LNGT 0250 Morphology and Syntax

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LNGT 0250 Morphology and Syntax Announcements Assignment #6 is posted and is due Fri April 24 at 2pm. Next week s presentations order. 3 on Monday. 4 on Wed. Lecture #19 April 20 th, 2015 2 Argument structure matters again! Summary X Theory generates phrase structures in human language. The theory faces two challenges, however: It overgenerates and it undergenerates. To prevent overgeneration, we needed to constrain the theory with filters on its output (e.g., Theta Theory and Binding Theory). To prevent undergeneration, we needed to enrich the theory with a new kind of rule: transformations (mainly movement rules such as V to T and T to C). 3 4 Summary Cross linguistic variation is the result of s that distinguish between different types of languages: Head initial languages (English, Edo) vs. headfinal languages (Japanese/Turkish). High subject languages (English/French) vs. lowsubject languages (Welsh/Irish). Verb raising languages (French/German) vs. T lowering languages (English) V2 languages (German/Dutch/Scandinavian) vs. non V2 languages (English/French). Parameters and languages so far Parameter English Japanese French German Welsh HD Subject placement Verb movement V2 T down to V Headinitial Headfinal Headinitial? Head-initial Specifier of VP? V up to T V up to T V up to T No? No Yes? 5 6 1

Let s do VOS! English: The woman washed the clothes. Malagasy (Austronesian) manasa ni lamba ny vihavavy wash the clothes the woman The woman is washing the clothes. Suggest a to get this difference in word order accounted for. Draw a tree for the Malagasy sentence in light of your. 7 8 OVS/OSV languages OVS/OSV languages are not that well understood, but there are definitely ways to derive their word order. I ll leave it to you as an exercise to think of ways for how these word orders can be derived. Or maybe they ll show up on some homework. The syntax of questions Questions are of two types: Yes no questions Wh questions (i.e., questions starting with words such as who, what, which, etc., in English). 9 10 Sentences with modal verbs simply undergo T to C [+Q] movement to form a yes no question: Will you join us for dinner? Can you move this table please? Sentences with auxiliary have and be undergo both V to T and T to C movements: Is she studying in the library still? Has he visited his parents recently? Sentences with main verbs require the rule of Do support to save inflectional affixes from being stranded: Did John leave? *Left John? Does she really like syntax? *Likes she syntax? 11 12 2

In sentences with multiple verbal elements, the closest one to C is the one that gets fronted (a locality condition): Will he have graduated in May? *Have he will graduated in May? Questions in Irish Irish: An bhfaca tú an madra? Q see.past you the dog Did you see the dog? Has he been investigated by the CIA? *Been he have investigated by the CIA? 13 14 Yes no questions in French Parlez vous français? Speak.2pl you.pl French Do you speak French? The syntax of wh questions Languages differ in the way they form whquestions. Avez vous mange des pommes? Have you.2pl eaten the apples Have you eaten the apples. *Mangé vous avez des pommes? English type languages always front wh words to the beginning of the sentence: a. Who did you see? b. *Did you see who? (bad on a non echo reading) 15 16 Variation in wh questions Japanese, however, does not front its wh words. Rather, these words stay in their position in the sentence. They stay in situ : John ga dare o butta ka? John SU who OB hit Q marker Who did John hit? Egyptian Arabic /inta Suft miin? you saw who Who did you see? The wh This is another instance of ization: In some languages wh words move to the front of the sentence (English); in others whwords stay in situ (Japanese). Let s call this the wh. 17 18 3

Derivation of wh-questions What i have you seen t i? (where t i stands for trace) subject aux inversion: means Aux is in C Wh-word precedes C hence it is in specifier of CP CP C [+Q] C you T T have VP seen what Why do we think traces exist? There is evidence that even though they are phonologically null, traces are syntactically present. A famous example is that of wanna contraction in English. 19 20 Wanna contraction in wh questions I want to kiss the kitten. I wanna kiss the kitten. [want + to] wanna Wanna contraction in wh questions Who i do you want to kiss t i? Who do you want to kiss? Who do you wanna kiss? *Who i do you want t i to kiss the kitten? Who do you want to kiss the kitten? *Who do you wanna kiss the kitten? 21 22 Partial wh fronting Some languages allow partial wh fronting. In English, partial wh fronting is prohibited: Who do you think that Mary saw _? *Do you think who that Mary saw _? In Malay, however, partial wh fronting is perfectly acceptable, leading to a medial whphrase in the structure (Cole and Hermon 2000): Kamu fikir ke mana Mary pergi _? you think to where Mary go Where do you think that Mary went? 23 Wh doubling Similar partial wh fronting effects have been observed in both Hungarian and a dialect of German, except that in these languages two wh words appear, one medially and one in front. This is sometimes called wh doubling. Hungarian (Horvath, 1997) Mit gondolz hogy kivel beszelt Mari? who think that who with talk Mari With whom do you think that Mari talked? 24 4

Wh doubling German (McDaniels, 1989) Was glaubst du mit wem Maria jetzt spricht? What believe you with whom Maria now talks With whom do you think Maria is now talking? 25 Typology of question formation (rather simplified) Wh fronting Question formation Wh in situ Japanese/Egy. Arabic Partial fronting ok No partial fronting English Wh doubling ok No wh doubling German/Hungarian Malay* Malay actually allows wh in situ as well. 26 English learning children produce whdoubling questions Interestingly, children learning English have been observed to produce doubling whquestions of the German and Hungarian type: What do you think what s in the box? What do you think where the marble is? What do you think what Cookie Monster eats? But it gets interesting Medial wh words are not permitted if the embedded clause is an infinitival: a. *Was versucht wen Hans anzurufen? who try who Hans call b. Wen versucht Hans anzurufen? who try Hans call Whom is Hans trying to call? Interestingly, English learning children do not repeat wh phrases in medial position if the complement is an infinitival. Who do you want who to win? is unattested in their speech, even upon elicitation. 27 28 Next class agenda More on wh movement: Islands. 29 5