Ritual Sacrifice, Decapitation, and Death: Its Impact on the Moche People of Coastal Peru, 100 A. D. to 800 A.D.

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1 Ritual Sacrifice, Decapitation, and Death: Its Impact on the Moche People of Coastal Peru, 100 A. D. to 800 A.D. Jesslane Fantauzzi, McNair Scholar Dr. Jean Hudson, Anthropology Department Introduction The Moche Valley of Peru has been inhabited for thousands of years. It was home to a flourishing culture before the innovation of agriculture was introduced. This study focuses on the lives of the Moche, who lived in this coastal area from 100 A.D. to 800 A.D. Though anthropologists know much about the Moche people, in many ways they remain a mystery. These people did not have a writing system, which forces anthropologists and archaeologists to extrapolate data via various methodologies. They labor with iconography, burial data, grave goods, material artifacts and forensics to piece together and translate what the dead have left behind. Studying the bodies themselves also gives us a way to analyze concrete information. Gender can usually be identified, as well as age at death, the diet of the individual, and his/her overall health. This knowledge gives us clues as to how the Moche people lived. It is then the job of the anthropologist to interpret the data as thoroughly as possible, in order to reconstruct what may have happened in the past. Some would find the Moche people extremely bloodthirsty. The archaeological datum is rife with examples of decapitation, bloodletting, and mortal practices. Symbols of death are found everywhere. These examples encompass everyone, including man, woman, and child. Decapitation, and more importantly, ritual sacrifice, is the theme in various mediums (pottery, textiles, and metallurgy). It is found throughout the iconography, and it seemed to have been a fundamental element of this culture. The purpose of this study is to elucidate, as far as possible, three primary objectives: 1. Why people were sacrificed, and therefore made sacred individuals. 2. Whether or not these people were.victims., or willing participants, in their own demise. 3. To glean an understanding of the people who lived, died, and were venerated in death. This task will be accomplished through a literature review of anthropological and biological evidence, including iconography, forensics, and archaeological excavations. Literature Review The Moche culture of western coastal Peru flourished from between 100 A.D. to 800 A.D. It is undergoing an intensive anthropological/archaeological study by anthropologists from around the world. Through archeological excavation we are able to

2 surmise that the Moche culture was a complex civilization. Unfortunately, the fact that they were a complex culture does not automatically mean they had a written language; they did not (or at least archaeologists have not been able to find one). Archaeologists, therefore, are forced to interpret much of the material remains (textiles, pottery, burials, and art) via iconographic studies, artifactual studies, and forensics. Iconography, or the representational art that the Moche did leave behind, plays an important role in interpreting much about the Moche culture. A basic theme found throughout Moche iconography is the presence of the burial ritual. It depicts several key things: bound captives, human ritual sacrifice, the practice of blood letting, and the imbibing (or simple accepting) of said blood by priests and priestesses from Spondylus spp. shells (Hill, 1998). Many pieces of pottery, specifically jars with v-neck spouts and base-relief carvings, have been studied with the aim to form some type of chronology. They have been interpreted to show a development of the Moche ritualistic sacrifices, and a continuation of said practice for hundreds of years. Human figures include the priests and priestesses who presided over the rituals (either as normal humans or as anthropomorphic individuals), their captives, and attendants (Donnan & McClelland, 1979). Human decapitation is a major feature in Moche iconography. This morbid theme is one among many, however. Eroticism, animal ritual sacrifice, and portraits are also represented within Moche iconography (Frame, 2001)(Alva & Donnan, 1993). Beyond iconography, however, it is also physically apparent that the Moche people practiced decapitation: this is where forensics comes into play. A forensic study allows the anthropologist and/or archaeologist to glean more precise information about the Moche people. Burial pits have been uncovered with severed heads (incomplete skeletons were also found), and point to evidence of ritualistic decapitation (Cordy-Collins, 2001). Burial pits and their contents are an integral part of anthropological studies. The study of the physical body gives anthropologists specific information as to the gender of the individual, the age at death, the person.s overall health/diet and quite possibly their station in life (Donnan & Mackey, 1978). Analytical study of the burial goods can elucidate any number of things, including why the person died, or what his/her station in life was. For the Moche culture, burial goods run the gamut from decorated/plain pottery, to ritualistic offerings, such as human attendants or llama heads, to gold ear ornaments, textiles embroidered with gold platelets, and Spondylus spp. shells (Alva & Donnan, 1993). Research Design/Methodology The majority of this study is being conducted via literature research, in English, Spanish, and French. Materials include texts that focus on settlement patterns, and how a particular culture synthesizes their environment with their religious and cultural development (Renfrew & Bahn, 1991); articles that focus on particular artifacts, such as pottery (Donnan, 1985), and disembodied human limbs (Arsenault, 1993) and their importance to the anthropological record; and forensic texts that focus on the bodies of those buried in grave pits and building foundations (Donnan, 1978, & Hocquenghem, 19uu). The author also, in an effort to understand references to the study of animal ritual sacrifice, and therefore animal remains, processed animal remains to their skeletal 2

3 frameworks. The process included identifying a specimen.s correct classification, measuring and weighing it, and recording that information. Then, it was skinned, eviscerated, dismembered, and flensed. The last step was to put the bones in a sealed container full of water. The bacteria in the specimen, combined with the water in the containers, served to remove the rest of the flesh in a process called maceration. An integral part of this study also focuses on building a database which allows us to cross-reference different results with efficacy, always with the understanding that the information we glean from the Moche is subjective and interpretative. Argument The Moche people of Peru were an established civilization from 100 A.D to 800 A.D. They experienced a rise and fall between the Early Intermediate period, 200 B.C.- A.D. 600, and the Middle Horizon period A.D (Benson & Cook, 2001). The culture eventually underwent a mysterious demise, but it is apparent that at its height, it was a complex civilization with a highly developed religion and communal practices. These people are pre-historic and pre-columbian: they did not leave behind a written record for archaeologists to translate, nor did they have contact with the European conquerors that left behind (admittedly subjective) first-hand accounts of the people they encountered in South America. Due to these facts, anthropologists and archaeologists are forced to cross-reference data on what is already known about the Moche, and to then interpret what they have to co-exist with the general pool of knowledge. New findings are integrated into this existing pool of data only after rigorous studies. Anthropologists and archaeologists accomplish this by studying several specific things: iconography, material artifacts (which include burial goods and human remains), and archaeological data. Due the nature of iconography, and its focus on representational artifacts, it is almost impossible to know for a categorical fact, exactly what the Moche intended to impart. However, anthropologists and archaeologists are able to extrapolate information from iconographic sources because they have a few basic themes: ritual sacrifice, the personages that carry out the ritual sacrifices, and the individuals who are sacrificed. Pottery, in the form of ceramic vessels such as stirrup spout bottles, jars, and bowls, depict said individuals (which are usually male) engaged in what appears to be ritual sacrifice. One person holds a bound captive by the hair with one hand, while holding a sacrificial blade (or tumi knife) to the person.s throat, preparatory to cutting, with the other hand. It is unsure whether or not the victim is willing or not; however, since it is apparent that a healthy part of Moche daily life was engaged in war, it can be ascertained that the sacrificial victims were warriors captured in battle. Also, it is apparent that people volunteered either themselves, or their children, in order to sanctify that individual.s place with their ancestors (Hill, 1198). Other ceramic jars, decorated by fineline drawing, depict four basic themes within the sacrificial context: burial, assembly, conch-shell transfer, and sacrifice (Donnan & McClelland, 1979). Though anthropologists only have access to six of these vessels, it is obvious that they are representational. They were made by a total of five artists, and it is interesting to note that while all of the vessels have slightly different details, they conform to a few basic figures. These figures are human, animal, and anthropomorphic, 3

4 and they are involved in the same activities on all the vessels. Two figures, known as the Iguana (he has a serrated tail and resembles an iguana) and Wrinkle Face (he has lines painted on his face), lower a casket into a burial pit. Attendants, known as the Net Figures (they wear net-like garments) are stacked up, row upon row, on one side of the casket. On the other side of the casket, animals, either deer or felines, are also lined up. A different portion of these vessels portray Kneeler, a figure kneeling at the top of a flight of stairs, under a gabled roof. His garments are usually different, except for a crescent-shaped headdress he wears on all of the vessels. He is approached by either Iguana or Wrinkle Face, and is either in the act of accepting or giving conch shells to him. The last act painted on these vessels is sacrifice: Wrinkle Face is standing off to one side, while Iguana stands (tumi knife in hand) next to a prostrate, sprawled, nude woman who is being attacked by birds. (Donnan & McClelland, 1979) Other art forms are also covered in religious figures, here referred to as priests and/or priestesses, decapitators, and sacrificial victims. Wall murals and stone slabs carved in base relief repeat the theme of sacrifice and ritual decapitation, while molded ceramic jars serve as portraits of the same figures. Textiles, in the form of blankets, mantles, and garments, are literally covered with gold and embroidered figures. These are not always innocuous figures, however; they include victorious warriors and their captives (who are either being captured, or prepared for sacrifice), priests and priestesses presiding over the actual sacrifice, or anthropomorphized figures engaging in similar activities. The prevalence of anthropomorphic personages shouldn.t be understated: animals and their human counterparts are ubiquitous in Moche iconography. Burial pits also have a huge impact on how anthropologists and/or archaeologists view the Moche people. Their contents, both the physical bodies, and the grave goods, can tell quite a bit about the person interred. Forensic science tells us the person.s age, health, how he died, what strenuous activities he may have been involved in, etc. A person.s daily activities can be surmised by the physical condition of the skeleton: whether or not he/she was engaged in strenuous labor such as farming or training for warfare, what kind of diet the person lived on, whether or not he/she had procreated, etc. Grave goods, such as pottery, sacrificed animals such as llamas, jars, necklaces, headdresses, and many other objects (and the lack thereof) tell us about the person.s social status. Since men, women, and children are all represented, it is important to try to distinguish whether or not these people were sacrificed, or died natural deaths. However, that is made even more difficult by the fact that sacrifice is so prevalent in this culture, and physical remains could have been damaged by natural causes (weather, animals, or the passage of time). Once the archaeologist has uncovered these material remains, it is up to both the anthropologist and the archaeologist to interpret what they mean. Conclusion The Moche people left behind a rich cornucopia of art, and material remains, beautiful in the extreme. The juxtaposition of its grim history is made more acutely apparent due to the ubiquitous symbols of death, made in such exquisite detail. However, death and dismemberment are not the only subject matter in Moche iconography. It is rampant with portraits of important personages, depictions of nature, and everyday minutia. It is 4

5 difficult to ascertain whether or not the people of this culture lived in fear of sudden, violent death, or whether they welcomed ritual sacrifice as a way to thank the god(s) for their prosperous way of living. It is important to remember that though death is a basic theme in Moche iconography, it is only one of many. It is apparent that a culture capable of producing complex metallurgy, pottery, and textiles, is an advanced community. It is only through more research that anthropologists will be able to learn more about the Moche.s way of life. Bibliography 1. Alva, Walter & Donnan, Christopher B. Royal Tombs of Sipan. Regents of the University of California, Arsenault, Daniel. El Personaje del Pie Amputado en la Cultura Mochica del Peru: un Ensayo Sobre la Arqueologia del Poder. Latin American Antiquity, 4(3), Pp Benson, Elizabeth P. Why Sacrifice? (Ritual Sacrifice in Ancient Peru). University of Texas Press, Austin, Pg Benson, Elizabeth P. & Cook G. Anita. Ritual Sacrifice in Ancient Peru. University of Texas Press, Austin, Bourget, Steve. Children and Ancestors: Ritual Practices at the Moche Site of Huaca de la Luna, North Coast of Peru (Ritual Sacrifice in Ancient Peru). University of Texas Press, Austin, Pg Cook, Anita G. Huari D-Shaped Structures, Sacrificial Offerings, and Divine Rulership (Ritual Sacrifice in Ancient Peru). University of Texas Press, Austin, Pg Cordy-Collins, Alana. Blood and the Moon Priestesses: Spondylus Shells in Moche Ceremony (Ritual Sacrifice in Ancient Peru). University of Texas Press, Austin, Pg Cordy-Collins, Alana. Decapitation in Cupisnique and Early Moche Societies (Ritual Sacrifice in Ancient Peru). University of Texas Press, Austin, Pg Donnan, Christopher B. & Foote, Leonard J. Child and Llama Burials from Huanchaco (Ancient Burial Patterns of the Moche Valley, Peru). University of Texas Press, Austin & London, Pg Donna, Christopher B. & Mackey, Carol J. Ancient Burial Patterns of the Moche Valley, Peru. University of Texas Press, Donnan, Christopher B. & McClelland, Donna. The Burial Theme in Moche Iconography. Dumbarton Oaks (Trustees for Harvard University, Washington, D.C.),

6 12. Frame, Mary. Blood, Fertility, and Transformation: Interwoven Themes in the Paracas Necropolis Embroideries (Ritual Sacrifice in Ancient Peru). University of Texas Press, Austin, Pg Hill, Erica. Death as a Rite of Passage: the Iconography of the Moche Burial Theme. Antiquity (72), Pp Moseley, Michael E. The Incas and their Ancestors: The Archaeology of Peru, Revised Edition. Thames and Hudson, Ltd., London, 1992 and Proulx, Donald A. Ritual Uses of Trophy Heads in Ancient Nasca Society (Ritual Sacrifice in Ancient Peru). University of Texas Press, Austin, Pg Renfrew, Colin & Bahn, Paul. Archaeology: Theories, Methods, and Practice. Thames and Hudson Ltd., London, Verano, John W. The Physical Evidence of Human Sacrifice in Ancient Peru (Ritual Sacrifice in Ancient Peru). University of Texas Press, Austin, Pg