in the songs I analysed for this article there isn t any reference to strikes, protests, and requests for better conditions of work. The factory worker protagonists are three men satisfied with their work and their life. However the songs were composed in different time (1929, 1937, ca 1940) and each of them is very different from the others. 1. A realistic song The first song is Ferriera [Steel factory], by Cesare Bixio and Bixio Cherubini. 6 It was published in It was the first period of Fascism, also in terms of propaganda and censorship. Some ideas and attitudes coming from the pre-fascist period remained in the cultural practice. The composers were very famous. They produced hundreds of songs, many of them together. Ferriera, Rotaie and Miniera are all on the same topic: work and work accidents (Cellerino 2001). I define Ferriera as a realistic song, drawing on the definition of the Chanson réaliste française of the early 20 th Century, which dealt with poor and unlucky people (Dutheil Pessin, 2004). These genres of songs were well known in Italy because of the close cultural exchanges. Bixio himself composed some songs for a famous French singer, Mistinguette. He lived in Paris for a few years. Ferriera is a narrative song. In the first part the protagonist presents himself, talking about his life and his family, in the second part a narrator describes the tragic situation caused by the work accident. In the following analytical points I would like to highlight how the music and some sound signals quoted in the lyrics are important for the song s mood. 5 On the OND activities in important Italian factories see: Annibaldi, Bigiaretti, Ossola, Fornero, Come è bello avere un posto alle ferriere:track2.

118 118 Serena Facci The church bell rings in the dark. A man is going home after work. He s singing, because he s happy. His family is awaiting him in the little house. But in the music there is a premonition of disaster: in particular the instrumental introduction in G minor, starting with a diminished chord (Amb5), is in conflict with the happy situation described in the first verse. The situation seems to relax in the refrain, which is in a major key. The disaster announced by the music arrives in the second verse: a fire kills the worker. Nobody sings anymore and the church bell is still ringing, although with a different meaning. The major key in the last refrain creates now a touching effect. The lyrics of Ferriera consist of two verses alternating with a refrain. There is regular metrical organisation with rhyme couplets. Verse: Scende silente l oscurità Ed ogni artiere con ansientà Con sole che declina Esce dall officina Suon di campane sonano allor Comeèfeliceilcuor Refrain: Suona campana suona, vien giù la sera Torna cantando l uomo dalla ferriera Pensa ai suoi bimbi e canta la sua casetta Ove è una zuppa e un algelo che l aspetta Bacia una testa bionda e una chioma nera Come è felice l uomo della ferriera Verse: Negli altiforni della città L acciaio fuso sfavilla già Ma il fuoco traditore Investe il forgiatore Presso il compagno che muor laggiù Nessuno canta più

119 Work and Songs under Italian Fascism 119 Refrain: Suona camoana suona vien giù la sera Ma non ritorna l uomo dalla ferriera Come è più triste il suono delle campane Mentre i bambini aspettano il babbo e il pane Torna al balcone invano colei che spera Ma non ritorna l uomo dalla ferriera. English translation: The silent darkness is approaching/and while the sun is setting/the worker is uneasily/leaving the factory./bells are now ringing/how happy his heart is! Ring bell, ring bell, the night s coming/the man is returning from the steelworks singing/ And thinking of his children and his sweet home/where a bowl of soup and an angel are waiting for him./he kisses a blonde head and black hair/how happy the steelworks man is! In the blast furnaces of the town/the melted steel is already shining./but the treacherous fire/attacks the steel worker/near the mate who is dying down there./ Nobody is singing anymore! Ring bell, ring bell, the night s coming!/but the man is not returning from the steelworks./ How much sadder the bells sound,/while the children are waiting for their father and their food./in vain the hopeful woman is watching from the balcony,/but the man is not returning from the steelworks. Some musical features are common in many contemporary dance song, such the rhythm of tango, often associated with passionate and sad situations. The change of mode (minor in the verses, major in the refrain) is common in many Neapolitan and Italian canzonette during the early 20 th century. We could say that Ferriera is a typical song for tango dancers, despite the story being so tragic. As I said before the song was written in It communicates the image of a simple and suffering Italy. This image soon proved unacceptable for the regime: some years later the Ministry of Popular Culture forbade the Istituto Luce from filming poor people in its documentaries. 2. An autarchic song In 1937, the OND produced La canzone dell operaio [The worker song], by Attanasio and Staffelli, for the Piedigrotta song competition in Naples. 7 Piedigrotta was the major annual event to present compositions of new Neapolitan and Italian songs. A very famous singer, Carlo Buti, recorded the 7 Come è bello avere un posto alle ferriere:track1.

120 120 Serena Facci song. Throughout his carrier he interpreted more then 1500 songs, some of which were fascist propaganda songs, such as Faccetta nera [Black face], composed during the colonial war in Africa. La canzone dell operaio is a propaganda song. The situation is similar to that in Ferriera, but there seem to be no impending disasters: in the factory people are working prudently and powerfully and the protagonist is completely happy and satisfied. The factory is The light of my life and source of work!. War too is seen in a positive way (I would like to remind you that this was the time of Italy s colonial wars). The image of a happy and honest worker with a happy and safe family is combined with plenty of devotion to Fascism. He calls his children balilla, the name that the regime imposed on the boys; he blesses the black shirt, a fascist symbol that all the men had to wear. Many fascist slogans are inserted into the lyrics. Mussolini is mentioned three times, as mastro Benito (master Benito), Duce (leader, commander, as in his official title), and un grande artefice (a great artificer). The song consists of three verses and three refrains, and each verse comprises two stanzas with rhymes following an ABAB scheme. Most lines are hendecasyllabic, consistent with many rural songs, in particular the stornello (which I will mention later). Verse: Al suon della campana mattutina Si sveglia il sole con i raggi d oro Mi affretto per andare all officina Luce di vita fonte di lavoro. I miei balilla dormono Ed il mio cuore fra di lor rimane Sono tranquillo d animo Nella casetta mia non manca il pane Refrein: E per la strada canto Questo stornello che mi è caro tanto Fior d ogni fiore Patria e famiglia sono il nostro amore Mastro Benito ci ha forgiato il cuore Verse: L opera ferve attenta e poderosa

121 Work and Songs under Italian Fascism 121 Il maglio batte ed arde la fornace Il braccio che è di acciaro e non riposa Produce per la guerra e per la pace E veglia un grande artefice Nella fucina della nostra gente Per rendere l Italia Sempre più grande, sempre più potente Refrein: Ed io lavoro e canto Questo stornello che mi è caro tanto Fior da gradire Il Duce ha detto credere e obbedire Combattere per vincere o morire Verse: E passa il giorno e torno a casa mia Fiero e contento quasi a prima sera Al dolce suono dell Ave maria Io benedico la camicia nera. I miei balilla aspettano Con essi sol la madre il mio tesoro Vicino a me si stringono Mi baciano le mani del lavoro Refrein: Ed orgoglioso canto Questo stornello che mi è caro tanto Fior di mughetto Noi tirerem diritto è tutto detto Per ogni vanga e libro c è un moschetto. English translation: When the bell rings in the morning/and the sun wakes up with its golden rays/i hurry up and go to the factory/the light of my life and source of work!/my ballillas are sleeping/and my heart stays with them./i m in peace/in my sweet home never short of food And I sing in the street /This stornello that I like so much/fior d ogni fiore/ We love our country and our family/mastro Benito forged our hearts. The work continues, prudently and powerfully/the mallet is hammering and the furnace is burning/the strong arm doesn t rest/it is producing for war and peace!/a great maker is watching over/all our factories/making Italy bigger and bigger and more and more powerful. And while I work I sing/this stornello that I like so much/fior da gradire/ The Duce said Believe and obey / Fight to win or die And when the day finishes I go back home/proud and happy, It s almost evening/to the sweet sound of Ave Maria/I bless the black shirt/my balillas are waiting/alone with their mother, my treasure/they gather around me/and kiss my hard-working hands

122 122 Serena Facci And I proudly sing/this stornello that I like so much/fior di mughetto/ We re going on, nothing can stop us!/ For every spade and every book, there is a musket La canzone dell operaio is a very autarchic song. It is a schizophrenic mixture of Italian musical stereotypes which are used to introduce the complex image of this man: a good worker and a caring husband and father, but also a true Italian, ready to became a determined soldier: Carlo Buti uses his voice, influenced by opera style, in different ways, alternating a tenore di grazia light voice with an emphatic half-spoken voice. In the orchestra strings and woodwinds (especially violins and the flute) are used to accompany the happy worker while he is going to the factory on a sunny day, but brass instruments (especially trumpets) in military bands style are always ready to emphasize the fascist beliefs. Sections of military march are mixed with melodic contours in folk style (in particular the stornello grace notes). In the folk tradition of central Italy stornello is the name for many poetic and melodic formulas used to improvise songs. During the 20th century it was possible to find stornelli in a large area, in central and southern Italy. Roman stornello and Tuscan stornello became also popular in the urban context and in written and recorded music. Carlo Buti, who was born in Florence, recorded some Stornelli fiorentini. The main feature of urban stornelli is a melismatic, sometimes virtuosistic melodic contour. The stornello sung by Lola in Mascagni s Cavalleria Rusticana is very famous. We can notice, in each cadenza, a portamento with a passing note. After this stornello Lola sings a long vocalization.

123 Work and Songs under Italian Fascism 123 In La canzone dell operaio, the man says, in the refrain: I sing in the street /this stornello that I like so much (just as Lola): 8 In this couplet the melodic line looks like a true stornello, in particular because of the light voice and because of the melismatic contour and the passing notes in the cadenzas. In the following couplet the lyrics are in the form typical of Tuscany and Lazio (but also used in the South 9 and in Mascagni s example), with the first line beginning with the word Fiore (flower). However, the melodic contour and the emphatic kind of voice are very far from the grace of the stornello. The song that the man likes so much seems not to be a stornello, butafascist slogan, well pronounced with a loud voice: Fior d ogni fiore/we love our country and our family/mastro Benito forged our hearts. The repeated notes (D) on the words mastro Benito recall the instrumental introduction of the song with trumpets in military style: 8 Transcriptions by Serena Facci. 9 An example of this kind of stornelli was recorded in a village in Puglia by Diego Carpitella and Alan Lomax in It was published in Italian Trasures: Folk Music and Song of Italy. A sampler, CD Rounder Records

124 124 Serena Facci 3. A modern song in American style. The last song I am proposing is an American song: La prudenza (prudence) composed by Maneri and Seracini, sung by Gilberto Mazzi. 10 Under Fascism the influence of North American swing and hot jazz was very important in Italian songs and movie music. Italian singers, composers and conductors (the most famous was Giuseppe Barzizza, who conducted the radio orchestra since 1936) interpreted Italian songs in American style or American songs translated into Italian. We have to remember, though, that at the end of the Thirties Fascism officially banned foreign music from radio broadcasts, in particular jazz and other Afro-American music. The use of English words in music was also forbidden: Barzizza had to change the name of his group,blue Star, into Italian (Stella azzurra). 11 In such a context the publication of La prudenza, a propaganda-educative song in a perfect swing style, could seem strange. 12 The song was produced by the Ente Nazioanle Previdenza Infortuni, which was the national office for the prevention of accidents. One of its most important aims was to spread information about safety at work. It provided publications, such as magazines like Leggetemi! [Read me!],books,postcards and songs. In La prudenza the ENPI encourages workers to solve the problem of work accidents by themselves. The American swing music gives a particular mood. Modernity and optimism were the sentiments associated in Italy with this kind of music. Songs in swing style were common in those Italian movies known as film dei telefoni bianchi (white phone movies), the white phones being one of the status symbol of rich people. The singer Gilberto Mazzi, in 1938 became famous for a song sung in one of these movies, Mille lire al mese [One thousand liras a month], which expressed the middle class dreams of welfare. This song was in swing style too. 10 Come è bello avere un posto alle ferriere: track6. 11 The relationship between Fascism and Jazz was inconsistent. See, between other (Mazzoletti 2004). 12 At the moment I am not sure about the date of publication. Paquito del Bosco talks about the early Forties, towards the end of the fascist regime.

125 Work and Songs under Italian Fascism 125 American popular songs influence the melodic form of La prudenza : two verses alternate with a refrain, as common in Italian songs, but this refrain comprises a chorus + a middle eight + a chorus, as in many American popular songs. Compared with Ferriera and La canzone dell operaio, this song is completely different in the musical style, in the meaning and in the protagonist s behaviour: A man is talking with a hypothetical friend; confidentially he s suggesting to be careful at work. He s careful, he s very efficient because he s modern, and he s not unwary. He doesn t talk about family, children, little sweet houses: he seems to be a bachelor. The rhythm is good for a swing dance, not for a tango or for a march. He isn t singing a stornello, (something very old!), he s singing a ritornello (refrain). No bell is ringing. He seems to be in a town. The song seems to respond to Bixio and Cherubini, the composers of Ferriera and other songs about work accidents. It contains a reference to one of their songs, the very famous Parlami d amore Mariù. The man says When you work don t think of the blue eyes of your Mariù. Verse: La prudenza se in salute vuoi restar Con costanza devi praticar Questa massima applicata nel lavor Te lo giuro vale un gran tesor Chorus : Lavorando manovrando Macchine o motor Non distrarti, non fidarti seguiiltuolavor Middle eight: Non pensare ai cruciverba o agli occhi blu Della tua Mariù Ma sorvegliati e ripeti nel cervel Questo ritornel

126 126 Serena Facci Chorus: Siiprudente,siiprudente Se vuoi bene star La prudenza è una scenza Che non può sbagliar Verse: Lo stordito, l intontito credi a me Nuoce agli altri e specialmente a sé Basta un fallo, un imprudenza nel lavor Per piombare a un tratto nel dolor Chorus: Io sto bene sempre bene Ma lo sai perchè L incidente, l accidente So scansar da me Middle eight: Nella vita l infortunio ad ogni età In agguato sta E per questo mi ripeto nel cervel Sempre un ritornel Chorus: Siiprudente,siiprudente Se vuoi bene star La prudenza è una scenza Che non può sbagliar. English translation: Caution. If you want to be safe,/you have to watch out./this rule is a treasure/if you apply it while working. Working, steering /machines or engines /Pay attention, don t relax/control your work Don t think of crosswords or of the blue eyes/ Of your Mariù/But keep a check on yourself and sing in your mind/ This refrain: Be careful, be careful/if you want to be well!/caution is a science/which mustn t make mistakes. The heedless, the confused (believe me)/harms others and especially themselves/one error is enough/one incautious action at work/and you may suddenly be in sorrow I m well,very well/do you know why?/i know how to avoid/accidents and incidents/in life, the accident/is always waiting in ambush/and for this I repeat in my mind/this refrain: Be careful, be careful/if you want to be well!/caution is a science/which mustn t make mistakes. I don t know if this very little autarchic song, produced by a fascist public institution as the ENPI escaped the fascist control, or if it is a result of a subtle, maybe devious attempt, by the fascist regime, to convince people by using a new and more attractive language.

127 Work and Songs under Italian Fascism 127 Conclusion The three songs analysed, dealing with factory work and work accidents, are very different. Each of them corresponds to a different moment in Fascist history. The first one, Ferriera, composed during the twenties, is a realistic, narrative song, talking about a dramatic situation. Sounds and lyrics depict a poor, vulnerable Italy. The music is freely open to different foreign influences. The second one is produced by the Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro, the institution that organized the workers free time. La canzone dell operaio is a true propaganda song, composed in the worst period of the regime s censorship and cultural control. All the musical elements shape an autarchic song, without any foreign influences. Despite the different mood and musical style, La canzone dell operaio is a sort of response to Ferriera. A lot of elements are shared: the happy family in a little house; the day time announced by the church bells; the habit of singing in the street and at work as in a rural environment. The third one, La prudenza, is what we can call a modern song according to the mood of the late Thirties and the early Forties. In Italy before and after the Second World War, the American style was synonymous with modernity. The swing rhythm of dance and hot jazz style are used by the Ente Nazionale Protezione Infortuni to convince people that work accidents are connected with an ignorant, possibly rural Italy, but they can be avoided in a new, modern, efficient world. To conclude I would like to stress that work accidents are still a very big problem in Italy, because in many factories the security norms are not respected. In 2007, 1170 people died in work accidents. Recently some singers have rearranged Miniera, an old song about work accidents composed by Bixio and Cherubini in 1927, before Ferriera.

128 128 Serena Facci Works cited Annibaldi C.; Bigiaretti L.; Ossola C.; Fornero E Scritture di fabbrica. Dal vocabolario alla società. Paravia, Torino. Borgna G Storia della canzone italian. Mondadori, Milano. Castaldo G. (ed.) Dizionario della canzone italiana. Armando Curcio, Roma. Cavallo P.; Iaccio P Vincere! Vincere! Vincere!: fascismo e società italiana nelle canzoni e nelle riviste di varietà, Ianua, Roma. Cavazza S La folkloristica italiana e il fascismo. Il Comitato Nazionale per le Arti Popolari, La Ricerca Folklorica No. 15, pp Cellerino L C.A. Bixio. Parlami d amore Mariu: musica per una vita. Le Lettere, Firenze. Del Buono O Eia, eia, eia, alala!: la stampa italiana sotto il fascismo, Feltrinelli, Milano. De Benedictis A Radiogramma e arte radiofonica. Storia e funzioni della musica per radio in Italia.EDT,Torino. De Marzi G I canti del Fascismo. Frilli, Genova. Dutheil Pessin C La chanson réaliste. Sociologie d un genre: le visage et la voix. L Harmattan, Paris. Liperi F Storia della canzone italiana.eri,roma. Liuzzi F Della raccolta dei canti popolari. In:Atti del III Congresso per le arti e tradizioni popolari, Trento settembre Edizioni dell OND, Roma. Mazzoletti A Il jazz in Italia. Dalle origini alle grandi orchestre. EDT, Torino. Monticone A : Il fascismo al microfono. Radio e politica in Italia ( ). Studium Editore, Roma. Pivato S La storia leggera: l uso pubblico della storia nella canzone italiana. Il Mulino, Bologna. Sanvitale F Le avarizie della fortuna. Guido Albanese, musicista popolare. EDT, Torino. Tranfaglia N.; Maida B La stampa del regime Le veline del Minculpop per orientare l informazione. Bompiani, Milano. Verdegiglio D La Tv di Mussolini. Caltelvecchi, Roma.

129 7 Polish Folk Music in the Period of Polish People s Republic Look from Afar Tomasz Nowak The period between 1944 and 1989 the time of the formation and existence of Polish People s Republic from the contemporary perspective constitutes a separate closed unit, which allows for a systematic approach. However, it appears that apart from some quite meticulous documentary and publishing efforts of postwar ethnomusicologists, such issues as the evolution of traditional culture, new cultural environment in the village, or, finally, the government s approach to folk music, have never been analysed properly until now. This article purports to look at Polish folk music after World War II from the point of view of the cultural policy of communist parties (Polish Labour Party since 1949 Polish United Labour Party), which then played the role of a super-government. This perspective a kind of look from afar was rarely formulated in governmental documents, and thus today it may be found mainly in the records of ideological discussions within the party, social organizations, and in the press. The starting point for this paper is an attempt to answer the following question: How did it happen that an ideology obscure or even hostile in relation to Polish culture quite successfully managed to gain public support for the realization of its plans? Apart from the obvious fact of the Polish state being dependent on the Soviet Union, other after-effects of World War II should also be noted here. Firstly, the borders changed completely, which causedprofoundchangesinthenationality structureofthepopulation, shift-

130 130 Tomasz Nowak ing groups which had their own specific musical traditions. Secondly, there were colossal demographic changes in Poland caused by war losses (18% of the population) as well as by war and post-war migrations (at least 32% of the population). It is, of course, impossible to obtain the exact data of the losses and migrations, and the above quoted numbers are tentative at best. Nevertheless, they show us the great dynamics of changes, which influenced at least half of the prewar society. Those changes, according to a demographer, Piotr Eberhardt (2000: 80), resulted in total political, social and demographic instability, despite the fact that they transformed Poland into one of the most homogenous countries in Europe in terms of language, religion and nationality. This had an impact on the destabilization of cultural systems in the local scale, which in turn resulted in new approaches to musical traditions. It is worth remembering, though, that as Anna Czekanowska pointed out (1995: 25) in case of art, the influence of external factors (socio-historical changes) is a bit more indirect. Therefore in the Polish environment the first post-war years despite all the changes were characterized by a willing return to musical traditions that had been remembered and partly cultivated during the war. The same is true about forms of musical life in villages and towns, animated by schools and cultural establishments, as well as about forms of documentation of musical culture by ethnomusicologists. As already noted by Anna Czekanowska (1995: 28) and Piotr Dahlig (1998: 425), these comebacks were most frequently guaranteed by the continuity of posts responsible for cultural, educational and academic activities. That continuity, however, was to be disrupted already at the end of 1947 and beginning of 1948, when more and more institutions were being infiltrated by activists connected with the pro-soviet Polish Labour Party. Within just a few months those people took over the key offices and became responsible for cultural, educational and academic policies. Thus, from 1948 the Polish Labour Party (called Polish United Labour Party after the union with Polish Socialist Party) started exerting profound influence on changes in organisation (centralisation of local initiatives), management (removing people whose views differed from the communist ideology from all posts in the system), and the programme (modifications in

131 Polish Folk Music in the Period of Polish People s Republic 131 the already functioning Polish folk music in the period of Polish People s Republic; introducing and popularizing new solutions based on the Soviet experience). The cultural policy shaped by the Ministry of Culture and Art was of vital importance to the situation of folk musical traditions in post-war Poland. In the personnel records of that institution, especially in the Department of Music and the Central Institute of Culture, we may at first find a number of names famous for their pre-war research, pedagogical and promotional activities. From 1947, however, many new people appear, among whom the key role was played by Zofia Lissa from the Soviet Union, who had radical left-wing political beliefs, and who for a few years became the main state policy-maker as far as decisions about musical culture were concerned. Already in August 1947 during a national conference on the popularisation of music organized by the Central Committee of Culture, Zofia Lissa pointed out the main operational directions, highlighting the importance of the mass movement of amateur artistic music. Of course, in Poland the rise of amateur groups took place, according to Piotr Dahlig (1998) already in the last quarter of the 19 th century, and the inter-war period was characterized by an active development of amateur groups cultivating local folk traditions. However, what Zofia Lissa announced was a major modification of the hitherto directions of development an abandonment of local experiences in favour of a repertoire of a wider provenance; a shift in emphasis from slight stage modifications to artistic elaboration in which the musical material had to be largely transformed; and finally, an adaptation of Soviet patterns (mass singing, characteristic instrumental ensembles). Ethnomusicologists were particularly concerned about the expected scale of the phenomenon, which was to affect the whole country. The finally accepted proposal left no hope the Central Committee of Culture was to accelerate the action of documenting folklore due to its expected decline under the pressure of the amateur movement. In that situation, some proposals like the one put forward by Jadwiga and Marian Sobieski to create a musical folklore reserve sounded somewhat outdated. They suggested that no new ensembles be

132 132 Tomasz Nowak formed in that protected territory at least (though, as the phrasing suggests, the proponents hoped for a more permanent effect) until the completion of musical documentation (Bielawski 1973: 26 27). Such a way of thinking, derived from the inter-war period, still seems to be applied by many of today s Polish folklorists (including amateurs) searching for pure areas of musical culture and remaining averse towards the amateur folkloristic movement. Let us go back, though, to the 1940s was a year of full-scale organizational changes, leading to the centralization of all activities and consequently following the example of the Soviet Union to the introduction of Marxist ideology into all spheres of life. The aims of cultural policy in the field of music were emphatically presented by Zofia Lissa at the musicology congress. Lissa restricted folk music to the class dimension of peasant folklore and to working class street music and described it as: an expression of regressive social forms of art of modest forms and means and of crude, emotional character. The aim was clearly expressed in the statement to lead out 90% of the society from under the influence of the regressive pole, which meant superceding that music of non-artistic character with artistic music, or at a pinch to blur the borderlines between folk and the artistic trends (Lissa 1948; Chomiński and Lissa 1951). To achieve theaim it was necessaryto prepare the majority of the society for the changes by going through a transitional period that of popular music with many features of artistic music. Equipping village with radios and the mass artistic movement in villages and towns were to serve that aim. The National Song and Dance Ensemble Mazowsze was to become the role model for the amateur movement. The ensemble was founded by a decision of the Ministry of Culture and Art as a copy of the Soviet Pyatnitsky Russian Folk Chorus (Jackowski 1951: 49,56). Also the brass bands, accordion and mandolin ensembles then promoted by the state (Powroźniak 1955) looked up to Soviet models. Formal support for the ensembles was secured by labour unions (Gąsiorowicz 1951), Samopomoc Chłopska farmers union (Piotrowski 1951) and the Polish Youth Society (ZMP). Each of the organizations helped the musicians in essential matters, publishing and training. Venues for this activity were provided by taking over and extending the network of day-rooms and com-

133 Polish Folk Music in the Period of Polish People s Republic 133 munity centres. Due to a change in the priorities of cultural policy, the activity of the Central Institute of Culture was terminated and superceded by the Agency for the Coordination of Amateur Movement. In response to the numerous efforts of ethnomusicologists, a plan was drawn up for the early 1950s to start a great project whose objective was to collect musical folklore so that the music doomed to extinction would be documented. The death sentence was irrevocable because many of the party s activists thought that the bourgeois oppression suppressed the revolutionary songs of the folk and in folk music itself among the wealth and treasure of folk songs there is much class-hostile trash that was planted there by the gentry and the clergy (Piotrowski 1951). The dynamic campaign which began in this manner was hailed by Bolesław Bierut (then president of the Polish People s Republic) as a cultural revolution (Bierut 1954). The campaign coincided with the start of the six-year plan, which was to transform the agricultural-industrial Poland into an industrial-agronomic state with a socialist system of ownership. It is also mentioned in the plan that the cultural-educational revolution should be expanded and deepened. The revolutionary assumptions included apart from the obligatory education of the young generations and reducing illiteracy among adults up to 50 years old also other elements, such as the mass development of artistic movement, which reached its peak point in the years In press articles from those years one may find many interesting examples of the new approach to folk music. Despite its failure to achieve many of the expected results, the six-year plan caused a rapid transformations of the environment which was the medium for musical traditions. By as early as 1955, 3.5 million people moved from villages to cities, which was the result of the expanding heavy industry. A year earlier, Bolesław Bierut praised the achievements in the development of cultural institutions 500% more village day-rooms, 700% growth in the number of village artistic groups, and the construction of 72 community centres a brand new phenomenon in Polish culture (Bierut 1954). However, the main objective of the campaign remained unachieved. The project of collecting musical folklore, which in the original plan was to continue till 1954,

134 134 Tomasz Nowak proved that, although villages were transforming rapidly, traditional music was still cultivated by the older generations. The problem to grapple with was now the composition and propagation of mass songs, which despite some progress had not become the high spot of the repertoire. The Minister of Culture and Art, Włodzimierz Sokorski, deplored also the fact that the participation of village inhabitants in artistic life, measured by the number of tickets sold, increased only very slowly (Sokorski 1954: 5). Zofia Lissa found an explanation for that fact: namely that the workmen and peasants, neglected for generations could not make up for all the cultural backlogs, did not forget and did not learn to listen to music so quickly (Lissa 1954: 17). The widely planned offensive, or perhaps we should say the cultural revolution, began to slow down, and this was even more evident after the political crisis of The state s cultural policy in the second half of the 20 th century remained essentially unchanged, which was due to both: the lack of new ideologies and the resolve to continue the achievements of the previous period. The expansion of the network of cultural centres continued, as well as the system for supporting cultural activities through the training of new managerial staff and subsidies for the operation and organization of regional and national competitions. The popularization of mass songs was, however, given up in favour of attempts to influence the evolution of popular music. At the same time, there could be observed certain symptoms of change, which were the effects of the campaign from the late 1940s and early 1950s. The direction of change in the traditional repertoire on one hand, was towards broadening the repertoire so as to include non-folkloristic items, and on the other, reaching for folkloristic material from other regions (Sobieska 1968: 573). There were noted, however, some restraints on the activity of amateur folkloristic ensembles, whose evolution was supported by grants and the prospect of winning prizes at competitions and which fatigued both the performers and the listeners. According to Sobieska the amateur movement was unable to receive all the ethno-historical values of folklore, as it used artistic arrangements as its main tool, which for traditional folklore and its active representatives was a hairpin bend (Sobieska 1968: ).

135 Polish Folk Music in the Period of Polish People s Republic 135 In later years the issues of musical folklore and its stage counterfeits were losing their political significance, though they remained the point of interest for research centres and the Central Guidance of the Amateur Artistic Movement operating under the auspices of the Ministry of Culture and Art. However, at the same time, there appear a number of publications of documentary character and the system of training staff for the purpose of the amateur movement develops greatly. The situation changes rapidly in the time of the political and economic crisis in the 80s. The state was no longer able to sustain the monstrously developed network of cultural centres. More and more establishments and associations were affected by the crisis and withdrew their subsidies from the cultural sector. The aggravating economic situation causes the outflow of managerial staff. At the same time, a rapid decline in the old musical traditions in villages was also observable the older generations were being replaced by younger ones, already brought up in amateur artistic groups and growing up with mass popular song or arranged folk songs. In the United Labour Party s documents more and more often we could find desperate proposals like the following: [...]self-management,labourunions,labourunions boards,centralcooperativeunions and others dramatically reduce their expenses on culture. This must be handled in no other way but through discussion, suggestion, and party management, because the means of administrative or economic coercion may only have an interceding or supportive character (Świrgoń 1985: 2). As time proved, the economic situation of the country as well as the slow deterioration of the party apparatus already then left such appeals without any chances for realization. From the present-day perspective, observation of the above described processes indicates that even the largest-scale projects for cultural revolution, despiteearlier enthusiasmfuelled by the socio-political destabilisation caused by the World War II, were unable to transform the already existing musical traditions. Certainly, the initiatives of the 1940s accelerated cultural changes in the Polish village, nevertheless, we can still find musicians and singers presenting the old repertoire and we can still meet the young searching for

136 136 Tomasz Nowak authentic musical culture. Despite the fall of Polish People s Republic, amateur and professional ensembles still exist and present folklore rearranged for onstage performance. They are now part of the international movement associated in CIOFF (Conseil International des Organisations de Festivals de Folklore et d Art Traditionnels) and IOV (Internationale Organization für Volkskunst). And most importantly, there still exist a multitude of local groups presenting mass popular songs which are situated somewhere between folk and artistic culture. That phenomenon poorly documented and outside the scope of interest of Polish ethnomusicologists is perhaps the best memorial of the achievements of the communist party, those engineers of souls of the 1940s and 1950s. Works cited Bielawski L Działalność Jadwigi i Mariana Sobieskich na polu dokumentacji i badań polskiej muzyki ludowej. In: L. Bielawski (ed.), Jadwiga i Marian Sobiescy. Polska muzyka ludowa i jej problemy. Kraków: Polskie Wydawnictwo Muzyczne, pp Bierut B (Z przemówienia Bolesława Bieruta na II Zjeździe PZPR). Muzyka Nos. 5 6 (50 51), p. 3. Czekanowska A Dziedzictwo europejskie a polska kultura muzyczna w dobie przemian. In: A. Czekanowska (ed.). Dziedzictwo europejskie a polska kultura muzyczna w dobie przemian. Kraków: Musica Iagellonica, pp Dahlig P Tradycje muzyczne a ich przemiany. Między kulturą ludową, popularną i elitarną Polski międzywojennej. Warszawa: Instytut Sztuki Polskiej Akademii Nauk. Eberhardt P Przemieszczenia ludności na terytorium Polski spowodowane II Wojną Światową. Warszawa: Polska Akademia Nauk Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego im. Stanisława Leszczyckiego. Gąsiorowicz J Działalność Związków Zawodowych w zakresie upowszechniania kultury muzycznej. Muzyka No. 1 (10), pp Jackowski A Mazowsze. Muzyka Nos. 5 6 (14 15), pp Lissa Z O społecznych funkcjach muzyki artystycznej i popularnej. Kwartalnik Muzyczny No. 23/3, pp Lissa Z.; Chomiński J Zagadnienie folkloru w twórczości współczesnych kompozytorów polskich. Muzyka Nos. 5 6 (14 15), pp

137 Polish Folk Music in the Period of Polish People s Republic 137 Lissa Z Z perspektywy dziesięciolecia (referat wygłoszony na walnym zjeździe ZKP). Muzyka Nos. 7 8 (52 53), pp Piotrowski S Praca Związku Samopomocy Chłopskiej na odcinku umuzykalniania wsi. Muzyka 1 (10), pp Powroźniak J Orkiestra mandolinowa ważny czynnik w upowszechnianiu muzyki. Muzyka 7 8 (64 65), pp Sobieska J Folklor muzyczny w dwudziestoleciu ( ).In: L. Bielawski (ed.), Jadwiga i Marian Sobiescy. Polska muzyka ludowa i jej problemy.kraków: Polskie Wydawnictwo Muzyczne, pp See also: Folklor muzyczny w praktyce i nauce. In: E. Dziębowska (ed.). Polska współczesna kultura muzyczna Kraków: Polskie Wydawnictwo Muzyczne 1968, pp Sokorski W Trzy warunki ofensywy kulturalnej. Muzyka Nos. 5 6 (50 51), pp Świrgoń W Archives of New Files, Polish United Labour Party Commitee of Culture, file no. 960/40, p. 2.

138 8 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste: The Turkish State s Music Policies in the 1920s and 1930s Ayhan Erol This article provides a historical analysis of the Turkish state s music policies with the aim of examining their changing meanings within the general context of the history of modernization in Turkey. Special attention is given to the 1920s and 1930s, a period in which the underlying assumption was that once Turkish musical life was altered through through the activity of state institutions, the musical behavior of individuals could easily be molded and made to fit the requirements of the newly-created circumstances. As soon as one begins to reflect on musical change, one has to take into account an obvious fact: first, that musical culture is what is permanent; second, that it is what is invented. This dialectic of permanence and change in musical cultures proceeds in part from the relationship that every society is bound to have with its environment. Musical change is often drastic, however, when powerful groups in the society particularly the state make decisions affecting music which are based on non-musical values. On the processes of musical change, Jean During has argued that a distinction could be made between internal change, or that which occurs naturally, such as adapting to new situations or response to public demand (this may be simply aesthetic), and external change which results from the direct intervention of non-musical authorities. The authorities do not only manipulate the changes, they skillfully appropriate the cultural heritage, turn it into an

139 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste 139 instrument of power and misappropriate it to their own advantage (During 2005: 144). Power has always interested itself in music and its effect on the psyche, its potential to seduce, to communicate and to unify. Thus, music has always been put under close supervision of the political elite. Since music derives its social power from its ability to instantiate community, polity, and history, it can be used institutionally to help promote absolute political and social control. As Attali (2003: 20) pointed out, music localizes and specifies power, because it marks and regiments the rare noises that cultures, in their normalization of behavior, see fit to authorize. When power wants to make people forget, music is ritual sacrifice, the scapegoat; when it wants them to believe, music is enactment, representation; when it wants to silence them, it is reproduced, normalized, repetition. Thus, it heralds the subversion of both the existing code and power in the making, well before the latter is in place. Music is intensely involved in the propagation of dominant classifications, and has been a tool in the hands of the new states in the developing world, or rather, of those classes which have the highest stake in these new social formations. This control is principally enacted through state control or influence over universities, conservatories and archives, and is disseminated through its media systems (Stokes 1997: 10). However, the use of music in pragmatic ways varies according to the political and social circumstances within the state itself. It is, therefore, filtered through ever-changing political and social circumstances and is consequently understood, used, and reinterpreted in a multitude of ways. The importance and significance of music in terms of the state and society were discovered and redefined at particular junctures in the history of the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey. This history is simultaneously Turkey s history of modernization and Westernization, extending back to the institutional reforms of the late Ottoman era and epitomized by the establishment of a secular nation-state in To understand this relationship it is necessary to look at Turkey s history of modernization, which was parallel to the construction of the state-endorsed music policy.

140 140 Ayhan Erol Modernization under Kemalism The Ottoman Empire ( ) was a multinational, multi-cultural union while the Republic of Turkey was built as a nation-state in Most students of the Turkish case agree, however, that there was continuity between Ottoman modernizers and the founders of the Turkish state. Although there had been a change in the legitimating discourse of state authority in the transition from empire to nation state, the new Turkish state has been built on a structural basis inherited from the Ottoman past. This is a patrimonial state structure based on centre-periphery opposition. Accordingly, as a country that joined the global modernization process quite late, Turkey was incapable of developing a civil society beyond the centre and periphery distinction, the latter cutting across the whole society. In other words, having been dominant in the period of the Turkish Republic as well as in the Ottoman past, the patrimonial state structure based on the centre-periphery opposition was what has prevented Turkey from developing its democracy. Scholars distinguish between modernization from above and modernization as a self-generating social process. In the case of modernization from above, the modernizers wield state power and act in their own interests. Therefore scholars argue that it is necessary to make a distinction between modernity as a potentially liberating historical condition and its instrumentalization for a political project of domination. Of all the words derivative of the root modern, that which applies most readily to the Turkish experience is modernization defined as a project. The agency behind the project was the modernizing elite, and what they sought to achieve was the imposition of institutions, beliefs, and behavior consonant with their understanding of modernity on the chosen object: the people of Turkey (Keyder 1997: 31). The Republican Project of Westernization was executed from above, in a rather authoritarian way, without giving consideration to any social resistance (Tekelioǧlu 2001: 106). The Turkish mode of modernization is an unusual example of how indigenous ruling elites have imposed their notions of a Western cultural model, resulting in conversion almost on a civilizational scale (Göle 1997: 70). Such liberal definitions of modernity make the

141 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste 141 building of national identity strategies potentially totalitarian. In fact, such explanations are also common among both Marxists and non-marxists not only in Turkey but also in other so-called late-developing countries. In fact the political cultures, no matter how unique, always recycle foreign representations, theories, or practices, because not all regimes possess the means to realise their ends. Turkish modernizers had readily identified modernization with Westernization with bringing Turkey into the civilization of Europe. Modernity, in their conception, was a total project: one of embracing and internalizing all the cultural dimensions that made Europe modern (Keyder 1997: 29). The main problem underlying these approaches is the tacit presumption that problems which drifted Turkey into statism and authoritarianism (i.e. nondemocratic state structures) and/or into an eclectic system consisting of archaic elements that are not entirely capitalist derive from its latecomer or late-developing country status. Due to the centrality of the theory of the time lag in their approach, these theories locate every unique experience of each nation in a historical continuum or a developmental trajectory that is conceived as a single, linear and normative temporality (Yarar 2008: 37). On the contrary, modernization does not consist of an endogenous and universal evolution from the traditional to the modern, but instead involves regional or international emulation (Bayart 2005: 67). Within this context, modernization is a historical process of discursive formation constituted (simultaneously) at global and local levels and consisting of ongoing social struggle (Yarar 2008: 41). Ultimately, the invention of political modernity by inventing tradition involves a number of political strategies. In many countries, the elaboration of a national tradition was internally contradictory. In his book on the inter-war experience of Japan s modern life, Harootunian (2000) has argued that the concept of co-existing or co-eval modernity differs from the more recent appeals to alternative and retroactive modernity. For him, co-eval modernity simply calls attention to the experience of sharing the same temporality, that whatever and however a society develops, it is simply taking place at the same time as other modernities. But the experience also, and necessarily, marks a difference. Hence, the concept of

142 142 Ayhan Erol co-eval modernity helps us to understand differences as well as similarities between Turkey s experience of modernity and that of other countries, mainly those in Europe, not in hierarchical-quantitative, but in horizontalqualitative terms (Yarar 2008: 39). Here, the focus of analysis shifts from the unevenness within societies to its appearances between societies. State nobility in France, and no doubt in Japan as well, is a corporate body which, created in the course of the state s creation, had indeed to create the state in order to create itself as holder of a legitimate monopoly on state power (Bourdieu 1998: 22). In the case of the Republic of Turkey, where the invention of a national culture is directly tied to the invention of the state, the political elites such as state nobility attempted to combine progressivereformism (in terms of anti-imperialism, secularity and individual liberty from the old traditions) with statist corporatism (in terms of disciplining and controlling society through a central power mechanism), with the goal of building an independent nation state. Kemalism is the name given to the official doctrine guiding the Turkish political establishment in its secular, republican era, particularly during the 1920s and 1930s, following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire (Mateescu 2006: 225). The essence of the Kemalist project was the attempt to defeat Western imperialism by adopting Westernization (Gülalp 1997: 50). In this sense political nationalism in Turkey differs from Russian (internationalist), German (imperialist), Asian and Arab (anti-colonialist or anti-imperialist) nationalisms (Yarar 2008: 47). Its principles have successfully endured the challenges of many rivals in history. One by one, consecrated ideologies ranging from extreme left to extreme right were pushed aside by Kemalism as concentrated in the emblematic figure of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, father of modern Turkey and initiator of the reformist current bearing his name (Mateescu 2006: 225). In other words, for the ruling Kemalist elites, the unity of society achieved through progress of a Western sort is the ultimate goal. Thus, throughout republican history, all kinds of differentiation ethnic, ideological, religious, and economic have been viewed not as natural components of a pluralistic democracy but as sources of instability and as threats to unity and progress (Göle 1997: 71). In other words, an essential charac-

143 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste 143 teristic of Kemalism is that its principles are usually encoded in an official ideology understood here as an ideology of order proclaiming the primacy of the political community over the individual. Scholars usually tend to associate Kemalism with populism, nationalism, secularism, or statism and portray it as centered on a rather authoritarian image of Atatürk. Biographers, too, take sides in this debate about Kemalism and its central political figure. Patrick Kinross, for instance, portrays Mustafa Kemal as a Turkish hero and attributes his authoritarianism to the historical context in which such political practice was the rule rather than the exception. Andrew Mango, on the other hand, adopts a viewpoint more anchored in our contemporary political values and sheds more light on the authoritarian features of a leader who was always right. However, despite the sometimes naive comparisons between Kemalism and Fascist or Communist dictatorships, there has been no serious examination of the political making of the doctrine from the vantage point of the ideological substance of totalitarianism (Mateescu 2006: 225). It is hardly possible to compare the repression of Kemalist policy to the mass destruction of Fascism or Communism even though it might be argued on behalf of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, that the authoritarianism was a necessary means, rather than an ideal end. In the 1930s, when there was a strong tendency towards state-centred and authoritarian regimes in other parts of the world including the West, the state corporatist aspect began to dominate the rationality of the political elite in ruling the state and society, and the liberalizing effects of the modern regime began to be limited, with a tendency towards state authoritarianism based on a single party regime (Yarar 2008: 47). The secularizing policies of the Turkish republic have tended to unravel its Islamic moorings. However, some scholars of the Turkish case stress the concepts of the sacralization of politics and political religion as a modern phenomenon whose appearance became possible only after the official separation of the political institutions from the traditional religious institutions. The process by which a political religion is born is the sacralization of politics, that is, the formation of a religious dimension in politics that is distinct from, and autonomous of, traditional religious institutions. Political religion,

144 144 Ayhan Erol on the other hand, is significantly defined by Gentile as the sacralization of an ideology and an integralist political movement that deifies the mythical secular entity. Unlike civil religions, political religions refuse to cohabit with ideological alternatives and claim the primacy for the community while denying it to the individual in the Roussean tradition of thought. As concerns the traditional religion, a political religion rather tends to subordinate it by incorporating it into the new, revolutionary cult. Scholars of Turkish modernization could agree that, in the making of the post-ottoman Turkish political identity, Kemalism tended to act more like a political rather than a civil religion. This essay suggests that such an idea is valid but also points at some civic aspects of Kemalism (Mateescu 2006: 227). Nationalism being or becoming a political religion is indissolubly linked to its own ideology, which in turn is an ideology of order. As an ideology of order, Kemalism did impose a rather bizarre understanding of democracy and founded its argument on an even more bizarre version of nationalism. The solidarism and inclusiveness underlying this imposition effort were, however, far from the tendencies manifested in the totalitarian or authoritarian regimes of Europe (Mateescu 2006: 240). Despite the fact that official ideology was based on an authoritarianism that contradicted their ubiquitous libertarian discourse, all regimes resulting from the invention of tradition were not necessarily totalitarian. The case of Turkey seems to be totalitarian, but its realisation hardly got beyond the stage of the authoritarian. The Universalization of the Official Ideology: To Reach the Level of Contemporary Civilization The Turkish anti-imperialist movement against the invasion by the Western troops was the main local-global context through which the complex and contradictory structure of Turkish modernization discourse came into being as a combination of modernist progressivism and anti-imperialist nationalism. It has emerged as the strongest alternative project and force that could provide resistance to the colonial imperialist Western powers of the

145 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste 145 time. Hence the nation-building project was realized within the context of the modernization process as the main force contributing to the country s independence and to the new level of civilization that was ironically characterised by the Western model of modernization (as a global design) itself (Yarar 2008: 46). The reformers, in particular Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, had envisioned for Turkey an organized, well-articulated, linear process of modernization through which the whole nation was going to move simultaneously and with uniform experience. At the end of this process, there would emerge a militantly secular, ethnically homogeneous republic well on its way to catching up with the civilized nations of the West (Kasaba 1997: 11). The intention of the reforms was to bring about a radical and thorough revolution, from macrocosmic structural change to far from insignificant details. Within a short space of time, the religious apparatus of the Ottoman state had been dismantled and the new government had endorsed the Gregorian calendar, the employment of metric weights and measures, the compulsory adoption of surnames, reforms of dress codes, language, and every expression of cultural identity (Stokes 1992: 24). The monopoly of the universal can only be obtained at the cost of submission (if only in appearance) to the universal and of a universal recognition of the universalist representation of domination presentedas legitimate and disinterested (Bourdieu 1998: 59). Kemalism in Turkey was a paradigmatic model of Third World nationalism in that it perceived and defined Westernization as the attainment of universal civilization (Gülalp 1997: 50). As Mustafa Kemal Atatürk has repeatedly stated, the main objective of reforms is to reach the level of contemporary civilization (muassir medeniyet seviyesine erismek), that is, of Western civilization. Westernization, in this framework, is contained in the name of universalism. Technology, rules of conduct, worldview, and everything else that makes the West distinctive and sets it apart from more primitive societies impart to Western civilization a superiority that lends a presumption of universality to its cultural model. Two examples can be given to illustrate this: cultural and linguistic unification. Cultural and linguistic unification is accompanied by the imposition of the dominant language and culture as legitimate and by the rejection of all other

146 146 Ayhan Erol languages into indignity (thus demoted as patois or local dialects). By rising to universality, a particular culture or language causes all others to fall into particularity. What is more, given that the universalization of requirements thus officially instituted does not come with a universalization of access to the means needed to fulfill them, this fosters both the monopolization of the universal by the few and the dispossession of all others, who are, in a way, thereby mutilated in their humanity (Bourdieu 1998: 46). In the transformation from the defunct Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey, the official imperial language, Ottoman Turkish, represented an undesired past in the eyes of the Turkish nationalists. Just as the Ottoman Empire was an assembly of many ethnic groups, Ottoman Turkish was a conglomeration of Turkish, Arabic and Persian with some Italian, Greek, Armenian and other European elements, and was written using Arabic characters. Ottoman Turkish was not, therefore, palatable for the westernizing, nationalist elite, who wanted to create a nation-state for the Turks and to burn the bridges connecting the nascent republic to its Islamic, oriental predecessor. As part of Atatürk s reform movement, first, the alphabet was romanized in The establishment of the Turkish Language Institute (Turk Dil Kurumu) followed in 1932 (Aytürk 2004: 10). Culture is unifying: the state contributes to the unification of the cultural market by unifying all codes, linguistic and juridical, and by effecting a homogenization of all forms of communication (Bourdieu 1998: 45). And it thereby contributes to the construction of what is commonly designated as national identity (or, in a more traditional language, national character). It is especially through the school, with the universal accessibility of elementary education, that the unifying action of the state is exercised in matters of culture. This is a fundamental component in the construction of the nation-state. The creation of a national society goes hand in hand with universal educability (Bourdieu 1998: 62). By universally imposing and inculcating (within the limits of its authority) a dominant culture thus constituted as a legitimate national culture, the school system, through the teaching of history (and especially the history of literature), inculcates the foundations of a true civic religion and more precisely, the fundamental presuppositions of the national

147 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste 147 self-image (Bourdieu 1998: 46). The culmination of all reforms came in 1929 with the introduction of the National Schools, intended to instill the new nationalistic and pro-western identity. The reforms were implemented quite rapidly and the literacy level rose from around 8 percent in 1928 to over 20 percent in In addition to National Schools, the People s House (Halkevleri) provided free education to adults (Tekelioǧlu 2001: 94). The terms Westernization and Europeanization, which were widely used by nineteenth- and twentieth-century reformers, overtly express the willing participation that underlies the borrowing of institutions, ideas, and manners from the West. The history of modernization in Turkey can be considered the most radical example of such a voluntary cultural shift. Kemalist reformers efforts went far beyond modernizing the state apparatus as the country changed from a multiethnic Ottoman empire to a secular republican nation-state; they also attempted to penetrate into the lifestyles, manners, behavior, and daily customs of the people (Göle 1997: 69). Altogether, then, Islam was an important component of the old system before its gradual demise during the republican era, when secular reforms abolished the caliphate, established a state monopoly over education, disestablished the institution of the ulama (doctors of Islamic law), rejected Islamic law and adopted a modified version of the Swiss Civil Code, latinized the alphabet, and, in 1928, struck out the sentence in the Constitution of 1924 which stated that Turks were of the Islamic faith (Mardin 1997: 59). It is in the realm of symbolic production that the grip of the state is felt most powerfully (Bourdieu 1998: 38). The paradigm example of Atatürk s exquisite understanding of the power of the manipulation of symbols was the Hat Law, enacted in This replaced that emblem of Ottomanism, the fez, with a civilized Western-style peaked or brimmed hat (Stokes 1992: 25). To sum it up, in order to be a modern society Turks had to free themselves from this burden and make a clean start by cutting their ties to their recent (i.e., Ottoman) history. The old establishment was associated with corruption while the new was portrayed as the right one for the nation. Atatürk s ideal was to build up a nation from the ashes of the empire. The state tried to construct an official (westernized) culture which underestimated the cultural needs of the Turk-

148 148 Ayhan Erol ish people. Among the cultural and artistic policies carried out by the state, music took a pride of place. The Music Reform as a Symbolic Violence The state molds mental structures and imposes common principles of vision and division, forms of thinking. From the Marxist models which tend to treat the state as a mere organ of coercion to Max Weber s classical definition, or from Norbert Elias s to Charles Tilly s formulations, most models of the genesis of the state have privileged the concentration of the capital of physical force. Using a variation of Weber s famous formula, Bourdieu defines the stateas an X, which successfully claims the monopolyof legitimate use of physical and symbolic violence over a definite territory and over the totality of the corresponding population. If the state is able to exert symbolic violence, that is because it incarnates itself simultaneously in objectivity, in the form of specific organizational structures and mechanisms, and in subjectivity, in the form of mental structures and categories of perception and thought (Bourdieu 1998: 40). For Atatürk, the revolution had to be an all-encompassing undertaking, affecting every aspect of life in Turkey. Thus all kinds of reforms implemented by the state were perceived as a revolution. There is no doubt that music had an important place within the reforms Atatürk wanted to realise. It was an example of the most important symbolic violence aimed at imposing a particular vision of the state. Just as with other reforms, the main objective of the music reform was to reach the level of contemporary civilization. Western music, in this framework, was embraced in the name of universalism. In other words, by accepting the historical superiority of the West as the producer of modernity, the political elite eagerly embraced European classical music. All the reforms in the field of music during the establishment of the nationstate and national identity originated from the nationalism of Ziya Gokalp, a sociologist who was considerably influenced by Durkheim, the main ideolo-

149 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste 149 gist of the time. Gökalp believed that only one music could exist as the true, national music of Turkey, and this was to be achieved through a synthesis of Turkish folk music and the musical techniques of Western civilization. In his book, The Principles of Turkism (Türkçülüǧün Esasları), first published in 1923, he summarized his propositions on the issue of national music: there are today three musical genre in our country: Eastern music, Western music, and folk music. Which one of them is national for us? We have seen that Eastern music is morbid and non-national. Since folk music represents culture and Western music is the music of our new civilization, neither should be foreign to us. Therefore our national music will be born out of the welding of folk and Western music. Our folk music provides us with a rich treasury of melodies. If we collect and rearrange them in accordance with the Western musical style, we shall have one both national and European (Gökalp 1970: 147). In describing Eastern music as morbid, Gökalp is clearly speaking the language of the Western orientalist (Stokes 1992: 34). The new state s cultural project of modernization formulated by Ziya Gökalp depended on the distinction between culture and civilization. In this way, societies have both cultures and civilizations, but the two are quite different things. From this perspective, the culture of modern Turkey had to be based on Turkish peasants of Anatolia looking back to Central Asia for roots. Real musical heritage for the Turkish nation was to be found in the music of Anatolian people in rural areas. Thus, folk music was reinvented by the intelligentsia of the new state because of the pre-islamic roots and cultural origin. Since civilization was synonymous with progress, the outdated Arab civilization representing resistance to the possibility of change had to be abandoned, and Western civilization, having progressed with philosophy, science, technology and art, had to be adopted as the new preference of civilization for the Turkish nation. There was, therefore, no contradiction involved in the adaptation of Western music because of the artifact of Western civilization. Gökalp was in favour of the technique of synthesizing monophonic folk music and polyphonic Western music. The latter represents civilization while the former belongs to culture. From this viewpoint, the Western music was seen in technicist terms, just as was the Latin alpha-

150 150 Ayhan Erol bet. In order to create a national music culture, the state began to collect folk songs from Anatolia. Redefinition of the popular (via folklore and history) is a common feature of all nationalisms and is expected to proceed from the assimilation of various decontextualized elements of mass culture to the totalizing semiotics of the national project. In the Turkish case, this redefinition could take place with more than the usual liberty because the freshly constituted elements of a popular tradition were represented to the masses as the authentic (and official) version, without much concern for preexisting versions (Keyder 1997: 36). Moreover, previous European movements had already provided answers to this problem. As in Herder s Germany, the other European countries also saw folklore (or folk music) as the basis upon which to construct their own musical tradition (Reily 1997: 79). The same could be said of the case of Turkey. The idea that Turkish folk music represents the true music of the Turkish nation came into being with the founding of the Turkish Republic as a modern nation-state in Many folk/rural songs from Anatolia were collected as a result of the desire to identify the national characteristics of the invented culture. Thus, collecting folk songs was one of the important ways of discovering and disseminating Turkish national culture (Erol 2008: 110). Of course, all songs belonging to the different communities identifying themselves specifically in terms of their ethnic, religious, regional, and local origins were considered by the state to be Turkish Folk Music. The political elites of the Republic of Turkey who have invented Turkish Folk Music have often unquestioningly assumed either that the composers of folk music were unknown, or that instead of being composed, the music developed as a result of a group process. This preference is based on the homogenization of different musical cultures living in Anatolia in order to create a national culture. This is also, of course, a policy of constructing and controlling the representationsofethnic identities. Turkishfolk musicis seen in terms of regional, not ethnic division since the state has divided Anatolia into seven regions. The construction of the state monopoly over physical and symbolic violence is inseparable from the construction of the field of struggles for the

151 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste 151 monopoly over the advantages attached to this monopoly (Bourdieu 1998: 58). One of the most far-reaching social structuring apparatuses, the state broadcasting monopoly, was perceived by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and his colleagues as a means of promoting modernization and nationalism. In Turkey, the first radio station sponsored and controlled by the state began its activities in In 1964, the state established the Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT) to expand radio facilities and develop public television, and its monopoly continued until 1990 by banning free media. As the official institutional agent of the state s music policy, TRT tried to mould public taste. Thus, the state-endorsed authentic performance of music and the media policy of the state became tightly interconnected. It was not until 1948, however, with the formation of Muzaffer Sarısözen s famous Voices from the Homeland Chorus ( Yurttan Sesler Korosu ), that a new folk music was reinvented on the basis of what had been collected (Stokes 2000: 221). When the executives of TRT were confronted with the problem that the peasant culture had also changed ( become decadent in the words of Mustafa Sarısözen, one of the most important collectors who was a baǧlama player and an artist of TRT) and that their song repertoire consisted of new and old pieces, they formulated a set of criteria for the authentic folk song: authentic folk songs must be old and anonymous, they must exist in oral tradition, they must have variant forms, and they must come from uneducated rural people. In fact, Sarısözen has used folk music archives collected by state institutions as material for his teaching and performing repertory at the state radio in Ankara since the 1930s. Also, it is important to note that although Sarısözen and his colleagues attempted to conserve authentic folk music, they stripped folk songs of their local nuances and those characteristics that signify regional variations in order to arrive at a standard. As a matter of ideological principle, the aim of the music reforms was the creation of a national cultural identity. Turkish pupils went to Europe in order to learn Western music. Upon returning to Turkey they began to construct Contemporary Turkish Art Music combining folk music and western musical techniques. So, rural melodies invented by the state as Turkish Folk Music were used by musicians educated on Western music in order to create

152 152 Ayhan Erol a completely new national musical culture. However, the musical revolution in Turkey came at a time when European composers were experimenting with forms of musical style that no longer relied on the system of key relationships that had guided Western music for three centuries. Although Turkish composers tried not to stray from the prescribed criteria, most of their works were based on modern composition techniques. In other words, their compositional styles were based on the music of the particular European style that they had learned. It might be useful here to note that the Contemporary Turkish Art Music was a kind of musical syncretism which combines Turkish folk tunes with the harmonies of European classical music. The new generation of national composers included prominent musicians such as Adnan Saygun, Ulvi Cemal Erkin, Cemal Resit Rey, Necil Kazim Akses, and Hasan Ferid Alnar. They were called the Turkish Five as a version of the Russian Five, a group of composers in Russia in the 19 th century. Also, the state invited European music specialists to Turkey. In 1936, Béla Bartók travelled at the invitation of the Ankar a People s House (Halkevi) toystanbul, Ankara and Adana in order to conduct field research in Turkey. Adnan Saygun accompanied Bartok during his trip in Turkey. Paul Hindemith was invited by the Turkish government in order to supervise the foundation of the Ankara State Conservatory in 1935, even though the state had founded a music teachers school (Musiki Muallim Mektebi) in Ankara as early as in As mentioned earlier, political religions feel uncomfortable with other ideologies since they would naturally propose alternative interpretations of reality. A political religion evolves around the image of a charismatic leader whose name and image become associated with the deification of the state as defined by the revolutionary political establishment. Atatürk was a charismatic and ambitious leader as well, and there were so many passions to be managed. For him, what was important was action. In his interview with a journalist for Vossicce Zeitung, Emile Ludwig, Atatürk asked in 1930: how long has it taken you to reach the current status of Western music?, Atatürk immediately answered his own question, It has been some one hundred years. We don t have time to wait this long (Oransay 1985: 33). As Atatürk

153 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste 153 repeatedly declared, his intention was to realize great issues within a short space of time. He commissioned a special opera composition from Ahmed Adnan Saygun, a young composer of the Republic, for the 1934 visit of the Iranian president, Shah Riza Pehlevi. The content of the opera, the Özsoy, based on the brotherhood between Turkish and Iranian people, was determined by Atatürk himself (Saygun 1987: 37). Atatürk s aim was to show that among Eastern countries the Turks who was the most sophisticated nation, which appreciated and absorbed the Western culture and art. Bourdieu (1998: 42) argued that the state could not have succeeded in progressively establishing its monopoly over violence without dispossessing its domestic competitors of their instruments of physical violence and the right to use them, thereby contributing to the emergence of one of the most essential dimensions of the civilizing process. The same syllogism is applicable to symbolic violence operated by the Turkish state. I am not sure whether the Turkish state has contributed to the emergence of one of the most essential dimensions of the civilizing process. However it is obvious that the Turkish state tried to succeed in progressively establishing its monopoly over symbolic violence by dispossessing its domestic competitors of instruments of expressive culture and of the right to use them. According to the political elite, the Traditional Turkish Art Music symbolized the backwardness of the old Ottoman Empire, and it was not a suitable national symbol since it was alien to the innate character of the Turks. Many types of music, particularly the traditional Turkish art music and the Sufi music, were condemned as decadent Ottoman heritage. Incidentally, it would be useful to say that the term of traditional Turkish art music (geleneksel Türk sanat müziǧi) sometimes appears in Turkish as classical Turkish music (klasik Türk müziǧi), Turkish Art Music (Türk SanatMüziǧi), Turkish music (Türk müziǧi), or Fasıl music (Fasıl müziǧi). In fact, each of these serves as an authenticity marker of a hierarchical discursive formation in terms of their musicians and audience s discursive and practical consciousness because of the validating criterion of musical value. The political elites of the Republic of Turkey freely used categories such as old and new or traditional and Western in order to reduce the di-

154 154 Ayhan Erol mensions of their task to manageable proportions and represent themselves as the sole bearers of progress. They regarded reform strictly as a top-down process (Kasaba 1997: 17). In order to guarantee the desired outcome, they imposed restrictions and outright bans on the traditional Turkish art music and its organizations, and they labeled the art music of the previous state as remnants of an old order. When the Ottoman dervish lodges were closed by the state in 1925 during secularization, the second most vital arena for the production of traditional music, after the Ottoman court itself, was eliminated (Özbek 1997: 178). In the Republic of Turkey, the Ottoman court orchestra became the presidential orchestra of the Turkish Republic in 1924, Eastern music branches of the conservatories were removed in Education in traditional Turkish art music could not been provided in the state conservatories in Turkey until Official Legitimation of Western Music One of the most important goals of the music reform was to enable the Turkish Republic to break away from the cultural domination of the Ottoman period. The political elite not only forbade traditional Turkish art music practices but also declared themselves against these kinds of musical practices. This approach means that traditional Turkish art music has not been legitimized by the political elite. The concept of legitimacy does not necessarily mean that certain kinds of activity are forbidden, but simply that some forms of expression are valued more highly than others. In relation to music, legitimacy means that some musical activities will be considered very important, and others will hardly be recognized. Legitimacy is basically the result of processes involving the gradual acceptance of particular types of music by various groups in a society. When the leaders in a society adopt a music complex or a musical style to enhance their prestige or strengthen their position, legitimacy usually follows their influence (Keammer 1993: 65). Traditional Turkish Art Music that has not been legitimized by the political elites of the Republic

155 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste 155 of Turkey might still have been found to contain intrinsic qualities that are highly valued by many people including Atatürk and his friends. In fact, Atatürk s musical choice was guided by his own taste. It was common knowledge that he loved to listen to traditional Turkish art music. Basically he just distinguished between the emotional and the rational because for him, unlike Eastern music, Western music was logical and rational. Since the Ottoman elite, for its part, identified with an Ottoman culture that was open to Byzantine, Arabic, Persian, Jewish, and Armenian influences, and that was out of step with the demotic culture of the countryside, Atatürk made a statement to Emil Ludwig, a journalist for Vossicce Zeitung, in 1930, by declaring against Eastern music: these are residues from the Byzantine. Our real music can only be heard among Anatolian people (Oransay 1985: 33). Atatürk s most important statements on music were raised to a higher level by his speech in parliament dated 1 st November The index of the change undergone by a nation is its capacity to absorb and perceive change in music. The music that they would dare to have us listen to today does not belong to us. Thus this music is far from something to take pride in. We have to know this well. It is necessary to collect the high sentiments and statements belonging to our nation expressing fine emotions and ideas, and to operate on them within the contemporary rules of music. Only in this way can Turkish national music evolve and take its place within the universal music (Oransay 1985: 27). A short time after this speech of Atatürk in parliament, the traditional Turkish art music though not folk music was banned from the radio stations in 1934 for fifteen months. The existence of discourse is one criterion of determining legitimacy; skill in a legitimate musical idiom also provides coveted recognition, whereas skill in non-legitimate music tends to go unnoticed (Keammer 1993: 68). In 1928, Atatürk made his first public assessment against Eastern music. He attended a concert held in the park casino in Sarayburnu, Istanbul, where groups one performing Turkish music and the other Western- played in succession. After the concert he said (see Oransay 1985: 27): Muniret-ul Mehdiye Hanim, a prominent singer of Egypt, would be successful during her performance as an artist. This unsophisticated music, however, cannot feed the needs of the creative Turkish soul. We have just heard music of the civilized world and

156 156 Ayhan Erol the people, who gave a rather anemic reaction to the murmurings known as Eastern music, immediately came to life. [...] Turks are, indeed, naturally vivacious and highspirited, and if these admirable characteristics were for a time not perceived, it was not their fault. That is to say, to be successful in Western music was considered more prestigious than achieving success in Turkish music. The changing patterns of legitimacy in the Republic of Turkey following the reform of music in the 1920s and 1930s show how legitimacy operates. Before the Republic traditional Turkish art music artists worked at the Ottoman court, the Mevlevi lodges (Mevlevihane) and in the conservatories, receiving their support from those institutions. The sultan had the power to control the performance of music. The newly established pattern of legitimacy radically altered the status of traditional Turkish art music in terms of the new state. This change meant that the kinds of music that had been encouraged under the Sultans, such as traditional Turkish art music and Sufi music, were no longer permitted; instead European classical music was encouraged as long as it supported the state s cultural project of modernization. Yetdespite some scholars claims (Behar et al 1994: 7), the history of the tension between Western and Eastern music in Turkey did not originally begin with the policies of the Turkish Republic. Basically, the origins of the debates on the tension between alaturka and alafranga music go back to the closing of the traditional military music band of the Janissary army, the Mehterhane, abolished by Sultan Mahmut II. The Ottoman state provided bands based on the European model for the first time in Central authority provided for the inclusion of Western music in the educational system. Thereafter, traditional musicians were obliged to share their power arena with the musicians performing Western music in the Ottoman court. Thus many prominent musicians including Ismail Dede Efendi spoke out against the policy of the Ottoman Sultans, who had appreciated and embraced Western music since the early 19 th century (Erol 1998: 204). Although there was conflict between Western music and the traditional musical practices of the Ottoman court, the interaction between them should not be underestimated. By the mid-19 th century, there were a lot of popular

157 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste 157 music styles which closely resembled contemporary Turkish popular music, including arabesk, though it was not referred to as such (Erol 2004: 192). It is important to note that there is clearly a similarity between the ideas of Ziya Gokalp on traditional Turkish art music and the view of Sultan Abdulhamit II, even though it is true that while some of the Ottoman Sultans gave great support to both Western musical practices at their courts and musical performances such as concerts and opera outside of the court, others were only interested in traditional expressive cultural practices at the court. Western classical music was accepted and encouraged by the state because it was considered to be one of the most important aspects of the Westernization proccess in the Ottoman state. As a consequence of the bureaucratization and rationalization of the Ottoman state structure in the nineteenth century, music became a cultural paradigm of the state, not the society, during Westernization. The organization of Western classical music by the Ottoman state was a means to prove to Europeans that it was a Western state. That is to say, the Ottoman state tried to Westernize for the state, not the society. The Republic of Turkey s project of modernization was not only for the state but also for the society. Conclusion The Kemalist reform of music was an important part of the state s cultural project of modernization and was a building block to be used in the reconstruction of Turkish society. Music during the reforms has been used not only to symbolize ideological differences, but also to help perpetuate them. The aim of the music reform was to build a national music culture. According to Atatürk, the requirement to communicate the goals of nationalism in music was much more difficult to implement than it was in literature, theater, and art because the latter could represent verbal or visual images and the former could not. Thus, the most difficult one was music reform. Having ignored traditional Turkish art music because of its Ottoman heritage, the political elite of the Republic of Turkey approved of folk music and Euro-

158 158 Ayhan Erol pean classical music to create a national musical culture, and strictly limited the institutions and the instruction of traditional art music. Symbolic violence is the violence which extorts submission, which is not perceived as such, based on collective expectations or socially inculcated beliefs (Bourdieu 1998: 103). The musical values of the people and their popular experiences were simply ignored by the Kemalist reform of music, and this caused a great deal of unrest and discussion. Given the definition made by Bourdieu, who extended Weber s definition of state, it might be argued that the reform of music is a paradigm example of symbolic violence operated by the state. Why should music be worth this trouble to the modernising state? There are a number of answers to this question. But it is obvious that music has always been an ideological tool in the hands of new states in the developing world; this is not peculiar to Turkey. Moreover, this shows that a modernist political elite in non-western countries sharing a supposedly similar socio-political history believes in the supremacy of Western art, and therefore also in the supremacy of its civilization or mentality. Were they insensitive or fanciful to the point of thinking that people who had just carried out one of the most astonishing independent struggles in history would let themselves be led in such crude and rigid ways? I do not think so. The political elite just imagined that once Turkish musical life was altered through state policy, the musical behavior of individuals could be easily molded and made to fit the requirements of the newly-created circumstances. They believed that rather than just being the expression of a culture buried in the depths of society the new musical practices were the future of a new society, but something more as well. The new process which heralded every man s conversion from being a subject (tebaa) of the Empire to a free and equal citizen of the Republic required that the people conform to the new republican ideology. During the early decades of the twentieth century, Anatolian people were enthusiastic in supporting the national leader in his determination to remake the Turkish state. Even those who supported and appreciated the Kemalist reforms consider these to have in fact contributed to the shaping of the very divisions between the emotional and the rational, and the inner self, popular cultural practices

159 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste 159 and high culture. After a short time, the situation changed completely. Instead of making further sacrifices for a future that kept eluding them, Turkish people were starting to inquire about the histories, institutions, beliefs, identities, and cultures from which they had been forcefully separated. Tendencies toward the deconstruction of symbolic hierarchies have occurred. Now, people publicly debate and criticize the Kemalist doctrine as a patriarchal and antidemocratic imposition from above that has negated the historical and cultural experience of the people in Turkey. The tendency towards centralization that accompanied the nation-state formation process, in which attempts were made to eliminate differences in order to create a unified integrating culture for the nation, has given way to de-centralization and the acknowledgement of popular experiences. The Turkish state has adopted an increasingly open attitude towards poly-culturalism and a pluralistic stance towards the variability of taste over the last two decades. Although this acknowledgement of poly-culturalism might be linked to a change in the social role of intellectuals in Turkey, the fact that today s Turkish state, like many states, needs legitimation to reproduce its own structure of domination and legitimacy should not be underestimated. Works cited Attali J Noise: The Political Economy of Music. TranslatedbyB.Massumi, Eighth print. Minneapolis/London, University of Minnesota Press. Ayturk I Turkish Linguists against the West: The Origins of Linguistic Nationalism in Atatürk s Turkey. Middle Eastern Studies No. 40:6, pp Bayart J-F The Illusion of Cultural Identity. Translated by S. Rendall, J. Roitman and J. Derrick. London, Hurts&Company. Behar C.; Ayvazoglu B.; Savasır I.; Sökmen S Müzik ve Cumhuriyet, Defter No. 7:22, pp Bourdieu P Practical Reason: On the Theory of Action. Blackwell and Polity Press. During J Power, Authority and Music in the Cultures of Inner Asia, Ethnomusicology Forum NO. 14:2, pp Erol A Change and Continuity in Alevi Musical Identity. The Human World and Musical Diversity. R. Statelova, A.Rodel, L. Peycheva, I. Vlaeva, and V.

160 160 Ayhan Erol Dimov (eds). Bulgarian Musicology Studies. Sofia: Institute of Art Studies, pp Erol A The Arabesk and its Significance in Terms of Bittersweet Feelings. In: M. Demeuldre (ed.). Sentiment doux-amer dans les musique du monde.paris: L Harmattan, pp Erol A Siyasal Bir Eylem Olarak Osmanlı Devletinde Batı Müziǧi. Tarih ve Toplum No. 178, pp Gökalp Z Türkçülüǧün Esasları. Milli Egitim Basımevi, Istanbul. Göle N The Quest for the Islamic Self within the Context of Modernity. In: S. Bozdogan and R. Kasaba (eds.) Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey. University of Washington Press, pp Gülalp H Modernization Policies and Islamist Politics in Turkey. In: S. Bozdogan and R. Kasaba (eds.) Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey. University of Washington Press, pp Kasaba R Kemalist Certainties and Modern Ambiguities. In: S. Bozdogan and R. Kasaba (eds.) Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey. University of Washington Press, pp Keammer J. E Music in Human Life, Anthropological Perspective on Music.Austin: University of Texas Press. Keyder Ç Whither the Project of Modernity? Turkey in the 1990s. In: S. Bozdogan and R. Kasaba (eds.) Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey. University of Washington Press, pp Mardin S Projects as Methodology: Some Thoughts on Modern Turkish Social Science. In: S. Bozdogan and R. Kasaba (eds.) Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey. University of Washington Press, pp Mateescu D. C Kemalism in the Era of Totalitarianism: A conceptual Analysis. Turkish Studies No. 7:2, pp Oransay G Atatürk ile Küǧ. Izmir, Küǧ Yayını. Özbek M Arabesk Culture: A Case of Modernization and Popular Identity. In: S. Bozdogan and R. Kasaba (eds.) Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey. University of Washington Press, pp Reily S. A Macunaima s Music: National Identitiy and Ethnomusicological Research in Brazil. In: M. Stokes (ed.). Ethnicity, Identity, and Music.Oxford, pp Saygun A. A Atatürk ve Musiki, Ankara, Sevda Cenap And Müzik Vakfı Yayınları. Stokes M Arabesk Debate: Music and Musicians in Modern Turkey. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Stokes M Introduction. In: M. Stokes (ed.). Ethnicity, Identity, and Culture in Anthropology. Oxford: Berg, pp Stokes M East, West, and Arabesk, Western Music and Its Others. G.Born and D. Hesmondhalgh (eds). Berkeley-Los Angeles-London, University of California Press, pp

161 Controlling National Identity and Reshaping Public Taste 161 Tekelioǧlu O Modernizing Reforms and Turkish Music in the 1930s. Turkish Studies No. 2:1, pp Yarar B Politics of/and Popular Music: An analysis of the history of arabesk music from the 1960s to the 1990s in Turkey. Cultural Studies No. 22:1, pp

162 9 Responses to Martial Law: Glimpses of Poland s Musical Life in the 1980s Cindy Bylander The intellectual and creative communities in Poland headed into the 1980s guardedly optimistic, thanks to the emergence of the Solidarity labor movement, the growth of the publishing world s drugi obieg [second circulation] and the development of the so-called Flying University courses during the latter part of the 1970s (The Independent Press in Poland, ; Jastrzębski and Krysiak 1993: ; Fik 1989: 611). Warmer relationships with the Catholic Church had resulted in the introduction in 1975 of annual Weeks of Christian Culture. These series of lectures, poetry readings, theatrical performances, and concerts had begun in Warsaw and spread to other cities and towns in subsequent years (Tracz 2009: 4; Fik 1989: 560, 578, 594, 616, 634, 645, 759; Niewęgłowski). All of these activities had taken place without governmental support or approval. Polish composers were not immune either to the spirit of the times or to a history of harassment by the government. For example, in 1975, the Ministry of Culture and Art had briefly considered halting its support for electronic music and musique concrète, even though such compositional techniques had existed in Poland for nearly twenty years (Stęszewski 1995: ; Tejchma 1991: 97 98). Composers had sometimes been refused passports for international travel and performances of their compositions had often been subject to approval by either the Ministry or local Party organizations (Kisielewski 1996: 935, ; Stęszewski 1995: 115, 119, 130; Ćwik-

163 Responses to Martial Law 163 liński and Ziarno 1993: ). Most musicians expected these and other forms of censorship and harassment to occur again in the future, unless the Polish United Workers Party (the Communist Party) either made significant changes to its cultural policies or was removed from power. In September 1980, the ComposersUnion publicly voiced its oppositionto the Communist system perhaps for the first time since 1956 when its Executive Board issued a resolution voicing support for the Polish Association of Artists and Designers, which was actively defending the striking workers in Gdańsk. 1 Within the next year, the Union passed at least two other resolutions, one responding to Solidarity s official government registration and the second siding with intellectuals who opposed the government. During the same period, the Ministry of Culture and Art permitted Roman Palester to be re-admitted to the Composers Union, decades after his voluntary exile and subsequent dismissal from the professional society. Several concerts in support of Solidarity were held, with leading performers and composers participating. Musicologist Andrzej Chodkowski and composer Edward Pałłasz attended the Solidarity congress held in Gdańsk, while musicologist Józef Patkowski worked extensively with Solidarity s Coordinating Committee of Creative and Scientific Associations. The 25 th Warsaw Autumn Festival in September 1981 was reviewed in such newly established, uncensored newspapers as Trybuna Robotnicza [Workers Tribune], Kurier Polski [Polish Courier] and Trybuna Mazowiecka [Mazowiecka Tribune]. 2 The future looked promising for Polish musical life. This period of optimism proved to be short-lived. Polish composers, along with their entire country, were shocked by the implementation of martial law on December 13, The Composers Union was forced to suspend operations, universities and theaters were closed, nearly all newspapers ceased publishing, and meetings were forbidden. Ruch Muzyczny, the bi-weekly pub- 1 In November 1956 the Polish Composers Union sent a telegram to the Hungarian Composers Union expressing its opposition to the tragic events that had occurred there recently and its solidarity with that country s fight for freedom. See: 50 lat Związku Kompozytorów Polskich 1995: 79; Biuletyn Informacyjny Związku Kompozytorów Polskich See 50 lat Związku Kompozytorów Polskich 1995: 134, 137, 147; Fik 1989: 662, 683, 728, 764; Malinowski 1981: 11 12; Szczepańska-Malinowska 1981: 12; Kaczyński 1981: 2; Chodkowski 1995: 171; Skórzyński and Pernal 2005: 76, 78; Brzeźniak 1981; Fuks 1981; Swolkień 1981.

164 164 Cindy Bylander lication that provided the only glimpse into Poland s classical musical life, was among those discontinuing operations. Approximately 800 people employed in the cultural arena, including the media, lost their jobs in the aftermath of the military crackdown (Patkowski 1995: , 172; Paczkowski 2003: 456, 488). Once martial law restrictions were lifted, the government was determined to continue operating as it had in the 1970s and even earlier. The Ministry of Culture and Art was to remain the sole patron of the arts, dispensing nearly all necessary funds and expecting artistic unions and ensembles to follow its dictates. Composers and performers had to answer the rhetorical question Will we be satisfied with this? Limited resistance to governmental restrictions on composers and performers had occurred throughout the history of post-world War II Poland, and, indeed, Polish contemporary music had gained considerable international fame during that time. However, inspired by the political gains made by Solidarity, professional musicians reacted differently in the 1980s than they had in previous decades. No longerwere theywilling to continue their low-key manner of voicing opposition that had been prevalent in the past, when many of them may have expressed anti-government opinions in private gatherings, but opted to work within existing governmental constraints to effect change. The framework of artistic expression that had been created by Solidarity s short-lived period of legal activity now empowered them to pursue less conservative means of opposition (Filipowicz 1982: 18). Individual reactions varied in response to the renewed or, in some cases, continued governmental restrictions, but as a group, musicians were bolder and more willing to place their own careers in jeopardy than they had been previously. Organizers and participants alike were propelled by a shared opposition to the status quo as well as a renewed awareness of the importance of national traditions. Participation in clandestine musical activities increased. Musicians were not so naive as to think that these actions would result in a dismantling of the current system, but they did want to press the authorities into reducing the many restrictions that haunted musical life. At the same

165 Responses to Martial Law 165 time, these actions offered a creative outlet for both participants and audiences. Although some musicians chose to be active in either official or unofficial events, others appeared in both spheres. This differed to some degree from the literary and journalistic world, where certain writers refused to work for official, censored publications and approximately one-third of the journalists left their official positions (Smolar 1991: ). Although not every musician participated actively in unofficial events, each almost certainly supported them. A glimpse into the classical musical world of the mid-1980s can be obtained by comparing the annual government sanctioned Warsaw Autumn International Festival of Contemporary Music with the unofficial concerts of patriotic songs and readings presented under the guise of the Traugutt Philharmonia beginning in The public image of the Warsaw Autumn Festival consistently reflected the event s advantages, which included international exposure for Polish composers and the opportunity for Polish audiences to hear a wide range of contemporary compositions. 3 Behind the scenes, however, objectionable maneuvers by various governmental entities had occurred annually since the Festival s inception in Its programs had been subjected to restrictions that would not have occurred had the event not been situated in post-world War II Eastern Europe. Nevertheless, the Festival s Repertoire Committee, composed of Composers Union members, persisted in its attempts to present the finest performers and compositions, regardless of what country the musicians came from and in what favor they were held by their home countries. 4 Following the imposition of martial law, as will be shown below, the Committee went a step further by placing an anti-government stamp on its programs. Several examples from the 1970s illustrate the way the Repertoire Committee had been stymied in its programming efforts prior to the onset of martial law. In 1972 and again in 1973, the Committee had asked Mstislav Rostropovich to perform Lutosławski s Cello Concerto, but the cellist never re- 3 See, for example, erg, Warszawska Jesień 1984: 1, 5; Gojowy 1985: For a broader discussion of the Festival s organizational challenges, see Bylander 1989.

166 166 Cindy Bylander ceived permission from the Soviet Union to participate. The work was eventually performed in 1973 by Heinrich Schiff. A year earlier, the Repertoire Committee had to withdraw a work by Edison Denisov due to pressure from the Soviet Composers Union. Instead, it was compelled to program Khrennikov s Second Piano Concerto and Khachaturian s SecondSymphony. Thelatter piece replaced scheduled works by Jan Rääts, Herman Galynin, Sergei Balasanian and Lew Knipper. In protest, the members of the Repertoire Committee refused to have their names printed in that year s program book, as was the usual practice. They also evaded the censors by presenting a composition by Denisov under his wife s name, Gala Wawarin, as part of Warsztat Muzyczny s Enkyklopedia, a set of 15 short pieces (Interview with Zygmunt Krauze 1985; Rozkosz 1972: 2; Pisarenko 2007: 19 21; Kański 1973: 5; Sierpiński 1973: 7; 16 th Warsaw Autumn International Festival of Contemporary Music 1972; Pisarenko 1995: 188). Remarkably, Denisov s music had been performed as recently as 1969 and would be again in 1973, which made these 1972 complications seemingly inexplicable. 5 In 1979, Soviet keyboardist Aleksiej Lubimov did not appear as scheduled, resulting in the cancellation of Pärt s Trivium and Silvestrov s Second Piano Sonata (Interview with Marek Stachowski 1986; 23 rd Warsaw Autumn International Festival of Contemporary Music 1979). As recently as 1981, during Solidarity s period of legal operation, the organizers had expected to greet the Tbilisi Symphony Orchestra at the airport, but the Moscow State Conservatory Orchestra disembarked instead (Baculewski 2007: 25). Polish audiences frequently reflected their displeasure with the Communist system by boycotting concerts presented by Soviet performers (Pisarenko 2007: 21, 24). Shortly after martial law was declared, the Composers Union office was allowed to re-open on a limited basis. The Festival s Repertoire Committee, however, was not permitted to function. In March 1982, the Union was fully reactivated, although other artists and writers unions remained suspended or were disbanded. In the minds of many Composers Union members, the motive for their organization s reactivation was clear. The Ministry of Cul- 5 For a summary of Denisov s relationship with Soviet authorities in the 1970s, see Kholopov and Tsenova 1995:

167 Responses to Martial Law 167 ture and Art wanted the 1982 Festival to occur as a signal to the world that normal conditions prevailed in Poland, despite the fact that martial law was still in effect and people arrested during the crackdown were still imprisoned. This was unacceptable to the Union. In April 1982, its Executive Board voted to cancel the Festival for that year, declaring that it could not have a ball in a cemetery, although the compulsory delay in organizational efforts also played a role in its decision (Paczkowski 2003: 471; Patkowski 1995: ; Curry 1984: ). Precedence existed for the Ministry s desire to portray Poland s culture in a positive light. Following a performance of Penderecki s Cosmogony in the early 1970s, the composer had knelt before Cardinal Wyszyński to kiss his ring. For lesser known composers, this might have brought reprisals, but Wincenty Kraśko, the director of the Central Committee s Culture Department, declared that Penderecki s international fame precluded such antagonistic activity (see Paczkowski 2003: 396 and Kto to jest Wincenty Kraśko ). Several Composers Union members have also alluded to the government s use of music as a propaganda tool during the Communist era (Meyer 1995: 159; Pisarenko 1995: 186; Gwizdalanka 1989: 10). Martial law ended in July The Festival occurred that year, though organizational efforts were impeded in part by a ban on international phone calls until January of that year. All international cultural agreements had been cancelled in March 1982, which further complicated the Repertoire Committee s work (Patkowski 1995: 153; Słowiński, 1995: 111). During the mid- 1980s, the Committee s efforts continued to be hindered by governmental maneuvering. One of the most well-known stories of censorship involved Arvo Pärt, who had emigrated from the Soviet republic of Estonia to the West in Due to pressure from the Soviet Union, his compositions were not permitted at the Festival again until 1987, or until after Gorbachev had become the leader of the Soviet Communist Party. Pärt s Fratres had been scheduled for the 1985 Festival, but was cancelled by the Ministry of Culture and Art, after protests from the Soviet Embassy in Warsaw. It was rescheduled for 1987, and although it was performed that year, the Committee members

168 168 Cindy Bylander had initially expected it to be rescinded (Interview with Marek Stachowski 1987). Each year, approximately half of each Festival s events were expected to be comprised of works or ensembles from the East bloc or the Soviet Union, while the remainder could be from the West. However, according to Repertoire Committee members, the Ministry s definition of East and West was not applied consistently. For example, a Western ensemble playing a work by an East bloc composer was labeled a Western event but an East-bloc ensemble playing a composition by a Western composer might also be considered a Western event. The Repertoire Committee was required to keep the Ministry of Culture informed of its plans each year, but their efforts were circumvented annually by last-minute decisions regarding East bloc and, especially, Soviet ensembles (Interview with Zygmunt Krauze 1985; Interviews with Marek Stachowski 1986, 1987). As Olgierd Pisarenko, a Repertoire Committee member, has related, from 1984 to 1988 the Committee had to submit the Festival program for review to two government offices instead of the usual one: the Ministry of Culture and Art and the Censorship Office. This was construed by the Committee as punishment for attempting to program Andrzej Panufnik s Katyn Epitaph in 1983, a time when talk of the murder of Polish military officers at Katyn was still forbidden.also,compositions by Panufnik, who had emigrated in 1954, could not be programmed on the Festival s first or last concerts, although beginning in 1977 they could be heard at other times (Interview with Augustyn Bloch 1986; Pisarenko 2007: 20; Pisarenko 1995: 189). As late as 1987, restrictions were still in effect. Attempts to bring an Israeli orchestra that year were rebuffed by the Polish government because the same ensemble was already scheduled to perform at the Wratislavia Cantans festival, and two appearances in the same year by an Israeli ensemble were not permitted. Moreover, Warsaw Autumn Festival performances by groups from Israel, a country with which neither Poland nor the Soviet Union had diplomatic relations, were discouraged due to the Festival s broad international exposure. In the end, no Israeli group played at the Wratislavia Cantans, but the Israel Philharmonic gave several concerts in Poland in Novem-

169 Responses to Martial Law 169 ber of that year (Interview with Marek Stachowski 1987; Interview with Józef Patkowski 1987; The Israel Philharmonic To Play in Eastern Bloc 1987: 22). Even the more mundane tasks proved difficult to accomplish. For example, scores for Polish works needed to be sent to invited foreign performers every year. This was the task of Ars Polona and the Central Score Library. However, because these Ministry of Culture and Art agencies were difficult to deal with and often failed to pay their bills in a timely manner, Western performers frequently corresponded directly with the Warsaw Autumn Festival office to obtain necessary materials. They also often declined to take any payment, saying that the prestige of performing at the Festival was sufficient reimbursement, while implicitly acknowledging the economic and political complications faced by the Repertoire Committee (Interview with Augustyn Bloch 1986; Wróblewski 1983, quoted in Muzyka w prasie 1983: 10). Similarly, obtaining scores from East bloc countries for pieces deemed worthy of Festival presentation was problematic. The almost complete lack of foreign recordings, scores, and books in Polish stores handicapped both Festival preparations and more routine educational efforts. Personal contacts and trips to the East bloc often brought more fruitful results than did the use of official channels, which involved requesting information from the Ministry of Culture and Art, which then submitted the same proposal to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in both Poland and the East-bloc countries. Indeed, composers such as Schnittke, Denisov, and Gubaidulina had been discovered by the Repertoire Committee prior to martial law through personal exchanges rather than bureaucratic procedures (Pisarenko 1995: 190). Despite the obstacles encountered by the Repertoire Committee each year, the Festivals in the 1980s continued to be highly praised in Poland and the West (Kiciński 1984: 1). Nonetheless, the Repertoire Committee felt that it needed to send a two-fold message to both its audiences and its governmental patron. The symbolism evident in the programming of the 1983 and 1984 Festivals reflected a funereal, yet patriotic atmosphere, as if to say that the country, although chagrined by the painful repercussions of martial law, was resilient and proud of its heritage. A distinctly somber tone set the stage at the opening events of the 1983 Festival. The traditional festive display of

170 170 Cindy Bylander flags from the countries represented at the Festival was intentionally omitted (Patkowski 1995: 153; Waldorff 1983; Kydryński 1983: 17). The first concert featured Boulez s Rituel in memoriam Maderna and Denisov s Requiem, while the late evening concert the same day included Pierre Henry s Apocalypse according to St. John. Tadeusz Kaczyński noted in an unpublished review that these ideas of mourning and religion permeated the Festival. At other concerts, works such as Alexander Knaifel s Lament, Udo Zimmermann s Sinfoniacomeungrandelamento,Edward Sielecki s Agnus Dei, Byron Adams Requiem Songs, Arne Nordheim s Clamavi (inspired by texts from Psalm 141), Paweł Buczyński soratio MCMLXXXII, and Dimitar Tapkov s Lamento were heard. The Festival s final composition was Juliusz Łuciuk s St. Francis of Assisi. The program notes for Zimmermann s orchestral piece alluded to a funeral march, grief, and human suffering, while those for the opening work by Boulez referred to a ceremony of remembrance. (26 th International Festival of Contemporary Music 1983: 11, ; Kaczyński 1983; Patkowski 1995: 153). Although Patkowski hinted that the symbolism evident at this Festival was "not entirely planned," he did admit that the organizers did not want the 1983 event to be viewed internationally as a celebratory occasion (Patkowski 1995: 153). As one Polish critic, Lucjan Krydryński (1983: 17), stated, the mood was adequate to the times in which it [the Festival] took place. (Dzieduszycki 1983: 96 98). At the 1984 Festival, Polish patriotic and religious themes were frequently in evidence. Excerpts from the Polish hymns Bogurodzica [Mother of God] and Boże, coś Polskę [God Save Poland] were heard in Krzysztof Meyer s Polish Symphony, Święty Boże [Holy God] appeared in Penderecki s Polish Requiem and Augustyn Bloch s Supplications for cello and piano, and a quotation from Chopin s Mazurka, op. 6, no. 2 was audible in Bronisław Przybylski s A Varsovie for orchestra. Zygmunt Mycielski s Psalm XII included the phrase How long shall my enemy be exalted over me! (Thomas 2005: 350; 26 th International Festival of Contemporary Music 1983). These reminiscences of Polish heritage helped to create an atmosphere, that in Kaczyński s (1984) words, made the week more than a music festival. Spiritual subjects were

171 Responses to Martial Law 171 also featured in the opening concert of the 1985 Festival, when Messiaen s Les offrandes oubliées and Stravinsky s Requiem Canticles were heard. Given the apparently strict control over the Warsaw Autumn s programs that was exercised by Poland and other governments behind the Iron Curtain, the number and prominence of these works of symbolic importance at the 1983 and 1984 Festivals seems surprising, at least at first glance. Why did the Ministry of Culture and Art permit these pieces to be heard? Perhaps most importantly, this Ministry and by extension, the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, were historically more concerned with the programs involving Soviet and East-bloc ensembles or composers than they were with the works by Western composers or their own Polish composers (other than those in exile), the latter of whom had not been severely restricted with regard to compositional style for more than two decades. Because most of the afore-mentioned compositions were by Polish and/or Western composers, and many of those by Soviet or East-bloc composers were purely instrumental, they may not have been scrutinized very closely by the various governmental agencies whose approval was needed. The compositions by Sielecki, Buczyński, and Penderecki used liturgical texts, but by the 1980s these were of little concern for Polish censors. Tapkov s orchestral Lamento contains references to Bulgarian mourning chants, but the composer was the vicepresident of the Bulgarian Culture Committee, which presumably smoothed the way for its inclusion. 6 Moreover, rational explanations cannot be provided for all of the programming decisions made by the government each year witness the experience with Denisov in the early 1970s as one seemingly nonsensical act, compared to the successful presentation of Meyer s Polish Symphony and Mycielski s Psalm XII in Another plausible explanation is that the Polish government was attempting to be more accomodating as it prepared to re-present the Warsaw Autumn Festival to the world in the mid-1980s. The Repertoire Committee could not have foreseen this, however, even if it were true. 6 The pieces by Knaifel, Nordheim, Zimmerman, Tapkov, Bloch, Meyer,and Przybylski were for instruments only. Denisov s Requiem is not based on liturgical texts. See Dimitar Tapkov ; 26 th International Festival of Contemporary Music 1983:

172 172 Cindy Bylander As shown above, the Festival remained subject to the restrictions of official cultural policy in the mid-1980s, although the specific works or performers that might be prohibited could not always be anticipated. The Repertoire Committee was relentless in its quest to present the finest examples of contemporary music each year, yet its members were also able to select compositions that reflected their dismay with martial law and its aftermath. By infusing the Festivals of the immediate post-martial law years with an atmosphere that was more memorial than triumphal, the Repertoire Committee signaled its refusal to provide the government with a public relations coup. The Polish government, in turn, may have unintentionally benefited the organizers with its acceptance of these programs. While the Composers Union continued to work with the government in post-martial law years to present these Festivals, some members of the Composers Union opted to pursue additional, non-union activities. Kaczyński, a well-known music critic and musicologist who wrote for Ruch Muzyczny throughout the 1980s, was a member of the Union s Executive Board from In 1981 he had belonged to Solidarity s Cultural Committee for the Mazowsze region. 7 Before martial law even ended, he had established a series of concerts that consisted of songs and readings related to specific themes in Polish history. The group of performers for these concerts became known as the Traugutt Philharmonia [Filharmonia im. Romualda Traugutta], although initially the only accompaniment was solo piano. The ensemble s first performance, which took place in Warsaw s St. Jacek s Church on January 30, 1983, focused on music from the January Uprising of 1863, when Polish insurrectionists had begun battling for independence from Russia. This military activity lasted more than a year, during which time an underground press was created and unofficial communication links were established, all as part of an alternative government that aspired to act as an independent state (Lewandowska). The parallels between this clandestine state of the 1860s and those of the Solidarity era were most likely not lost on the 1983 audience. This first Traugutt Philharmonia concert ended with the audience singing all ten verses of Boże, coś Polskę, including the banned version of the refrain, 7 Ruch Muzyczny had begun publishing again in June Sitarz 1997: 4 5.

173 Responses to Martial Law 173 Return our homeland and freedom to us, Lord (Marczyński 2008: 7; Bilica 2008: 22 23). Kaczyński s initiative in organizing this concert came as a direct response to martial law. He recognized that these programs would have been banned by censors if they were scheduled for official venues. He turned instead to churches, where performances could occur mostly unhindered, as had been demonstrated in the 1970s by the Weeks of Christian Culture. In 1981, the regional Solidarity union had sponsored a concert at the Royal Castle that commemoratedtheconstitutionpassedonmay3,1791 (Kaczyński 1981: 2). This latter concert, while not located at a church, also featured music and readings and may have served as the model for Kaczyński s own endeavors two years later. The success of the first Traugutt Philharmonia concert led Kaczyński to repeat the same program in other churches and to create additional themed events. The May 3 rd Constitution was the subject of the second such show, which was first heard on May 2, In 1984, concerts paying tribute to the Kościuszko Insurrection in 1795 and the Warsaw Uprising in World War II were premiered ( Kalendarium 2008: 28 29). Each included songs that could not be heard openly in Poland. That the national traditions of Poland were displayed most successfully in unofficial venues reflected poorly on the government, but even more damaging, those attending the concerts exhibited a patriotic zeal that doubled as a sign of opposition to the current regime. In the words of Krzysztof Bilica (2008: 22), In those sad and oppressive times, [these concerts] strengthened and fortified people s spirits. The songs and readings incorporated into each event also educated concert-goers about their own country s traditions, particularly those from the long periods in which the nation itself was non-existent. In addition to the thematic concerts given by the Philharmonia, the Traugutt musicians presented concerts for other occasions. One of these took place during the memorial services held October 18 20, 1985 at Warsaw s St. Stanisław Kostka Church on the occasion of the first anniversary of Father Jerzy Popiełuszko s murder. Attended by thousands, including this author, and watched by police outside the church yard, which was festooned with

174 174 Cindy Bylander Solidarity banners, the service on October 19 lasted for hours. It included hymns, Polish folk songs, and prayers interspersed with chants for Solidarity. The Traugutt ensemble performed on October 20 th, when a quieter but still large crowd milled around the church. 8 For the most part, the Traugutt Philharmonia consisted of unpaid volunteers who were among the most talented of Polish performers. These musicians and actors united in a common bond of social obligation and patriotic enthusiasm, where to be patriotic meant to be anti-government, just as it did for their audiences. Some performers, including famed soprano Stefania Woytowicz, refused to participate in government sponsored concerts in the 1980s, but willingly took part in underground events. Rehearsals for the Phiharmonia performances took place in private homes or church halls. (see Marczyński 2008: 9; Komorowska 2009: 24 26; Szwarcman 2007: 69; Ratajczyk 2008: 184). Invitations for the concerts, which were free and open to the public, were transmitted either orally or via short typed telegrams that omitted performers names in an attempt to avoid governmental harassment. 9 Concerts took place throughout Poland in churches, schools, and museums, despite a certain level of repression and annoyances from the Security Service. (Kur 2008: 20). Kaczyński was not the only musician whose days included both official and unofficial activities. The Traugutt Philharmonia program commemorating the Warsaw Uprising included songs by Krzysztof Knittel, Paweł Szymański, Edward Pałłasz, and Adam Sławiński that were set to texts of poets from the World War II era. These pieces had been commissioned by the Philharmonia, but the composers accepted no honoraria (Marczyński 2008: 8; Długosz 2008: 79; Concert program 2008: 78 79). Pałłasz was a member of the Composers Union Executive Board at that time, while Sławiński became the Union s treasurer in Kaczyński and Knittel were members of Solidarity s Independent Culture Committee from ( Władze naczelne ZKP 1995: 19; Kalendarium sierpień ) Knittel was a younger Union 8 Cindy Bylander, private correspondence, 20 October Author s private collection, typed invitations and programs for the Songs of the November Uprising concert on 29 November 1985 and the 3 May Constitution concert held on 4 May These invitations give the time, place, and theme of the concert; the performers were listed in the programs.

175 Responses to Martial Law 175 member who also co-founded an improvisational group called the Cytula Tyfun Da Bamba Orchestra. Initially conceived at least partly as a joke, the imposition of martial law caused this ensemble s goal to become freedom in art despite a totalitarian regime. 10 In 1985 Knittel was awarded a Solidarity prize for his String Quartet, an honor received in 1983 by Lutosławski for his Third Symphony and in 1984 by Kaczyński for his work with the Traugutt Philharmonia (Szczepańska 2007; Szwarcman 2007: 80). Always well-attended, the Traugutt Philharmonia concerts quickly became a source of conspiratorial pride. These and other unofficial performances, frequently held in churches, reflected not only the frustration of musicians and their audiences with existing conditions in the country, but also their willingness to participate in acts of civil disobedience. Not all church concerts were intentionally covert, however. Some could be described as semiunderground, in that they were not officially sanctioned by the government, yet they were advertised on University campuses and in churches, in contrast to the more secretive manner in which the Traugutt Philharmonia programs were announced. For example, this author participated in several semi-underground concerts, including a performance of Mozart s Requiem at Warsaw s St. Anthony of Padua church on November 10, 1985 and another, on January 19, 1986, in which Lutosławski s arrangements of 20 Polish carols were given their Polish premiere in a version for soprano, women s choir and chamber orchestra. 11 At that time, Lutosławski was in a self-imposed internal exile, when he permitted his pieces to be played in public, but refused to appear at those concerts or other civic events. However, he worked behind the scenes with the Composers Union and occasionally attended unofficial performances of his works. 12 To this author s knowledge, Lutosławski faced no recriminations, in part because he made no overtly adversarial moves, but 10 This ensemble changed its name to the Independent Electroacoustic Music Studio and was active until Szwarcman, 2007: Joseph Herter directed the Schola Cantorum for both concerts. See Bylander, private correspondence, 7 October 1985, 11 November 1985, 6 January 1986, 14 January For example, he attended a performance of his Third Symphony at St. Michael s Church in Sopot on 31 August 1984, which was billed as an anniversary celebration for Solidarity. This internal exile ended in 1986 after the amnesty granted by the government. See Kalendarium sierpień 1984 ; Patkowski 1995: 154; Szwarcman 2007: 71.

176 176 Cindy Bylander also because the composer s fame was such that any reprisals would have been made known internationally, thus damaging the government s carefully construed publicity campaign. Such unofficial concerts, regardless of the depth of their clandestine intent, functioned as the equivalent of literature s drugi obieg [second circulation], in which private publications were distributed underground, avoiding the reach of the government s censors. Both courage and a sense of moral imperative were reflected in these activities as well as in the actions of the Warsaw Autumn Festival s Repertoire Committee, which repeatedly tried to side-step governmental wishes regarding performers and compositions. Solidarity s short-lived period of legal activity had given hope to the entire nation, including musicians of all generations. The window of opportunity provided in 1980 and 1981 had been so brief that the Composers Union and individual musicians had been unable to implement major changes, but it was long enough for them to realize what artistic freedom might mean in their lives. This, in turn, provided the impetus for these clandestine performances. As stated earlier, the goal of Polish musicians was not to remove the government from power, but to bring about change. If the current regime had modified their policies so that conditions in musical life were similar to those in Western countries, musicians would have been satisfied. The government s apparent acceptance of the so-called semi-underground concerts and the solemn programs of the 1983 and 1984 Warsaw Autumn Festivals may have been an attempt to do just that, but more extensive changes were needed. Although the details given in these pages do not present a complete picture of Polish musical life in the mid-1980s, they do show that by working unofficially, composers and other musicians willingly put their careers at risk. Although they were not severely harassed, the threat of disciplinary action was always present; as proof, Józef Patkowski and several other leading writers and musicologists were dismissed from their positions with Polish Radio. 13 Nonetheless, obedience to governmental dictates was not obligatory, 13 Patkowski was dismissed from his position as director of the Polish Radio Experimental Music Studio. Andrzej Chłopecki, Mieczysław Kominek, Grzegorz Michalski, Małgorzata Gąsiorowska, and Ewa Obniska were released from their jobs with Polish Radio. See Słowiński 1995: 113; Patkowski 1995: 151.

177 Responses to Martial Law 177 in their minds. In fact, the ease with which they were able to circumvent governmental restrictions while intertwining official and unofficial duties is noteworthy. Protected by the international reputation of the Warsaw Autumn Festival and the global stature of composers such as Lutosławski and Penderecki, the Composers Union and individual composers, performers, and musicologists succeeded in acting decisively upon their anti-governmental sentiments. In some small sense, the Polish musical world participated in the narrative that eventually compelled the Communist government to yield power in Works cited 16 th Warsaw Autumn International Festival of Contemporary Music September [program book]. 23 rd Warsaw Autumn International Festival of Contemporary Music September [program book]. 26 th Warsaw Autumn International Festival of Contemporary Music [program book] 50 lat Związku Kompozytorów Polskich Warsaw: Związek Kompozytorów Polskich. Baculewski K Pamiętam, była Jesień... [I Remember How the Autumn Used To Be], Ruch Muzyczny No. 18 (51). Bilica K Wspomnienie o Tadeuszu Kaczyńskim [Recollections about Tadeusz Kaczyński]. In: Będziemy dalej uprawiać ten ogród. 25 lat Filharmonii im. Romualda Traugutta [We Will Continue Cultivating That Garden. 25 Years of the Romuald Traugutt Philharmonia, ]. Warsaw: Fundacja Filharmonia im. Romualda Traugutta. Biuletyn Informacyjny Związku Kompozytorów Polskich [Polish Composers Union Information Bulletin] No. 69/70 (January). Brzeźniak M Atrakcyjny final XXV Warszawskiej Jesieni [An Attractive Finale at the 25 th Warsaw Autumn], Trybuna Robotnicza [Workers Tribune] (28 September). Bylander C. E. Private correspondence, 7 October 1985, 20 October 1985, 11 November 1985, 6 January 1986, 14 January Bylander C. E The Warsaw Autumn International Festival of Contemporary Music, : Its Goals, Structures, Programs, and People. Ph.D. dissertation. The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

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179 Responses to Martial Law 179 Kalendarium In: Będziemy dalej uprawiać ten ogród. 25 lat Filharmonii im. Romualda Traugutta [We Will Continue Cultivating That Garden. 25 Years of the Romuald Traugutt Philharmonia, ]. Warsaw: Fundacja Filharmonia im. Romualda Traugutta. Kalendarium sierpień Encyklopedia Solidarności, TL-1984/08/ Kański J Po Warszawskiej Jesieni. Poszukiwanie prawdziwych wartości [After the Warsaw Autumn. Searching for its True Value], Trybuna Ludu (7 October). Kholopov Y.; Tsenova V Edison Denisov, trans. Romela Kohanovskaya. Chur, Switzerland: Harwood Academic Publishers. Kiciński W Kulturalne budowanie [Building Culture], Trybuna Ludu (28 September). Kisielewski S Dzienniki [Journals]. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Iskry. Komorowska M Stenia. Złote Głosy [Golden Voices] Ruch Muzyczny No. 19 (53). Kto to jest Wincenty Kraśko, html Kur K Tadeusz Kaczyński. In: Będziemy dalej uprawiać ten ogród. 25 lat Filharmonii im. Romualda Traugutta [We Will Continue Cultivating That Garden. 25 Years of the Romuald Traugutt Philharmonia, ]. Warsaw: Fundacja Filharmonia im. Romualda Traugutta. Kydryński L Przekrój [Review] (2 October) quoted in Muzyka w prasie, Ruch Muzyczny No. 23 (27). Lewandowska D. The Records of the Polish Underground State, , http: // 018&va_lang=en. Malinowski W Wieczory z muzyką polską. Wieczór pierwszy i drugi [Evenings with Polish Music. The First and Second Evenings], Ruch Muzyczny No. 6 (25). Marczyński J Będziemy dalej uprawiać ten ogród [We Will Continue Cultivating That Garden]. In: Będziemy dalej uprawiać ten ogród. 25 lat Filharmonii im. Romualda Traugutta [We Will Continue Cultivating That Garden. 25 Years of the Romuald Traugutt Philharmonia, ]. Warsaw: Fundacja Filharmonia im. Romualda Traugutta. Meyer K O Związku z pamięci [Memories about the Union]. In: 50 lat Związku Kompozytorów Polskich. Warsaw: Związek Kompozytorów Polskich. Niewęgłowski W. Al. Duszpasterstwo Środowisk Twórczych na przełomie wieków [Ministry for Artistic Professions at the Turn of the Century], http: //

180 180 Cindy Bylander Paczkowski A The Spring Will Be Ours. Poland and the Poles from Occupation to Freedom, trans. Jane Cave. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press. Patkowski J Suchą stopą przez morze czerwone [Dry Feet Through the Red Sea ]. In: 50 lat Związku Kompozytorów Polskich. Warsaw: Związek Kompozytorów Polskich. Pisarenko O Warszawska Jesień [Warsaw Autumn]. In: 50 lat Związku Kompozytorów Polskich. Warsaw: Związek Kompozytorów Polskich. Pisarenko O Pamiętam, była Jesień... [I Remember how the Autumn Used To Be...], Ruch Muzyczny No. 18 (51). Ratajczyk E lecie Filharmonii im. Romualda Traugutta [25 Years of the Romuald Traugutt Philharmonia]. In: Będziemy dalej uprawiać ten ogród. 25 lat Filharmonii im. Romualda Traugutta [We Will Continue Cultivating That Garden. 25 Years of the Romuald Traugutt Philharmonia, ]. Warsaw: Fundacja Filharmonia im. Romualda Traugutta. Rozkosz Ch. G Co zrobić z Warszawską Jesienią? [What Should We Do with the Warsaw Autumn?], Argumenty [Arguments] No. 44 (29 October). Sierpiński Z Warszawska Jesień 73. Pierwsze wrażenia [Warsaw Autumn 73. First Impressions], Życie Warszawy [Warsaw Life] No. 229 (25 October). Sitarz A Kaczyński, Tadeusz. In: E. Dziębowska (ed.) Encyklopedia Muzyczna [Music Encyclopedia]. Kraków: Polskie Wydawnictwo Muzyczne, vol. 5 klł. Skórzyński J.; Pernal M Gdy niemożliwe stało się możliwe. Kalendarium Solidarności [When the Impossible Became Possible. A Calendar of Solidarity Events ]. Warsaw: Świat Książki. Słowiński W Niektóre fakty, wspomnienia, refleksje [Some Facts, Recollections, Reflections]. In: 50 lat Związku Kompozytorów Polskich.Warsaw:Związek Kompozytorów Polskich. Smolar A The Polish Opposition. In: Ferenc Fehér and Andrew Arato (eds.) Crisis and Reform in Eastern Europe. London: Transaction Publishers. Stęszewski J Między Bachem a Tejchmą [Between Bach and Tejchma]. In: 50 lat Związku Kompozytorów Polskich [50 Years of the Polish Composers Union]. Warsaw: Związek Kompozytorów Polskich. Swolkień H Różne barwy Jesieni [The Various Colors of the Warsaw Autumn], Kurier Polski [Polish Courier] (30 September). Szczepańska-Malinowska E Wieczory z muzyką polską. Wieczór trzeci i czwarty [Evenings with Polish Music. The Third and Fourth Evenings], Ruch Muzyczny No. 6 (25). Szczepańska E Knittel, Krzysztof. In: E. Dziębowska (ed.) Encyklopedia Muzyczna [Music Encyclopedia]. Kraków: Polskie Wydawnictwo Muzyczne, vol. 5 klł.

181 Responses to Martial Law 181 Szwarcman D Czas Warszawskich Jesieni. O muzyce polskiej [The Seasons of the Warsaw Autumn. Polish Music ].Kraków: Wydawnictwo Stentor. Tejchma J Kulisy dymisji. Z Dzienników Ministra Kultury [Untold Stories of Dismissal. From the Journals of the Minister of Culture]. Krakow: Oficyna Cracovia. The IndependentPress in Poland, , polpress/indepres1.html The Israel Philharmonic To Play in Eastern Bloc, New York Times (10 October). Thomas A Polish Music Since Szymanowski. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tracz B Kościół mecenasem i parasolem ochronnym [The Church as Patron, with a Protective Umbrella], Poza cenzurą [Beyond the Censor]. (16 17 March). Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej. Warszawska Jesień. 27 koncertów i spektakli [Warsaw Autumn. 27 Concerts and Spectacles] Trybuna Ludu [People s Tribune] (21 September). Waldorff J Jesień to dla muzyków [Autumn is for Musicians], Polityka [Politics] (8 October). Władze naczelne ZKP. In: 50 lat Związku Kompozytorów Polskich. Warsaw: Związek Kompozytorów Polskich. Wróblewski A O sprawach środowiska muzycznego [Issues Concerning the Music Profession], Życie Warszawy (9 10 April) quoted in Muzyka w prasie [Music in the Press], Ruch Muzyczny No. 10 (27).

182 10 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination of Virgin Mary s Icon. An Example of Traditional Polish Peasant Piety in Communist Times Jacek Jackowski Historical overview After World War II, in agreement with the decisions of the peace conference in Yalta (February 1945) the Polish territories got under the influence of communist policies connected with the Soviet conquest of Eastern Europe. The opposition between the new secular power and the Catholic Church institution in Poland was a significant area of growing conflict. The Catholic Church (Catholics in Poland constitute the vast majority) was the bastion of old Polish Christian tradition, freedom and independence. Catholicism, in the face of the new, atheist system was understood by the majority of Poles as a national tradition the fundament of a common identity. Especially the sanctuary in Jasna Góra (Bright Mountain, Claromontana) with its famous holy icon of the Virgin Mary occupied a special space in people s consciousness. After well known events in Polish history connected with the Swedish occupation in the 17 th century Jasna Góra became the most important sanctuary of the Virgin Mary in Poland. Also the special cult of the Virgin Mary Mother of God (Bogurodzica), alive in Poland since the Middle-Ages, which became stronger under the influence of changes and transformation in Christianity from the end of the 16 th century as well as in the face of military conflicts in 17 th century, played a significant role. The times after the Council of Trent were characterized by

183 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination 183 a more intensive cult of the Virgin Mary and her miraculous Icons in the Catholic Church. This phenomenon was very widespread in the Baroque (Kupiszewska 1991: 35). Polish people brought prayers to the Icon of the Holy Mary of Jasna Góra in particularly difficult times in the history of our country. With time the sanctuary of Jasna Góra named by the Polish people The Altar of Motherland and the miraculous Icon of the Virgin Mary nominated as the symbolic Queen of Poland became the destination of many pilgrimages from the country as well as from abroad. Pilgrimage the practice known not only in Christianity but also in other religions e.g. Islam is one of the important elements and observances of Polish piety. A pilgrimage is a journey undertaken for religious reasons to a place considered to be holy (locus sacer) due to some special act of God or some kind of idol in order to fulfil specific religious acts of piety and redemption there (Jackowski 2004: 6). Each sanctuary has its own history, described and kept in old monastic documents and registers of miraculous healings and finally in folk stories, tales or even legends disseminated by oral transmission. Many of them have survived until today. One receptacle of such histories can be found in old religious songs, which are often forgotten today. The practice of pilgrimages to Jasna Góra sanctuary dates back to the 17 th century. The first pilgrimage on foot from Praga near Warsaw to Jasna Góra set out in This was also the year of the first pilgrimage from Łowicz. The first disturbances of the annual pilgrimage rhythm took place because of the partitions of Poland at the end of the 18 th century. For political reasons difficulties and even prohibition of pilgrimages continued until Breaks in this religious practice also took place during both World Wars. The policy of the communists aimed at making it difficult for clergymen to function and restricting their influence on society. In 1950, the decree On the protection of freedom of consciousness and denomination was issued. This document limited the activity of the institutional Church and allowed repressions of both clergymen and laymen. The 1950s was the specific period of time connected with repressions of the Church. The activity of communist and atheist ideology was particularly directed against traditional Polish piety which as a national feature constituted a

184 184 Jacek Jackowski Figure 10.1 Częstochowa. Arrival of pilgrims to Jasna Góra on the occasion of indulgence, fig. A. Głębocki, Kłosy 1872, p. 363 (in: Jackowski 2004: 152) strong potential of resistance and opposition. The government limited traditional religious ceremonies and customs (e.g. the customs of spring consecration of the fields, pilgrimages and processions) especially traditional Polish pilgrimages to Jasna Góra. During the season of traditional pilgrimages (especially in August and on feasts of the Holy Mary) trains to Częstochowa city (where the sanctuary of Jasna Góra is located) were constantly cancelled, discounts on tickets not given, and the local government made access to medical treatment for pilgrims difficult. Secret communists collaborators very often took part in processions and pilgrimages. Apart from pilgrimages also teaching religion at schools was restricted and repressed. The communist party was getting rid of religious symbols in schools (e.g. crosses), making teachers of religion redundant and organizing attractive (e.g. sport or cultural) events at the time of church festivals in order to pull the youth away

185 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination 185 from Church. Female convents were closed down and the nuns were sent to labour camps (the so called Action X-2). The strongest point of repressions of the Church by the communist government was closing down religious orders as well as arresting the primate of Poland Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński (25 September 1953 he was kept in prison for 3 years). This attitude of the government caused some opposition especially among peasants was a particularly important date. As part of the so called October Thaw, a short lasting agreement between the government and the Church was made. Unfortunately, the year 1958 brought another escalation of the conflict, which was the strongest in the 1960s. In 1956 the 300 th anniversary of the vows of Jan Kazimierz after the Swedish- Polish war and the declaration of Virgin Mary as a symbolic Queen of Poland was celebrated. In 1956 in Prudnik Śląski near Głogówek the still imprisoned Primate (he was released on 28 October 1956) formulated the idea of new vows to the Virgin Mary and of a Great Novenna as a kind of nine-year preparation of the Polish society for the second Millenium of Christianity in Poland (Sacrum Poloniae Millennium ). 1 Jasna Góra Vows took place on 26 August 1956, the day of the Virgin Mary celebrations in Częstochowa. This event stimulated the religious spirit in Poland. In the ninth and last year of the Novenna, which was dedicated to being faithful to the Virgin Mary, clergymen paid particular attention to strengthening the cult of the Virgin Mary among believers in habitual and traditional forms, such as the rosary, canonical hours of the Immaculate Conception or the Angelus and, what should be stressed, the oldest Polish Virgin Mary song Bogurodzica [Mother of God] (Pylak 1971a: 49, 57). An important element of the Great Novenna was the Peregrination of the Icon of Holy Mary, started in 1957 all over Poland. It was of great significance in the face of the prohibition on pilgrimages to Jasna Góra. Now the Virgin Mary was taking a symbolic pilgrimage to all Her believers (Cimek 1987: ). 1 Primate of Poland Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński had a special devotion to The Bright Mountain and the Virgin Mary of Częstochowa. In his works he described Jasna Gora sanctuary as the heart of the Polish Catholic Church (Pylak 1971a; Pach 1984).

186 Figure 10.2 The Icon of Częstochowa Virgin Mary and the Chapel of Częstochowa Virgin Mary in monastery on The Bright Mountain The Altar of Motherland (in: Jackowski 2004: 140, 147)

187 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination 187 In the spring of 1957 prof. L. Torwirt made a faithful copy of the miraculous Icon of Virgin Mary from Jasna Góra on a linden board (Kupiszewska 1991: 44). On 5 May (the day of the renewal of Jasna Góra vows which was celebrated in churches all over the country) a copy of the Icon was brought to Warsaw. On 14 May it was consecrated by Pope Pius XII in Rome. When it came back to Poland it started its many years peregrination through Polish parishes and churches. 2 Setting out from Jasna Góra in 1957 the Icon first visited all parishes in Warsaw Archdiocese. Then it moved on to 245 parishes of Podlasie region (many of them were village parishes) and to Małopolska region. 3 After that there were the cities of Łomża and Białystok, towns in the Warmia Diocese and further the regions of Gorzów, Włocławek, Opole, Katowice and eventually Gniezno, Poland s national cradle (Pylak 1971a: 49). Until 1966 the copy of the Icon visited 10 dioceses. In September 1966 the Icon was arrested and locked on Jasna Góra. At that time, as a symbol of protest, empty frames were taken on pilgrimages in Poland. It seems that this symbolic action was the best example of authentic folk piety. Intellectual environments accused Catholicism of the overabundance of folk piety and sometimes the lack of further ethical and theological thought. Within 23 years the Icon visited 27 dioceses, 7150 parishes altogether over 8000 churches and chapels (Zaleski 1982: ). This collective as well as individual experience which was initiated by the Polish Catholic Church hierarchy in the times of communism and which has survived until today be- 2 The custom of driving round the figures of Virgin Mary has been known since first half of the 20 th century. E.g. at that time the figure of the Virgin Mary of Lourdes was carried or driven round France. From 1917 the figure of the Virgin Mary of Fatima peregrinated across Portugal and after the World War the same figure was taken to other continents, such as Asia or America (Cimek 1987: ; Niedźwiedź 2005: 265; Zaleski 1982: 208). The first references concerning similar para-liturgical practices in Poland talk about the picture of the Virgin Mary of Chełm carried round in 17 th century. The peregrination of icons from house to house can also be observed in the Orthodox church. Among orthodox communities living in Cyprus the custom of carrying round the icon of Virgin Mary on Easter Monday from house to house and blessing the families is still alive. Information about processional carrying round of the Mary icon during the epidemic of cholera in 1654 in Kazań comes also from orthodox territories (Kobrzeniecka-Sikorska 2000: 75). 3 Important role among materials, documents and instructions published on the occasion of the peregrination should be attached to schedules of the Icon s visits to specific parishes (usually there was a one-day visit in each parish). Visitation of each parish was preceded by missions and special services which were meant to prepare people for the celebration. When the Icon visited a specific church, an identical ritual and dramatic scheme was used for all parishes.

188 188 Jacek Jackowski came very popular among the society and led to spontaneous creation of new forms of cult as well as evoking and renewing old symbolic meanings of the Icon-figure of the Virgin Mary of Częstochowa (Niedźwiedź 2005: 265). A kind of continuation of this event, which was called the small peregrination, was organized from 1965, 4 when copies of the Holy Icon visited small towns and village parishes (Cimek 1987: 102; Pylak 1971: 53). In Jasna Góra small copies of the holy Icon were consecrated and were offered to all parishes in Poland. The holy Icon also visited individual houses in villages. Apart from the main celebrations people organized home services. Figure 10.3 Peregrination of the copy of miraculous Icon of Częstochowa Virgin Mary (in: Jackowski 2004: 140) A copy of the holy Icon wandered from house to house, from family to family, all over a parish. The Icon was handed directly from family to family. Sometimes certain families overtook it in the church after the Holy Mass. The ritual usually took place at 5 p.m. A few minutes before this moment members of the family prayed and waited in front of the house. The Icon was 4 The second small peregrination began in 1978 (Niedźwiedź 2005: 268).

189 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination 189 placed at the central place in the house e.g. a table or in another worthy place. The closest family and neighbours took part in such a peregrination event. While members of each family hosted a copy of the miraculous Icon devotions and religious songs were performed. People entertained each other and sometimes took commemorative photos (Cimek 1987: 100, ). On the occasion of the peregrination, certain resolutions (e.g. giving up drinking, making up with one s neighbour, etc. or collective family prayer) were made. The home service in front of the Icon consisted of: prayers (rosary, readings from the Gospel, trust acts) as well as singing of: Virgin Mary songs, the Litany of Loreto, the rosary, canonical hours of the Immaculate Conception, the Angelus. The procession during which the Icon was moved into another family home was accompanied by incessant singing. During home-family services children sometimes recited poetry, e.g. for the farewell to the Icon. Believers also created many occasional prayers of their own (Cimek 1987: ). Due to the small peregrination the Virgin Mary really and truly got under everyone s roofs (Jackowski 2005: ; Niedźwiedź 2005: 268; Pylak 1971a: 53). The Icon visited mostfamilies, even the dissentedones,e.g.. Orthodox (Urban 1982: 221). However, there were families that were afraid to bear the consequences of contemporary government policies (Cimek 1987: 106). The initiative of the small peregrination was well prepared by the Institutional Church and its organisation was regulated by a specially prepared document describing the ritual of taking over and farewell to the Icon (Cimek 1987: ). For the vigils (keeping watch) by the Icon, prayers and songs were specially chosen by clergymen. Yet the people complemented and enriched this rite and, as stressed by Rev. Zaleski, they warmed it up with their hearts (Zaleski 1982: 212). An important component of these services was singing religious songs specially composed for this occasion. The small peregrination became a good opportunity for creating many new religious songs devoted to the Virgin Mary (Pylak 1971: 53). It should be stressed that popular religious and patriotic songs were a particular symbol of independence and opposition at that difficult time. This kind of songs were sung during manifestations, strikes and protests as well.

190 190 Jacek Jackowski The organisation of family festivities of welcoming the Icon of the Virgin Mary of Częstochowa (the small peregrination ) produced at that time a completely new folklore-formative situation with regard to folk, peasant Catholic piety. Family visitation by the Icon is an official custom approved by the institutional Catholic Church which is borne out e.g. by special instructions issued by the Episcopate Committee responsible for the cult of the Virgin Mary. 5 However, the home cult connected with welcoming the Icon was carried out in accordance with traditionally (unofficially) established canons. Such rules as well as the whole unofficial repertoire of prayer texts and songs used during the home celebration was popularized and disseminated in the form of special handwritten books. Among the songs performed at that time there were also: songs called dobranocki ("goodnight songs") in folk terminology 6 that is, forms of farewell performed before going to bed, as well as welcoming songs and the whole cycle of songs about the Polish Pope John Paul II (Adamowski 2000: 7 8). Songs performed during peregrinations of the holy Icons and figures were called in folk terminology singing in the wake of the Icon (śpiewanie za obrazem ). Similarly to many other situations of collective religious singing here the function of the guides was also taken over by those who sang the best with the strongest voice. The same people conducted the wake by the dead and during the adoration of the Easter Sepulchre at night. Figures of folk song leaders (in folk terminology called: przewodnik, prowadnik ) attimes even became subjects of research work. In many villages celebration of the Icon s home visitation was conducted by guides. Their role was to start prayers and the singing. To fulfil the function authoritative figures known for their piety were chosen from among the villagers. In most cases they were elderly women (Cimek 1987: 108). The prayers and singing were also led by men. A well known leader figure of both singing in the wake of the Icon and singing 5 Apart from instructions for the clergyman taking care of the form of ceremonies there were also other printed materials e.g.: decoration manuals in which specific instructions concerning decorating the place appointed for the Icon (e.g. the pedestal, canopy, background, illustrations, throne, lamps, candles, flowers, carpets, writings and other decorative elements) as well as the altar could be found. Such suggestions were usually directed to church decorators which means that they were connected with the main peregrination (Ryndzionek 1997). 6 See music example no. 10.

191 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination 191 by the dead was Bronisław Kuśmierowski from Lubelskie region described by Jan Adamowski (Adamowski 1994: 19; 2003: 183). In order to understand better a phenomenon characteristic of the Polish Catholic (especially Marian) folk devotions the emergence of new religious songs which usually remained local and were not included in official religious songbooks one should account for the presence in folk music culture of religious repertoire functioning in living tradition yet not connected with liturgical and church ceremonies (though occasionally performed in churches). These are songs functioning only in the context of folk religious customs. If they are based on or refer to (official) church repertoire their lyrics and (even more evidently) their melodies (Nachschrift) differ from the original versions existing in songbooks usually as a pattern (Vorschrift). The criterion of classifying these songs as religious is their text. It is a kind of necessary compromise, as well as a paradox. In practice such a definition of a field of study comprises lyrics and musical works expressing religious thoughts no matter if they are to be sung in the church or outside of it, no matter if they are fully in line with the dogmas or not, no matter if they belong to the universal Church repertoire or are an expression of local piety also independently from their musical and literary form (Bartkowski 1990: 13). Religious songs sung during the Peregrination of Holy Mary s Icon An attempt at classification according to the source (provenience) of songs and according to the way of creating the repertoire: Church songs. From official songbooks, with official imprimatur Religious songs from the songbooks especially issued on the occasion of the Peregrination Local religious and devotional folk creation

192 192 Jacek Jackowski 1. Official church songs (from official songbooks with approbatur) Such a group of songs is allowed to be sung in the church during the liturgy and during religious ceremonies due to a permission issued by e.g. the diocesan Committee of Church Music or some other body accountable before the Vatican. These songs are included in songbooks signed with Nihil obstat akindofapprobatur (approval) for liturgical use by the Polish Episcopate Committee or a similar approval issued by an ordinary of a specific diocese. 7 Text and melody (or the local variety of melodic form) have their source in church songbooks. The most popular and recommended by clergymen are those meant for special moments in the ceremony of peregrination, such as (see: proposal of songs to be sung during the peregrination in: Peregrynacje 2001: 58 63) (see Figure 10.4): Waiting for the Icon: Bogurodzica (Mother of God the earliest religious song in Polish language which can be dated back as far as the 13 th century and was the primary Polish anthem), Cześć Maryi (Glory to Virgin Mary), Z dawna Polski Tyś Królową (You have been the Queen of Poland since ancient times), Zdrowaś Maryja (Holy Mary), Matko Najświętsza (The most sacred Mother). 7 Not every religious song present in official songbooks can be performed during the Holy Mass. The admittance of specific songs to be sung is regulated by special documents such as: Documents of God s Cult and Sacramental Discipline Congregation or the Polish Episcopate Instruction on Liturgical Music after Vatican Council II dated 8 th Feb 1979 (Instrukcja Episkopatu Polski o muzyce liturgicznej po Soborze Watykańskim II z dn. 8 II 1979): 10 All songs meant for liturgical singing are to have the approval of the Polish Episcopate Conference or at least the Diocese Authority. Secular songs cannot be performed during the liturgy, 15: It is forbidden to perform in the framework of the liturgy religious songs whose texts are not at all religious and whose music is usually of secular character. These rules are respected by e.g. the liturgical songbook Śpiewnik liturgiczny TN KUL, (Śpiewnik zaaprobowany i zalecony przez Komisję Episkopatu Polski do użytku liturgicznego) whichis approved by the Polish Episcopate Committee and recognized as the official Polish Catholic Church songbook. This work is recognized as an obligatory pattern of song performance. The collection consists of songs which are officially permitted to be sung during the liturgy. Other songs, socalled extra-liturgical (pozaliturgiczne) can be performed during other services (e.g. Vespers) or during pilgrimages, meetings of prayer groups and religious home services. A good example of this can be Christmas songs (carols). The most popular Polish religious songbook distinguishes the group of socalled home carols. Many of them are pastorales that is songs with a Christmas theme which use shepherd motives mainly and which are often based on Polish folk dance rhythms, (Siedlecki 2004: 84 97). In practice the rules of division are not strictly followed and the performance of a certain songs during liturgy is often dictated by their popularity.

193 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination 193 To welcome the Icon:Magnificat; O Maryjo witam Cię (Oh Mary,be greeted) Oh, pretty and great Star Virgin Mary of Częstochowa We come to You Oh, Virgin Mary, Virgin Mary. Figure 10.4 Song Gwiazdo śliczna wspaniała (Oh, pretty and great Star) in: Siedlecki 1947: Religious songs from the songbooks especially issued on the occasion of the Peregrination Apart from the above mentioned official church songs of that time (from the late 1950s), many new songs which were sung on the occasion of further Icon, figure or rosary peregrinations were created. Many of them were even included later into the church repertoire performed and used during liturgical ceremonies of the Holy Mass. From the musical point of view side by side with compositions characterised by classical style of religious songs or hymns other songs with melodies reminiscent of popular secular, enter-

194 194 Jacek Jackowski taining songs with dominant characteristic waltz triple-time can be found. Sometimes they were a (conscious) stylisation of local or folk songs. The repertoire which came into being on the occasion of the Peregrination (see Figure 10.5) was often used in the church during liturgical ceremonies and is still alive in folk religious customs, e.g. the Marian songs created at that time were sung during services at the wayside shrines and crosses held in May (Jackowski 2006, 2009). Usually they were songs with a simple strophic form with a chorus, which in performing practice was repeated twice. This helped those who heard the song for the firrst time to take part in singing the chorus (quick learning from hearing). Lady of Jasna Góra, You are our Hetman You are the Queen of Poland and the best Mother! Take a look at Polish cities and villages Take in Your care the whole Polish nation Figure 10.5 Hymn nawiedzenia. Jasnogórska Pani, Tyś naszą Hetmanką (Anthem of Peregrination. Lady of Jasna Góra, You Are Our Hetman) composed by Rev. J. Grzywaczewski (Peregrynacja 2001: 4). This song written especially on the occasion of the Peregrination became one of the most popular peregrination songs. This kind of repertoire was disseminated by means of materials specially prepared before the celebrations usually including schedules of services and celebrations, entry of the Primate or the bishop, short descriptions of the Peregrination s history, prayers and songs. These publications (which can be treated as small songs collections) included a division into old songs (whose performance was consolidated by many-years of tradition) and modern songs many of which were composed

195 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination 195 on the occasion of the peregrination in a specific parish or diocese. 8 Materials usually included only lyrics; music notation was extremely rare. New songs were taught by priests, organ players, choirmasters or parish ensemble conductors. The authors and composers of such songs were in most cases, musically educated priests, monks, organ players or teachers of religion. The lyrics of these songs can be characterized as strictly observing the dogma. However, when we analyse them as a kind of story-telling, sometimes the sentimentalism, mawkishness or even coarseness of the words, placing the action in everyday frequently - rural landscape can be observed (these features are also common for the third group of songs). In their melodic layer they are often stylised as folk songs or even use melodies of popular songs (see Figure 10.6 a, b). 3. Local religious and devotional folk creations This group of songs can be characterized by quick repertoire distribution, many textual variations sung to the same melodies, and the use of popular melodies of both religious and non-religious songs. Underlying is the local dignity of peregrination, e.g. the conviction expressed in songs that Virgin Mary Herself is present in a particular village. The lyrics of these songs were re-written by hand in the notebooks of performers or even on separate pieces of paper. If (in rare cases) the melody was new, it was transmitted only in the memories of performers. Usually the melodies were not noted down - with the exception of situations when the melody was composed by e.g. a local organ player. In this case the notes were useful only for the organ player or a priest. In this way a rich, interesting handwritten collection of religious repertoire was created. A huge part of it was never published and exists only in manuscripts. This kind of written transmission of texts of religious songs was very popular in folk piety. 8 See e.g.: Magnificat, Hymns:Boże coś Polskę, My chcemy Boga,in:Czyńcie wszystko co Jezus wam powie. II Peregrynacja kopii obrazu Matki Boskiej Częstochowskiej w parafii Świętej Barbary w Chorzowie. 4 5 listopada 1997 r. Chorzów, p. 7, Pieśni ku czci Matki Bożej, ibid. pp (66 songs), Tajemnice różańca ujęte w pieśni, ibid., p. 26, Nowe pieśni ku czci Matki Bożej, ibid., pp (34 songs), Pieśni do Matki Boskiej Fatimskiej, ibid., pp (4 songs).

196 196 Jacek Jackowski It s getting dark, the world is sleeping Another day has flown like a bird I want to sing a song for good night To my Lady at the very last moment of the day I will put on my coat and take a guitar in my hands I will play quiet sounds and chords I will sing you a song of my love torment Oh, my beloved. Be willing to hear my voice a Figure 10.6 (a) Zarzucę płaszcz, gitarę wezmę w rękę (I will put on my coat and take a guitar in my hands) popular love song. a ISPAN T0467_02, Tekla Ogłodek b in Wielka Dąbrówka, distr. Tarnowskie Góry vocal, rec. 17 September 1951 Manuscripts were often borrowed and rewritten by hand (recently also photocopied) between families, villages and parishes. As a result this repertoire very quickly became well known and popular (Adamowski 2004: 7). Those manuscripts together with recordings of performances of the songs, constitute our present-day source of knowledge and potential material not only for ethnomusicological research. These sources of this still living repertoire must be sought out and collected copied digitalised as well as protected, and finally published.

197 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination 197 Figure 10.6 (b) Zapada zmrok, już świat ukołysany (It s getting dark, the world is sleeping) composed by Nun Magdalena, Naz., in: Śpiewnik 1994: 201). A large proportion of the lyrics of those songs was created in such a way that they match melodies of well known and popular religious songs (not always - Marian songs). It helped the believers to learn the songs quickly and easily. This kind of practice was noticed, tolerated and sometimes described by clergymen: The main point of the celebration of the Icon s family visitation was the proper choice of prayers and songs. In most cases Marian songs were sung but in times of Advent, Lent or Christmas the repertoire adapted to the specific time of liturgical year was also used. The prevailing repertoire was characterized by well known and popular texts and melodies. However, there were also songs in which parts of their texts were changed in order to adapt them for the family celebrations of welcoming the Icon of the Virgin Mary of Częstochowa. As home services in each family took about three hours there were needed a lot of songs in order to make the home service full and complete [...]. Many songs were composed by believers especially for the event of Peregrination. This repertoire was created according to the pattern of official songs devoted to the cult of Virgin Mary. Well known melodies were used with new texts or partly changed original lyrics. There were also completely new songs earlier created by people and disseminated in some village environments. (Cimek 1987: 109, ). We can distinguish four types in this group:

198 Figure 10.7 Hand rewritten lyrics of songs in special manuscripts (photo: J. Jackowski 2008)

199 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination 199 Texts of folk provenience to be sung to official church song melodies. The anonymous authors of this repertoire could have been village school teachers or sometimes ordinary people (see Figure 10.8). Popular text of religious song used in church (according to song book): How happy is the whole Poland Here the glory of Virgin Mary blossoms From the Baltic sea to the peaks of the mountains Our country is covered with Her coat Oh, Virgin Mary, Queen of Poland Oh, our Lady from Częstochowa Folk version of text (the same melody): How happy is our village Here lives Virgin Mary And She visits her children To remember the Millenium of Christianity in Poland (or other version: To remember the six hundred years of sanctuary of Jasna Góra) Oh,ourMother,weaskYou We will pray rosary today a Figure 10.8 Jak szczęśliwa nasza wioska. Original text: How happy is all over Poland (e.g. in:śpiewnik Diecezji Płockiej 1983: ); folk version: How happy is our village. a ISPAN CDT0052_07, Group of women from Gąsewo village, distr. Płock, rec. 25 May 2007 The chorus was very often used in many different songs and was repeated twice in traditional performance practice (in folk terminology, the socalled powtór ). Only the text has its source in official church song books while the place of

200 200 Jacek Jackowski the official melody is taken by a folk or popular melody. In this case we can sometimes observe a kind of evolution and deconstruction of the original text, e.g. the addition of a chorus (see Figure 10.9). Texts of folk provenience to be sung to melodies of popular patriotic songs. The described songs could have been created by local people, but sometimes they were kind of contrafacture of well known religious or patriotic songs. In the latter case new songs had a strong expressive power during the communist times (e.g. a new, religious text added to the national anthem melody). The presented example (see Figure 10.11) is of later provenience, and was composed after the election of Karol Wojtyła as the first Polish Pope 9 which was a special event for Polish history and had a decisive influence at that time on the political situation in Poland (Adamowski 1991, 2004). As stressed by Jan Adamowski a large part of songs about the Polish Pope which came into being and were disseminated in the 1980s and 90s in the environment of Polish village culture became a necessary element of the repertoire performed during the celebrations of the home visitation of the icon of the Virgin Mary of Częstochowa (Adamowski, 2004: 7). This is due to the fact that the figure of Virgin Mary in these songs becomes the main causative factor of the choice of the Cracow cardinal as the Pope as well as the supporter of his whole, extremely fruitful (both from the religious and social point of view) activity. It also connects with the tendency - well known in our national tradition to Polonise some religious forms. The cult of the Virgin Mary in the Pope songs becomes a Polish cult through recalling some of the Virgin Mary figures firstly the one of The Bright Mountain, and further the ones known from a local cults e.g. in Podlasie region such as the Leśna or Kodeń Virgin Mary (Adamowski 2004: 8). Both texts and melodies of folk provenience. The anonymous authors of this repertoire were local church organ players, village school teachers, folk musicians and sometimes ordinary people (see Figure 10.12). 9 Pontificate from 1978 until 2005.

201 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination 201 You took away my heart Original lyrics of the popular contemporary love song There is rough thunderstorm outside and it pouring with rain my heart is missing you so much and so you are my love You took away my heart, you took away my dreams the only thing you left are tears, these hot tears Serdeczna Matko (Kind-hearted Mother) Official text from 18 th century used in church Kind-hearted Mother, the protector of the people Maythecryoftheorphans drive You to mercy And folk additional refrain for the song according to version of new, secular melody: Take away my sorrows, take away my tears And leave only my health and sunny days a Figure 10.9 Popular love song created by well known leader of Warsaw urban folk ensemble and an old official song devoted to the cult of Virgin Mary Serdeczna Matko (Kind-hearted Mother, the protector of the people text from 18 th century) adapted to a modern melody of the above mentioned love song. a ISPAN CDT0019_02, Janina Słubik b in Kocierzew, distr. Łowicz, rec. 9 May 2006 When taking into consideration text transmission described in the above

202 202 Jacek Jackowski Figure 10.9 (continuation) Religious Marian Song Kind-hearted Mother from Mioduszewski s songbook, 1838 pp mentioned third group of folk religious songs the following text subgroups can be distinguished: Songs of adoration expressing honour, esteem, and worship of the Mother of God (see Figure 10.13). Songs of welcome and farewell to the person of the Virgin Mary in Her Icon and for beginning and finishing home services (see Figure 10.12: Witaj, witaj, ach zawitaj Pani Częstochowska (Come, we welcome You Lady of Częstochowa)). In this subgroup we can find also the above mentioned Song for goodnight sung to finish services and prayers (see Figure 10.14) and intentional songs which express joy, gratitude or requests, e.g. Jak szczęśliwa nasza wioska (How happy is our village) (see Figure 10.8) or O Częstochowska Ty nasza Królowo (Oh, our Queen from Częstochowa) (see Figure 10.15). Begun in 1957, the Peregrination of the Icon of the Virgin Mary of Częs-

203 Figure Title page of Mioduszewski s songbook.

204 204 Jacek Jackowski Text of the national anthem: Poland has not perished yet so long as we still live What alien force has seized, we at sabre point shall retrieve March, march, Dąbrowski, From Italy to Poland Let us now rejoin the nation under thy command Folk version. Transformation into religious text: Poland has not perished yet and will stay free Since in Rome sat on the throne of the Vatican Polish man March, march to Rome, As gen. Dąbrowski did Went to serve God and the Queen of Poland (Virgin Mary) Figure Poland has not perished yet and will stay free. Text of an unofficial folk religious song used with the melody of the national anthem of Poland. tochowa is still alive and continued in the tradition of the Polish Catholic Church was the year when the second Peregrination started followed by further visitations. Also the custom of small peregrination still continues. Homes of Catholics living in villages are at present also visited by the figure of the Virgin Mary of Fatima and the icon of Merciful Jesus. Each of these peregrinations produces an opportunity to cultivate old religious repertoire, reminding of traditional folk religious songs and creating new repertoire. In this brief article, the author has focused mainly on unofficial folk re-

205 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination 205 Come, we welcome You Lady of Częstochowa You are worshipped, oh Virgin Mary by our whole village Come, we welcome You our Mother You are given by the Primate to unite our families a Figure Witaj, witaj, ach zawitaj Pani Częstochowska (Come, we welcome You Lady of Częstochowa). a ISPAN CDT0019_08, Janina Słubik b in Kocierzew, distr. Łowicz, rec. 9 May 2006 a Figure Tysiąckroć bądź pozdrowiona (Be greeted a thousand times). a ISPAN CDT0005_06, group gf women from Zapusta village, distr. Sieradz, rec. 28 May 2005 ligious songs as an example of the expression of Polish traditional Catholic piety in the face of totalitarian system in Soviet times. However the analysis of a huge part of more modern repertoire was omitted. Peregrination of the copy of the Icon of the Virgin Mary of Częstochowa gave rise to similar paraliturgical customs in other regions of the country. Specific regions worship local effigies of the Virgin Mary characteristic for them.

206 206 Jacek Jackowski Good night, good night to the Holy Virgin Mary Who was standing at the Cross wringing her hands a Figure Song for goodnight. a Group of women from Kamienna Wola village, distr. Przysucha, rec. 18 May 2006 a Figure O Częstochowska Ty nasza Królowo (Oh, our Queen from Częstochowa). a Group of women from Strzałki village, distr. Grójec, rec. 12 May 2005 There are popular peregrinations of the Icons of Ludźmierz or the Virgin Mary of Kodeń the Rzeszów Virgin Mary of the Assumption or the Leżajsk Virgin Mary of Comfort. The idea of the peregrination of the Icon of the Virgin Mary of Częstochowa was also taken up by Polish clergymen abroad e.g. the first kind of such a peregrination took place in Brazil in 1958 (Jackowski

207 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination :122). Each of these events invites believers to a particular kind of piety and activity, also in the area of new musical repertoire creation. Works cited Adamowski J Pieśni o polskim papieżu Janie Pawle II. Twórczość Ludowa No 2, pp Adamowski J Współczesne opowieści i pieśni maryjne z Mazowsza i Podlasia. Etnolingwistyka Vol. 8, pp Adamowski J Czy istnieje folklor współczesny?. Twórczość Ludowa No. 1, pp Adamowski J Śpiewanejki moje... Najwybitniejsi śpiewacy ludowi Lubelszczyzny i ich repertuar, part 1. Lublin. Adamowski J Preface. In: J. Adamowski (ed.), Szczęśliwa dla Polski godzina wybiła. Wybór pieśni o Polskim Papieżu. Lublin, pp Bardecki A Procesja Tysiąclecia. Homo Dei Przegląd Ascetyczno-duszpasterski No 6, pp Bartkowski B. (ed.) Polskie śpiewy religijne społeczności katolickich. Studia i materiały,vol.1.lublin. Bartkowski B. 1987; Polskie śpiewy religijne w żywej tradycji. Style i formy.kraków. Bartkowski B Różne oblicza religijnej, ludowej kultury muzycznej we współczesnej Polsce. In: S. Bratkowski. S. Dąbek, A. Zoła (eds.), Współczesna polska religijna kultura muzyczna jako przedmiot badań muzykologii. Zakres pojęciowy, możliwości badawcze. Lublin, pp Cimek J Nawiedzenie obrazu Matki Bożej Częstochowskiej w rodzinach na przykładzie parafii Gorzków w diecezji lubelskiej. Studia Claromontana Vol. 7, pp Ciupak E Katolicyzm ludowy w Polsce. Sociological studies. Warszawa. Filaber A Prawodawstwo muzyki liturgicznej. Warszawa. Jackowski A Pielgrzymowanie. Wrocław. Jackowski A Jasnogórskie pielgrzymowanie bez granic. Częstochowa. Jackowski J Pieśni na pielgrzymim szlaku. Wierzyć Życiem No. 10, pp Jackowski J Nabożeństwa majowe przy kapliczkach i krzyżach przydrożnych.in:k.turek,b.mika(eds.),muzyka religijna między epokami i kulturami. Vol. 2, Katowice, pp Klonowski T Szczeble do nieba.vol.1.poznań. Kobrzeniecka-Sikorska G Ikona, kult, polityka. Rosyjskie ikony maryjne od drugiej połowy XVII wieku.

208 208 Jacek Jackowski Królowa Polski nawiedza swój kraj... Kronika Nawiedzenia Kopii Cudownego Obrazu Matki Bożej Jasnogórskiej w parafiach. Typescrpit in the Library of monastery on The Bright Mountain. Kupiszewska T. H Podobizny i kopie Obrazu Matki Boskiej Częstochowskiej. In: Jasnogórski Ołtarz Ojczyzny. Częstochowa, pp Lewandowski J. Naród w nauczaniu kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego. Warszawa. Lewkowicz W. (ed.) Śpiewnik parafialny czyli zbiór pieśni kościelnych oraz modlitw dla użytku wiernych w kościołach rzymsko-katolickich. Olsztyn. Majka J Socjologia religii w Polsce. In: Zeszyty Naukowe Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego. No 4 (20), Lublin, pp Mariański J Przemiany religijności ludowej w środowisku wiejskim. In: W. Piwowarski (ed.). Religijność ludowa ciągłość i zmiana. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Wrocławskiej Księgarni Archidiecezjalnej, pp Mioduszewski M. M Śpiewnik kościelny czyli pieśni nabożne z melodyjami w Kościele Katolickim używane a dla wygody kościołów parafijalnych przez x. M. M. Mioduszewskiego zgrom. XX. Miss. Zebrane. Kraków. Niedźwiedź A Obraz i postać. Znaczenia wizerunku Matki Boskiej Częstochowskiej. Kraków. Olszewski D Polska kultura religijna na przełomie XIX i XX wiek. K. Marciniak OP (ed.). Instytut Tomistyczny Ojców Dominikanów w Warszawie. Warszawa. Olsztyn Kongregacja ds. Kultu Bożego i Dyscypliny Sakramentów Dyrektorium o pobożności ludowej i liturgii. Zasady i wskazania. Poznań. Pach J Jasnogórski obraz i sanktuarium w nauczaniu kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego. Studia Claromontana Vol 5, pp Peregrynacja Czyńcie wszystko co Jezus wam powie. II Peregrynacja kopii obrazu Matki Boskiej Częstochowskiej w parafii Świętej Barbary w Chorzowie. 4 5 listopada 1997 r. Chorzów Peregrynacja kopii Obrazu Matki Bożej Częstochowskiej w Diecezji Rzeszowskiej. ks. J. Szczupak, ks. J. Buczek, ks. A. Cypryś (eds.). Rzeszów. Piwowarski W Parafia katolicka jako grupa społeczna. Zeszyty Naukowe Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego No 3 (47), Lublin, pp Piwowarski W Preface. In: W. Piwowarski (ed.). Religijność ludowa ciągłość i zmiana. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Wrocławskiej Księgarni Archidiecezjalnej, pp Płatek P Ojca Świętego Polska światu dała. Wiersze, pieśni, przyśpiewki, gawędy, opowieści polskich poetów ludowych.kraków. Płatek P Polska nam papieża dała. Antologia literackiej twórczości nieprofesjonalnej o Janie Pawle II i Jego dziejowym posłannictwie.vol.2.kraków. Pylak B. 1971a. Inicjatywy maryjno-duszpasterskie Księdza Prymasa. Zeszyty Naukowe KUL No 3 (55), pp

209 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination 209 Pylak B. 1971b. Nawiedzenie przez Matkę Bożą diecezji lubelskiej. Lublin. Ryndzionek I Peregrynacja Obrazu MB Częstochowskiej (propozycje dekoracyjne). Kraków: Poligrafia Salezjańska. Siedlecki J Śpiewnik Kościelny z melodiami na 2 głosy. Zawiera pieśni polskie i śpiewy Łacińskie oraz różne nabożeństwa i modlitwy. Wydanie Jubileuszowe ( ).Kraków. Solecki J Rola pieśni religijnej w kształtowaniu toĺľsamości narodowej Polaków. Zeszyty naukowe Akademii Muzycznej im. F. Chopina w Warszawie No 46, part 7, pp Stęszewski J Uwagi o badaniu żywej tradycji polskich śpiewów religijnych. In: J. Pikulik (ed.) Stan badań nad muzyką religijną w kulturze polskiej, Warszawa, pp Stęszewski J. Preface.In:B.Bartkowski(ed.),Polskie śpiewy religijne społeczności katolickich. Studia i materiały.vol.1.lublin. Szetelnicki, W Nawiedzenie Obrazu Matki Bożej Częstochowskiej w archidiecezji wrocławskiej. Rzym. Styk, J Przemiany w świadomości religijnej ludności wiejskiej. Twórczość Ludowa No. 3 4 (26), pp Śpiewnik kościelny Kraków. Śpiewnik kościelny Diecezji Płockiej Płock. Przyjdź Duchu Święty. Śpiewnik Odnowy w Duchu Świętym Warszawa. Tomicki R Religijność ludowa. In: M. Biernacka, M. Frankowska, W. Paprocka (eds.), Etnografia Polski. Przemiany kultury ludowej. Vol.2.Wrocław, Warszawa, Gdańsk, Kraków, Łódź, pp Urban W O kulcie Matki Boskiej Częstochowskiej w archidiecezji wrocławskiej. Studia Claromontana Vol. 3, pp Wyszyński S Gody w Kanie. Paryż. Zaleski W. SDB Jasna Góra Łódź.. Zoła A Problem autentyczności żywej tradycji ludowych śpiewów religijnych w Polsce. In: B. Bartkowski, S. Dąbek, A. Zoła (eds.), Współczesna polska religijna kultura muzyczna jako przedmiot badań muzykologii. Zakres pojęciowy, możliwości badawcze. Lublin, pp Zoła A Melodyka ludowych śpiewów religijnych w Polsce. Lublin.

210 210 Jacek Jackowski Appendix Incipits of religious songs included in hand written, so called Manuscript of the cult of Virgin Mary owned by Janina Lucyna Słubik b in Kocierzew (Łowicz Mazovia region): Powitanie: Witaj, witaj Matko kochana, witaj, witaj Niepokalana (Welcoming: Welcome, welcome dear Mother, welcome, welcome assumpted Virgin Mary) Matka Boska wędrująca namel.chwalcie łąki umajone (Wandering Mother of God on the melody of the song Let s adore the meadows adorned with verdure) Tam za lasem niedaleko stoi sobie cicha wioska (Behind the woods there is a quiet village not far away) Czarna Madonna (The Black Madonna) Na pożegnanie: Już nadchodzi czas rozstania (Farewell song: The time of separation is coming) Na dobranoc: Tu jest miejsce nawiedzenia (For goodnight: Here is the place of visitation) Już ci słoneczko zaszło (The sun has already set) Ciebie Matko wysławiamy (We adore You, oh Mother) 600 lat (600 years) Na dobranoc: Słońce zaszło gdzieś w oddali, ziemię tuli cicha noc namel.chwalcie łąki umajone (For goodnight: The sun has set somewhere far away - on the melody of the song Let s adore the meadows adorned with verdure) Pożegnanie: Niezapomniana chwila (Farewell: Unforgotten moment) Matko Najświętsza smutna to chwila gdy pojednania nadchodzi czas nadobranoc(the most Holy Mother, the time is sad when the act of reconciliation is coming For goodnight) Pieśń o Papieżu (Song about the Pope) Bądź pozdrowiona na mel. Zdrowaś Maryja (Be greeted on the melody of the song Holy Mary) Polska ziemia ma tron Matki (Polish land has the Mother s throne) Sieroty zebrane (Gathered orphans) Na pożegnanie: Żegnaj Maryjo, jak szczęśliwy ten kraj Polski (For farewell: Good bye Virgin Mary, so happy is the Polish country!) Żegnam Cię Matko (I am biding You, oh Mother) Matko miłosierna (Merciful Mother) Wszystkie nasze dzienne sprawy (All our daily matters) Spójrz Matko tu z obrazu na mel. Chwalcie łąki umajone (Mother, look here from Your Icon - on the melody of the song Let s adore the meadows adorned with verdure

211 Folk Religious Songs Sung during the Peregrination 211 Do Ciebie Matko szafarko łask (Mother rich of favours, we apply to You with our requests) O Królowa Pani nieba i ziemi (Oh,The Queen of Heaven and the Earth). Po górach dolinach (On the mountains and valleys the voice is spreading) Jak szczęśliwa Polska cała (How happy is the whole Poland) Żegnaj Maryjo (Good bye Virgin Mary) Zdrowaś Maryjo (Holly Mary) Witaj matko Częstochowska (Welcome Mother from Częstochowa) Maryjo, Królowo Polski (Virgin Mary, Queen of Poland)

212 11 Totalitarian Tendencies in Music Education: The Israeli Case Shai Burstyn The call for papers on the theme of Music traditions in totalitarian systems opened with the following concise description: In totalitarian systems, music traditions have been subjected to many forms of pressure to realise specific social projects. Due to the processes of selection and reduction imposed by social, political and cultural institutions, traditional music takes on new meanings and functions, helping to create the new musical forms and genres which, from the point of view of the totalitarian systems, best fulfil its political, social and educational functions. At the center of the statement, then, stands the function that music fulfils in society. Since every human society has what it recognizes as its music, the musical phenomenon is an integral part of human social nature. The call for papers assumes that totalitarian systems manipulate music traditions for their own purposes, that is, divert these traditions from their natural functions and turn them into a tool for achieving new meanings and functions, according to their specific ideologies. While I have no quarrel with this statement as such, I would like to suggest that this admittedly well-accepted view may require further introspection, amplification and possible re-definition. Consider the following scenario: As a result of fully democratic elections, a new government comes into power in a non-totalitarian, democratic country, say Britain, Australia, the United States, or my own country, Israel. A new government is formed. The

213 Totalitarian Tendencies in Music Education: The Israeli Case 213 new Minister of Education reshuffles the top echelon of his ministry, bringing in a new general manager. Some new chief professional supervisors are appointed, among them a new national supervisor of music education. She is an experienced music educator, critical of what has been going on in music education in the last decade and armed with strong convictions as to the direction national music education should take. Being a new broom, she sets out with energy and enthusiasm to turn her vision of national music education into reality. After a period of study and preparation, new songsters are printed to serve as source materials for music teachers in elementary schools across the nation. They are widely distributed and reach every music teacher in the country. These songsters are the result of effective committee work. The committee was naturally appointed by the new national music supervisor. The songs selected are overwhelmingly in a style and tradition of folksongs favored by the supervisor. Other songs, in other traditions or styles, are hardly represented. The supervisor herself might have written a persuasive introduction, addressing music teachers, in which she explained the ideology behind the project, and strongly recommended the assimilation of the songs in the school curriculum. I hope my point is now clear: the pressures which help to create new forms and functions for musical traditions, are not unique to totalitarian systems. They could very well appear, and even thrive, in democratic political systems. The reasons and convictions for implementing the pressures may vary, but the end result may still be very similar, if not identical:the pressuresapplied to musical traditions may indeed lead to changes in the meanings and functions of old musical traditions. In themselves, totalitarianism and democracy are merely two theoretical concepts of social-political organization. Their realization, however, gives rise to a bewildering range of shades, variations and combinations of the theoretical concepts. This is why discussing the influence of totalitarian or democratic regimes on a certain cultural activity is meaningful only within the context of the specific social-political blend prevailing in the country in which this activity takes place. Even though Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany and

214 214 Shai Burstyn Stalin s USSR were all totalitarian regimes, they differed in their resolve, extent and success in controlling artistic production (Arieli-Horowitz 2009: 29). AlthoughthescenarioI ve justdescribedcould materialize in mostdemocratic frameworks, it is more likely to appear in non-totalitarian political formations in which nationalist goals are high on the agenda. Among these, political entities struggling to achieve formal independence are especially interesting to follow, for in them many educational aspects are channelled towards national, even nationalistic goals. In such national formations, manipulating existing musical traditions or even creating new, instant myths are hardly surprising. After all, the emotive power of music has long ago been recognised as a highly effective, unifying social force. Even though the attempts to attain, and implementations of, educational and artistic aims vary considerably among totalitarian regimes, their central goal of indoctrination is always clear. On the other hand, defining the aims of education and their means of implementation in a democratic society is a more complex issue. Even if the stated goal of practically all democracies is to produce free-thinking, rational and critical citizens, it is questionable to what extent this goal is achievable, and whether the transmission of knowledge can or should be totally divorced from values and opinions. It has been repeatedly shown not only that ideology regularly creeps into humanistic areas of study such as history, literature, art and music, but inadvertently even into the supposedly objective life sciences. The case of pre-state Israel Israel achieved statehood in In the three decades preceding the establishment of the state, a rich variety of euphemisms and clichés were employed to describe and promote an educational approach that today would be characterized as outright indoctrination. Among the more frequently used phrases employed at the time one finds education in the spirit of the homeland, shaping national consciousness, fostering a preferred cultural style and the educational ideal of the new Jew. Hayim N. Bialik, our national

215 Totalitarian Tendencies in Music Education: The Israeli Case 215 poet and a great partisan of Zionist-national indoctrination, preferred to call it sub-conscious ideological learning. While it is true that elementary-school children do not yet possess fully-formed conceptions of time and place and learn best by experiential rather than purely cognitive approaches, it is nevertheless obvious that the sayings quoted here promote nothing less than brain-washing and emotional conditioning, direct and indirect, that are foisted on the young in the name of the ideology they serve. The statement of Y. Tabenkin, a central figure in the influential labour and kibbutz movement, is a representative example. In 1942 he declared: Striving for a nontendentious school [...] is a worthless goal. A school of indifference, of objectivity, of rationalism, is not a school in our movement (Almog 1997: 55). Such statements ought to be considered in the context of Marxist criticism against objective, disengaged education and against l art pour l art which in the 1920s gave rise to extensive debates concerning the positions educators and artists should/should not express vis-à-vis central social issues. Under the British mandate, Jewish Palestine enjoyed considerable freedom in educational matters. Throughout that period ( ), great efforts were invested in instilling in the young the basic tenets of Zionist-socialist national ideology which was hegemonic at the time. The influential political left of the Hebrew Zionist movement felt a great affinity with the Soviet Union, and admired its effort to shape the new Soviet man. Anton S. Makarenko s The Pedagogical Poem (1938) was translated into Hebrew and became an inspiring best-seller, and the stylistic earmarks of Soviet Socialist Realism were adopted by Hebrew authors and painters and adapted to their unique ideological desiderata. Russian songs were always popular in Jewish Palestine since most of the Zionist immigrants hailed from eastern Europe, many of them from Russia. The Second World War brought along a new wave of Russian songs, among them those celebrating the victorious Red Army and its heroic generals. Translated into Hebrew by first-rate Hebrew poets, these songs were sung enthusiastically in the youth movements and elsewhere. 1 1 I found such popular Russian songs even in the songster of Beytar, the revisionist, right-wing youth movement.

216 216 Shai Burstyn Hebrew youth movements, especially the left-wing Hashomer Hatza ir ( the Young Guard ) preached and practiced attitudes and doctrines honed in the USSR, where the young were indoctrinated in the Komsomol to strive for the creation of a social reality diametrically opposed to that of Czarist Russia. Likewise, in Jewish Palestine, the pioneering youth movements instilled in their young members the revolutionary ideals of the abandonment of the diaspora and rejuvenation in Palestine by means of a new individual and communal Jewish life. The new Hebrew man had many points of similarity with the new Soviet man. In both communities, the rejection of rationalism a fundamental tenet of western liberalism was a direct outcome of recognizing its ineffectiveness in achieving the desired educational national goals. This brief account of historical-cultural background is provided here as a necessary context for understanding the educational activities within which Hebrew folksongs played a major role. The Jewish National Fund (henceforth JNF) was an important Zionist organization founded at the beginning of the 20 th century for the purpose of raising funds for purchasing land from Arab landlords and for settling on it Jewish pioneers in new communal-agricultural entities (known as kibbutzim and moshavim). The loaded, religiously connotated term redemption was widely employed to describe this act. Redemption of the land, redemption of the Jewish people from their shabby diaspora fate these were typical slogans upon which generations of Eretz-Israeli-born children had been raised. Youngsters were taught some would say programmed or conditioned to identify with this interpretation of national redemption and to internalize it as the sole solution to what was known as the Jewish problem. In a recent book entitled An agent of Zionist Propaganda. The Jewish National Fund , the working methods of one of Israel s most revered institutions of nation-building are shown to be largely based on indoctrinating the young generation to the Zionist cause (Bar-Gal, 1999). It must be added, however, that in those pre-second World War days the term propaganda did not yet have the pejorative connotations it acquired during and after the war as a result of its gross abuse by both the Nazi and the Soviet regimes. On the

217 Totalitarian Tendencies in Music Education: The Israeli Case 217 contrary, the JNF had an active section officially entitled The Propaganda Department which sought to spread the national message by producing and distributing pamphlets, photos and new songs celebrating Zionist resettlement in Palestine. In order to widely disseminate such Hebrew songs among Jewish communities around the world, this department produced postcards featuring the notation and the full text of a song instead of a picture. The caption of Figure 11.1 (side B) is from the songs of the homeland. In the early 1920s, a few enterprising teachers created the teachers council for the Jewish National Fund, and sought to develop a comprehensive experiential program of study in order to impart national, ideological messages through emotional identification. The concrete means for achieving this goal songs, dances, stories, holiday ceremonies did not exist; they had to be created from scratch. Hence, a fast-growing repertory of national educational materials was at first written, composed and taught by a fairly small group of dedicated teachers, and later disseminated with the institutional assistance of the JNF, the Jewish Agency, the pioneering youth movements, and, in its early years, even the IDF, the Israeli army. I stress again the fact that this was initially an act of purely voluntary organization, fed solely by the ideological conviction of individuals within a society largely homogeneous in its national aspirations. It was a bottom-up movement, not a top-down dictate. The most remarkable feature of the first songs composed in Palestine was their language Hebrew. Kindergarten and elementary school teachers were in dire need for songs in the Biblical tongue which for millennia was used only for prayer but was now miraculously brought back to life by an accelerated process of renewal through daily usage. These songs were meant to fulfil both everyday functions and festive occasions, especially holidays whose religious traditional content underwent radical transformations in order to make them relevant to the secular ideology of pioneering Zionism. New Hebrew texts were fitted to European children s tunes or to similar, locally composed melodies. Towards the end of the 1920s, educators and musicians have begun to express growing dissatisfaction with the sung repertory and objected to the wide-ranging use of such foreign-style tunes, even though they were sung in Hebrew. This was the moment of birth of the new mu-

218 Figure 11.1 M. Weiner (Shelem), Hazor im Bedim a (Those who sow in tears), on a JNF postcard (side A and B)

219 Totalitarian Tendencies in Music Education: The Israeli Case 219 sical style of Hebrew songs. In full accordance with Zionist ideology, the new style, developed by a small group of folk composers, turned its back on many tenets of the European musical tradition and in turn opened up to the orient. Many of the musical characteristics of the new style were either adopted from surrounding Arabic music, or from Jewish oriental Biblical cantilation. They included a small range, mainly stepwise motion, movement within tetrachordal and pentachordal formations and a clear preference of modes over the major-minor system. The early songs of Yedidya Gorochov- Admon ( ) were the first fruits of the new style. His Eliezer and Rivka ( Eliezer and Rebecca ), whose text paraphrases a Biblical scene (Genesis, ch. 24) is a typical example (see Figure 11.2). Figure 11.2 Y. Admon, Eliezer and Rivka