Material Moments in Book Cultures

Transcription

1 Material Moments in Book Cultures Essays in Honour of Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser Edited by Simon Rosenberg and Sandra Simon

2 Material Moments in Book Cultures This Festschrift honours the dedicated book historian and medievalist Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser. Her wide-ranging scholarly expertise has encouraged and influenced many adepts of the book. The essays in this volume reflect the variety of her interests: The contributions range from Chaucer s Fürstenspiegel to the value of books in comedy, from the material book to the magical book in religious and literary cultures, from collaborative efforts in manuscript production to the relations of distributors of books across national and ideological boundaries, from the relations between the makers of books to the relation of readers to their books. Covering a period from the Middle Ages to the present, the volume concludes with a look at the future of book history as a field of study.

3 Material Moments in Book Cultures

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5 Material Moments in Book Cultures Essays in Honour of Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser Edited by Simon Rosenberg and Sandra Simon

6 Bibliographic Information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the internet at Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Material moments in book cultures : essays in honour of Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser / edited by Simon Rosenberg and Sandra Simon. pages cm ISBN Books History. 2. Book industries and trade History. 3. Books and reading History. I. Rosenberg, Simon, editor. II. Simon, Sandra, editor. III. Müller-Oberhäuser, Gabriele, honouree. Z4.M dc ISBN (Print) E-ISBN (E-Book) DOI / Peter Lang GmbH Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften Frankfurt am Main 2014 All rights reserved. Peter Lang Edition is an Imprint of Peter Lang GmbH. Peter Lang Frankfurt am Main Bern Bruxelles New York Oxford Warszawa Wien All parts of this publication are protected by copyright. Any utilisation outside the strict limits of the copyright law, without the permission of the publisher, is forbidden and liable to prosecution. This applies in particular to reproductions, translations, microfilming, and storage and processing in electronic retrieval systems. This publication has been peer reviewed.

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9 tabula gratulatoria Jana Asmuth Dortmund Julia Becher Münster Janika Bischof Emden Jörg Bölling Göttingen Tobias Budke Münster Beatrix Busse Heidelberg James Carley Toronto Mirjam Christmann Münster Dagmar Deuber Münster Jessica Eickmann Münster Bernhard Fabian Münster Silja Fehn Münster Heinz Finger Köln Stephan Füssel Mainz Ulrike Graßnick Trier Dörthe Gruttmann Münster Ulrike Gut Münster Jessica Hardenberger Münster Barbara Heitkämper Berlin Maria Hillebrandt Münster Birgit Hötker-Bolte Schöppingen Andreas Hövener Münster

10 Paul Hoftijzer Leiden Malin Hoster Münster Anne Hudson Oxford Ann Hutchison Toronto Lena Jahnke München Peter Johanek Münster Rita Jülicher und Hans-Joachim Weimann Köln Kirsten Juhas Münster Hagen Keller Münster Florian Kläger Münster Dieter Kranz Coesfeld Catrin Kremer Köln Lienhard Legenhausen Münster Irmgard Lensing Münster Christiane Lütge Münster Sylvia Mayer Bayreuth Christel Meier-Staubach Münster Bianca van Melis-Spielkamp Bonn Carmen Mühle Münster Christoph Müller-Oberhäuser und Kristina Gellissen Köln/Bonn Hans-Ulrich Müller-Oberhäuser Billerbeck Marga Munkelt Münster Corinna Norrick-Rühl Mainz Bernfried Nugel Münster Birgit Oberhäuser Köln Christina Ohde-Benna Wachtberg bei Bonn

11 James Pankhurst Münster Matti Peikola Turku Andreas Pietsch Münster Marika Räsänen Turku Erika Real-Choisi und Hermann Josef Real Beckum Wolfgang Richter Münster Simon Rosenberg Münster Katja Sarkowsky Münster Eva Schaten Münster Uta Schleiermacher Münster Barbara Schmidt-Haberkamp Bonn Ute Schneider Mainz Dorthe Schröer Neuss Sandra Simon Münster Helga Spevack-Husmann Münster Marie-Luise Spieckermann Münster Sita Steckel Münster Mark Stein Münster Klaus Stierstorfer Münster Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger Münster Sarah Ströer Münster Hubert Tenkhoff Münster Angelika Thiele Münster Anna Thiem Münster Marlies Thöle Münster Reima Välimäki Turku

12 Adriaan van der Weel Leiden Julia Katharina Waltke Stuttgart Uta Webbeler Münster Torsten Wieschen Münster Hubert Wolf Münster Ehrenpreis Institut für Swift Studien, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster Englisches Seminar, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster Exzellenzcluster Religion und Politik Mainzer Institut für Buchwissenschaft Studienstiftung des deutschen Volkes Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Münster Zentrum für Textedition und Kommentierung an der Westfälischen Wilhelms- Universität Münster

13 Contents Here begynneth the Festschryfte... XV Birgit Hötker-Bolte, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster List of Publications by Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser... XXI Prologue Ulrike Graßnick, Universität Trier This litel tretys : Chaucer s Mirror for Princes The Tale of Melibee... 3 I. Momenta Eva Schaten, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Books as Objects of Magic in the Late Middle Ages Matti Peikola, University of Turku Signing the Diabolical Pact: Aspects of Supernatural Written Communication in Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, Torsten Wieschen, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Forms of Addressing the Educated Reader in Early Printed Paratexts Sarah Ströer, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Juvenile Sunday Reading in Nineteenth-Century England Sandra Simon, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Authors, Publishers, and the Literary Agent: An Ideal Literary Trinity?... 77

14 xii Contents Simon Rosenberg, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Book Value Categories in Television Comedy Shows II. Moments Anne Hudson, University of Oxford A Tale of Two Odos: The Development of a Lollard Authority Jessica Hardenberger, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Patterns of Collaboration among the Makers of the Auchinleck Manuscript (National Library of Scotland, Advocates MS ) Marga Munkelt, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster A Mute(d) King: Emotions Inferred in Shakespeare s Edward III Paul Hoftijzer, Leiden University Leiden-German Book-Trade Relations in the Seventeenth Century: The Case of Jacob Marcus Janika Bischof, Johannes a Lasco Bibliothek, Emden The Printed Acta Synodi Nationalis Dordrechti as a Networking Tool Mirjam Christmann, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Huguenot Material in London after the Edict of Fontainebleau: The Vaillant Family Hermann Josef Real, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Swift as Bookman: Reader, Collector, and Donor Uta Schleiermacher, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Class-Related Aspects of Reading in Victorian Autobiographies: Molly Hughes, A London Child of the 1870s, and Hannah Mitchell, The Hard Way Up

15 Contents xiii Corinna Norrick-Rühl, Johannes Gutenberg-Universität, Mainz Marketing Socialism? Sales Strategies for rororo rotfuchs, a Left-Wing Children s Paperback Series in the 1970s Epilogue Adriaan van der Weel, Leiden University Book Studies and the Sociology of Text Technologies Contributors

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17 H ere begynneth the Festschryfte intituled and named Material Moments in Book Cultures Book gifts play a vital part in the academic career of this Festschrift s dedicatee, the book historian Professor Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser. This is most clearly illustrated by the six-year interdisciplinary project on Book Gifts in Late Medieval and Early Modern England, which examined the value of gift-giving, with a particular emphasis on books as gifts, as well as their function in processes of symbolic communication. Not only an expert in book-gift giving, Müller-Oberhäuser combines a wide range of scholarly interests and proficiency with an incredible curiosity and enthusiasm that have encouraged and influenced many adepts of the book either as mentor, colleague or friend. She is a much-loved and respected university professor, who is also known for her devotion to her seminars and students. For these reasons, we cannot think of a better way to celebrate her with a book gift in the form of a Festschrift. Müller-Oberhäuser is a native of the Rhineland, an area which is said to instil the character-trait of the rheinische Frohnatur ( cheerful nature ). She started her outstanding and wide-ranging academic career with the study of English, sociology and philosophy at the Universität zu Köln. A library traineeship and the second state examination were followed by a position as research assistant at the Institut für Buchwissenschaft in Mainz, the hometown of Johannes Gutenberg. After finishing her PhD on Geoffrey Chaucer s Troilus and Criseyde, she came to the Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster and worked as Hochschulassistentin for medieval literature (Mediävistin) at the English department. In 1990, she finished her Habilitation on reading in English mysticism and received the venia legendi for English philology and Buchwissenschaft. In 1993, she was summoned to the University of Kiel as professor for English medieval literature. Five years later, when she returned to the University of Münster as professor for Buchwissenschaft, she took over the Institutum Erasmianum, rechristened it Institut für Buchwissenschaft & Textforschung and began teaching English medieval literature and book history. Her main research interests include English literature and culture, historical and modern reading research, book censorship as well as book gifts as a form of symbolic communication. Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser has been involved in a variety of interdisciplinary and international research projects, the breadth and width of which cannot be described in detail here. However, the three most recent projects deserve to be mentioned: From 2006 to 2012, she managed the Sonderforschungsbereich-project Book Gifts in Late Medieval and Early Modern England funded by the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft) mentioned above. The Sonderforschungsbereich involved 16 individual projects and covered a range of disciplines including history, art history, Latin philology, law, musicology, ethnology and, of course,

18 xvi Here begynneth the Festschryfte intituled and named book history. Some of the results of Müller-Oberhäuser s project were presented in the international colloquium Book Gifts and Cultural Networks from the Fourteenth to the Sixteenth Century held in Münster on 8-10 February The Cluster of Excellence-project The Censorship and Destruction of Books in Late Medieval and Early Modern England: The Example of the Lollard Heresy and the Reformation followed from 2008 to This has been continued by the second phase of the Cluster programme with the project The Book as a Weapon in Religio-Political Conflicts: Discourses of Violence and their Transmission in 15th- and 16th-Century England since In almost 80 individual projects, the Cluster of Excellence combines interdisciplinary approaches to questions related to the relationship of religion and politics across different ages and cultures. Discussions in these large scale projects have not only broadened the scope of the field, but have also sharpened the sense of the uniqueness of book history. Apart from these projects, the history of the Institut für Buchwissenschaft & Textforschung was also positively affected by the regular workshops held in Rothenberge with the master programme Book and Digital Media Studies of Leiden University. The seeds for the Leiden-Münster collaboration were sown by Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser and Adriaan van der Weel around 2000 and the first of the resulting annual workshops took place in These workshops offer young students from both universities the opportunity to present their current research projects to an international audience and enable a fruitful exchange of ideas. The collaboration especially benefits from the fact that while, traditionally, Münster mainly deals with the history of books, Leiden focuses on digital media change. Essays in Honour of Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser The concept of this Festschrift is to combine a representative body of contributors consisting of students, colleagues, assistants and friends, all past and present, who have benefited from Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser s mentoring, her inquisitiveness and her enthusiasm. The title of this volume, Material Moments in Book Cultures, offers a suitable ambiguity: The term material refers to the material aspects of the book, one of the central issues of book studies. However, it also means important, significant, substantial. This enabled the inclusion of essays representing Müller-Oberhäuser s work in literary studies as well as book studies. The term moments encompasses all stages within the lifecycle of the book: production, distribution and reception. Furthermore, it does not limit contributions to a specific period of time. And finally, the plural book cultures reflects the different geographical as well as chronological focal points of the individual contributors. The Festschrift is subdivided into two main parts which are both structured chronologically. The first part, Momenta, offers contributions which reflect on momentous issues of book history in more general terms, whereas the second part focuses on case studies and presents significant Moments in the study of

19 Here begynneth the Festschryfte intituled and named xvii books. The two parts are introduced by a prologue with an illuminating contribution by Ulrike Graßnick, Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser s research assistant in Kiel and Münster and one of her first PhD candidates. In her article, Graßnick argues that the Tale of Melibee is a much underestimated part in Geoffrey Chaucer s Canterbury Tales as she disentangles the elements of a Fürstenspiegel and the function of the narrative context in this particular piece. The Festschrift continues with essays by Eva Schaten and Matti Peikola, who both combine the supernatural with the physical book. While Schaten discusses books as magical objects between the late Middle Ages and Early Modern times, Peikola analyses the Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt and discloses a vividly imagined written culture in the supernatural realm in late seventeenth-century America. Torsten Wieschen s contribution, which can be seen as a connecting link between manuscript and print cultures, focuses on the importance of paratexts in early printed humanist material. In a leap towards the nineteenth century, Sarah Ströer discusses Sunday reading in Victorian England, while Sandra Simon questions the role of the emerging literary agent on the book-market at the turn of the century. Simon Rosenberg closes this first part and takes an albeit light-hearted look at the role of bookish aspects in contemporary television comedy shows and dissects them with book value categories. The essay by Anne Hudson opens the second part of Material Moments in Book Cultures and discusses the identity of an authority figure in Wycliffite writings known only as Odo. As Hudson elaborates, two authors are likely to be Odo; she focuses on Odo of Chateauroux, who is less known in England. In another study on the production of manuscripts, Jessica Hardenberger argues for a more balanced view concerning the collaboration patterns among the scribes and paraphers of the Auchinleck manuscript. Marga Munkelt enters the stage of Elizabethan theatre and illuminates the dramatic, theatrical and didactic significance of the silent Scottish king in the last scene of Shakespeare s King Edward III. This is followed up by studies on the networks present in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century book-trade relations. Paul Hoftijzer sheds light on the intensive book-trade connections between the Netherlands and Germany in a revealing case study of the seventeenth-century Leiden bookseller Jacob Marcus; Janika Bischof presents the printed Acta Synodi Nationalis Dordrechti as a networking tool across national boundaries and Mirjam Christmann shows how the French Huguenot bookseller-publishers of the Vaillant family were integrated into London society by way of their publishing strategies. Hermann Josef Real introduces Jonathan Swift not only as reader and collector, but also as donor of books. In a comparison of two Victorian autobiographies, Uta Schleiermacher analyses the reading experiences of two women and asks in how far differences in their reading habits can be related to their social status. This section ends with a study of the German book-market of the 1970s in which Corinna Norrick-Rühl discusses the marketing strategies of the paperback series rororo rotfuchs and elaborates on the irony of achieving higher sales of left-wing ideas with efficient capitalist marketing schemes. The

20 xviii Here begynneth the Festschryfte intituled and named Festschrift concludes with an epilogue by Adriaan van der Weel, who offers a thought-provoking essay on the future of the discipline book studies. Acknowledgments From its first conception until its final stages of production, the long and winding road of this Festschrift profited from the dedicated support by many people surrounding the editorial team. Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser s reputation in the field of book history, as well as her warm-hearted and approachable personality has made it easy to find supporters who were eager to contribute essays to this volume. Communication with each and every one of them was always pleasant, constructive and respectful. We wish to express our utmost gratitude as without their help this volume would not have materialized. We are also grateful for the generous financial support granted by Professor James Carley and Professor Ann Hutchison, Dr Maria Hillebrandt, Dr Marga Munkelt, Dr Corinna Norrick-Rühl, Professor Bernfried Nugel, Dr Matti Peikola, Professor Hermann J. Real and Erika Real-Choisi, as well as the Ehrenpreis Centre for Swift Studies, Münster, Eva Schaten, MA and the English Department of the Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster. We would also like to thank Dr Hermann Ühlein and Susanne Hoeves from Peter Lang publishers, who offered continuing assistance and granted us feasible terms and conditions. Professor Real kindly introduced us to Dr Ühlein and provided generous support in a variety of matters. Moreover, we wish to extend our thanks to those who have supported us in other ways. First of all, Dr Kirsten Juhas shared her expertise on editing a Festschrift and was ready to help promptly and in many ways. Eva Schaten gave intriguing impulses and became our personal IT helpdesk. Dr Kai Elprana offered generous assistance and advice in various forms. Dr Marie-Luise Spieckermann helped us agree on the title, discussed some aspects of the Festschrift and further provided continuous moral support. Furthermore, Birgit Hötker-Bolte, secretary to Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser for over 15 years, not only compiled the List of Publications for this volume but also provided motivation, gave advice and lent an ear whenever the editorial team needed it. Finally, we are exceedingly grateful to Professor Müller-Oberhäuser s family: First of all, we are deeply indebted to Hans-Ulrich Müller-Oberhäuser, whom we infected with our enthusiasm for this project early on and who consequently became our most important conspirator and adviser. We apologize for having forced him to be quiet about this liber amicorum for more than two years and at the same time having requested vital and sensitive material and information that were necessary for the outcome of this publication. Birgit Oberhäuser also deserves special mention for her generous aid in preparing a special book gift. Above all, we, in the name of all book history aficionados in Münster and elsewhere, would like to emphasize the great debt we owe to Professor Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser for enabling us to experience the great wide world of book

21 Here begynneth the Festschryfte intituled and named xix history with all its wonders and curiosities. We cannot estimate her dedication, attention to detail and demand for precision highly enough. This Festschrift does not only reflect the extent of research interests and expertise of our dedicatee, but as a book gift it is the most appropriate way to say Thank You to a bona fide book historian. We sincerely hope that she, as well as every reader, will not encounter a single dull moment while perusing this volume. September 2014 Simon Rosenberg and Sandra Simon

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23 List of Publications by Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser Birgit Hötker-Bolte, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Books Dialogsteuerung und Handlungsmotivierung in Chaucers Troilus and Criseyde. Diss. University of Cologne, 1983; Frankfurt am Main, Buch und Lesen in der englischen Mystik des Spätmittelalters: Studien zum Wertverständnis und zum Wandel der Kommunikationsformen in einer teil-literalen Gesellschaft. Habilitationsschrift University of Münster, Book Gifts and Cultural Networks from the Fourteenth to the Sixteenth Century: Proceedings of the International Colloquium Münster, 8-10 February Ed. Gabriele Müller- Oberhäuser. Münster, forthcoming. Articles Teilprojekt M: Schriftlichkeit und Verhaltensnormierung: Anstands- und Ratgeberbücher im englischen Spätmittelalter. Sonderforschungsbereich 231: Träger, Felder, Formen pragmatischer Schriftlichkeit im Mittelalter, Ed. Christel Meier-Staubach (Münster, 1994), Cynna gemyndig : Sitte und Etikette in der altenglischen Literatur. Frühmittelalterliche Studien, 30 (1996), Buchmarkt und Laienlektüre im englischen Frühdruck: William Caxton und die Tradierung der mittelenglischen Courtesy Books. Laienlektüre und Buchmarkt im späten Mittelalter. Eds Thomas Kock and Rita Schlusemann (Frankfurt am Main, 1997), Norture newe founde or auncyent : Zur Tradierung von Höflichkeitsregeln im englischen Spätmittelalter am Beispiel von William Caxtons Book of Courtesy. Schriftlichkeit und Lebenspraxis im Mittelalter: Erfassen, Bewahren, Verändern (Akten des Internationalen Kolloquiums Juni 1995). Eds Hagen Keller, Christel Meier and Thomas Scharff (München, 1999), Buchwissenschaft in Münster. Buchwissenschaft und Buchwirkungsforschung: VIII, Leipziger Hochschultage für Medien und Kommunikation. Eds Dietrich Kerlen and Inka Kirste (Leipzig, 2000), Gender, Emotionen und Modelle der Verhaltensregulierung in den mittelenglischen Courtesy Books. Kulturen der Gefühle in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit. Eds Ingrid Kasten, Gesa Stedmann and Margarete Zimmermann. Querelles, 7 (Stuttgart, 2002),

24 xxii Birgit Hötker-Bolte Lesesozialisation und Enkulturation im Viktorianischen England am Beispiel der Artusliteratur für junge Leser. Medienkompetenz: Voraussetzungen, Dimensionen, Funktionen. Eds Norbert Groeben and Bettina Hurrelmann (München, 2002), With Cortays Speche : Verbale Höflichkeit in den mittelenglischen Courtesy Books. Pragmatische Dimensionen mittelalterlicher Schriftkultur. Eds Christel Meier-Staubach, et al. (München, 2002), Neuere Literaturtheorien. Ein anglistischer Grundkurs: Einführung in die Literaturwissenschaft. Ed. Bernhard Fabian. 7th ed. (Berlin, 1993), ; 8th ed. (Berlin, 1998), ; 9th ed. (Berlin, 2004), Buch und Lesen im historischen Wandel. Englische Sprachwissenschaft und Mediävistik: Standpunkte Perspektiven Neue Wege. Ed. Gabriele Knappe (Frankfurt am Main, 2005), Das Buchgeschenk zwischen largesse und Buchmarkt im spätmittelalterlichen England. Wertekonflikte Deutungskonflikte: Internationales Kolloquium des Sonderforschungsbereichs 496, Mai Eds Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger and Thomas Weller. Symbolische Kommunikation und gesellschaftliche Wertesysteme. Schriftenreihe des Sonderforschungsbereichs 496, 16 (Münster, 2007), How homly ower Lord was in hyr sowle : Julian of Norwichs Revelations and Margery Kempes Book im Kontext weiblicher Frömmigkeitsformen des Spätmittelalters. Außen und Innen: Räume und ihre Symbolik im Mittelalter. Eds Nikolaus Staubach and Vera Johanterwage (Frankfurt am Main, 2007), Lesende Mädchen und Frauen im Viktorianischen England: Lesebiographische (Re-) Konstruktionen. Die lesende Frau. Ed. Gabriela Signori. Wolfenbütteler Forschungen, 121 (Wiesbaden, 2009), A Valiant Jewish Commander : Morells Libretto des Judas Maccabaeus im Kontext der englischen Literatur. Gewalt Bedrohung Krieg: Interdisziplinäre Studien zu Georg Friedrich Händels Judas Maccabaeus. Eds Dominik Höink and Jürgen Heidrich (Göttingen, 2010), The press ought to be open to all : Zensur in England im Zeitalter der Aufklärung. Inquisitionen und Buchzensur im Zeitalter der Aufklärung. Ed. Hubert Wolf. Römische Inquisition und Indexkongregation, 16 (Paderborn, 2011), Wicked, seditious and traiterous books : Buchzensur im reformatorischen England im Spannungsfeld von Religion und Politik. Rottenburger Jahrbuch für Kirchengeschichte, 28 (2011), Au Roy Vrayement Chrestien, Edvard : Book Gifts to Edward VI. Book Gifts and Cultural Networks from the Fourteenth to the Sixteenth Century: Proceedings of the International Colloquium Münster, 8-10 February Ed. Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser. Münster, forthcoming.

25 List of Publications by Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser xxiii Miscellanies Auerbach, Erich. Metzler Lexikon Literatur- und Kulturtheorie: Ansätze Personen Grundbegriffe. Ed. Ansgar Nünning. 2nd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2001), 29-30; 3rd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2004), 29-30; 4th ed. (Stuttgart, 2008), 34-35; 5th rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart 2013), Buchwissenschaft. Metzler Lexikon Literatur- und Kulturtheorie. Ed. Ansgar Nünning. 2nd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2001), 73-74; 3rd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2004), 74-75; 4th ed. (Stuttgart, 2008), 85-86; 5th rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2013), Jauß, Hans Robert. Metzler Lexikon Literatur- und Kulturtheorie. Ed. Ansgar Nünning. 2nd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2001), ; 3rd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2004), ; 4th ed. (Stuttgart, 2008), ; 5th rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2013), Köhler, Erich. Metzler Lexikon Literatur- und Kulturtheorie. Ed. Ansgar Nünning. 2nd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2001), ; 3rd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2004), ; 4th ed. (Stuttgart, 2008), ; 5th rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2013), 375. Lesen/Lektüre. Metzler Lexikon Literatur- und Kulturtheorie. Ed. Ansgar Nünning. 2nd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2001), ; 3rd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2004), ; 4th ed. (Stuttgart, 2008), ; 5th rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2013), Mnemotechnik. Metzler Lexikon Literatur- und Kulturtheorie. Ed. Ansgar Nünning. 2nd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2001), ; 3rd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2004), ; 4th ed. (Stuttgart, 2008), ; 5th rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2013), Mündlichkeit. Metzler Lexikon Literatur- und Kulturtheorie. Ed. Ansgar Nünning. 2nd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2001), ; 3rd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2004), ; 4th ed. (Stuttgart, 2008), ; 5th rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2013), Ong, Walter Jackson. Metzler Lexikon Literatur- und Kulturtheorie. Ed. Ansgar Nünning. 2nd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2001), 484; 3rd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2004), ; 4th ed. (Stuttgart, 2008), ; 5th rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2013), Schriftlichkeit. Metzler Lexikon Literatur- und Kulturtheorie. Ed. Ansgar Nünning. 2nd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2001), ; 3rd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2004), ; 4th ed. (Stuttgart, 2008), ; 5th rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2013), Simmel, Georg. Metzler Lexikon Literatur- und Kulturtheorie. Ed. Ansgar Nünning. 2nd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2001), ; 3rd rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2004), ; 4th ed. (Stuttgart, 2008), 658; 5th rev. and enl. ed. (Stuttgart, 2013), Kempe, Margery, Metzler Lexikon englischsprachiger Autorinnen und Autoren. Eds Eberhard Kreutzer and Ansgar Nünning (Stuttgart, 2002; repr. Stuttgart, 2006), Malory, Sir Thomas. Metzler Lexikon englischsprachiger Autorinnen und Autoren. Eds Eberhard Kreutzer and Ansgar Nünning (Stuttgart, 2002; repr. Stuttgart, 2006), Missarum liber primus. Spektakel der Macht: Rituale im alten Europa, Kooperationsausstellung des Sonderforschungsbereiches 496 der Westfälischen Wilhelms-

26 xxiv Birgit Hötker-Bolte Universität Münster und des Kulturhistorischen Museums Magdeburg, 21. September Januar Eds Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger, et al. (Darmstadt, 2008), 164. Prozession zur Parlamentseröffnung. Spektakel der Macht: Rituale im alten Europa, Kooperationsausstellung des Sonderforschungsbereiches 496 der Westfälischen Wilhelms- Universität Münster und des Kulturhistorischen Museums Magdeburg, 21. September Januar Eds Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger, et al. (Darmstadt, 2008), Margery Kempe - The Book of Margery Kempe. Kindlers Literatur Lexikon: Vol. 8, Igi-Ker. Ed. Heinz Ludwig Arnold. 3rd rev. ed. (Stuttgart, 2009), 793. Reviews Rev. Heinz Finger und Anita Benger, Der Kölner Professor Gisbert Longolius: Leibarzt Erzbischof Hermanns von Wied und die Reste seiner Bibliothek in der Universitätsbibliothek Düsseldorf, Düsseldorf, Der Archivar, 41 (1988), cols Rev. Richard J. Utz, Literarischer Nominalismus im Spätmittelalter: Eine Untersuchung zu Sprache, Charakterzeichnung und Struktur in Geoffrey Chaucers Troilus and Criseyde, Frankfurt am Main, Anglia, 111 (1993), Rev. Lee Patterson, Chaucer and the Subject of History, London, Anglia, 114 (1996), Rev. Literaturwissenschaftliche Theorien, Modelle und Methoden: Eine Einführung, ed. Ansgar Nünning, Trier, Anglia, 116 (1998), Rev. Print and Power in France and England, , eds David Adams and Adrian Armstrong, Aldershot, Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung, 37.3 (2010),

27 Prologue

28

29 This litel tretys : Chaucer s Mirror for Princes The Tale of Melibee 1 Ulrike Graßnick, Universität Trier Abstract This essay aims at demonstrating that the Tale of Melibee is underestimated and that Chaucer is well aware of the genre mirrors for princes, its function, concept and implications. It argues that the tale is a political statement by an author who sees himself as a member of the political field. Beyond doubt, Harry Bailly 2 is a talent in public relations: Not only is he a member of the group of pilgrims Geoffrey Chaucer sent on their way to Canterbury but he is also a smart businessman and as such he proposes a storytelling contest which aims at lightening up the pilgrimage. As is well known, the 1 Participating in the Festschrift for Professor Dr Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser, an extraordinary professor and my challenging and demanding Doktormutter (PhD adviser), is a great pleasure. I would like to take the opportunity to thank Professor Müller- Oberhäuser for her continuing support and encouragement and her lasting interest in the lives and careers of her doctoral students. As this is an essay in a Festschrift, please allow a further comment: I met Professor Müller-Oberhäuser in the summer term of 1994, attending her seminar on Geoffrey Chaucer s Troilus and Criseyde at the University of Kiel (Germany). I was a student ignorant of Middle English literature and burdened with the prejudice of Chaucer as a fence sitter. Little did I know which turn my relationship to medieval England and its literature, and Chaucer in particular was about to take. My PhDthesis then focused on Middle English texts of pragmatic literacy, mirrors for princes, and it comes as no surprise that Chaucer has a Fürstenspiegel, The Tale of Melibee, to offer. Thus, deciding on the topic for this Festschrift-essay was easy: I chose Chaucer s The Tale of Melibee, with in comparison to my performance in 1994 an enlightened attitude towards Chaucer and his work, thanks to the Festschrift s dedicatee and her enthusiasm for Middle English literature. This essay is based on my dissertation thesis Ratgeber des Königs: Fürstenspiegel und Herrscherideal im spätmittelalterlichen England (Köln, 2004), particularly For an introduction to the discussion of Chaucer as a fence sitter, see S. Sanderlin, Chaucer and Ricardian Politics, Chaucer Review, 22 (1988), For an introduction to Harry Bailly, see Alan Theodore Gaylord, Sentence and Solaas in Fragment VII of the Canterbury Tales: Harry Bailly as Horseback Editor, Publications of the Modern Language Association, 82 (1967), ; Tison Pugh, Queering Harry Bailly: Gendered Carnival, Social Ideologies, and Masculinity under Duress in the Canterbury Tales, Chaucer Review, 41 (2006), 39-69; Thomas C. Richardson, Harry Bailly: Chaucer s Innkeeper, Chaucer s Pilgrims: An Historical Guide to the Pilgrims in The Canterbury Tales, eds Laura C. Lambdin and Robert T. Lambdin (Westport, 1996), ; Tara Williams, The Host, his Wife, and their Communities in the Canterbury Tales, Chaucer Review, 42 (2008),

30 4 Ulrike Graßnick promised award for the best tale is a free dinner a soper at oure aller cost 3 at Harry Bailly s Tabard at Southwark, a prize that promises good business for the host as he hopes that all pilgrims will dine at his inn on their return from Canterbury. Harry Bailly is therefore all but responsible for the Canterbury Tales 4 and generations of readers were delighted by the various tales told by the pilgrims. Even more than 600 years later and in light of their variety and the fragmentariness of the Canterbury Tales, one might ask whether the Knight was expected to be the safe winner of the tale-telling contest and what the pilgrim Chaucer 5 had been thinking as he presented the agony 6 of a tail-rhyme romance, the Tale of Sir Thopas, 7 and the thing incapable of life, 8 the Tale of Melibee. 9 One might wonder about Chaucer s choice of tales for the pilgrim Chaucer, particularly with regard to the fact that none of the pilgrims is a king or prince and thus does not represent the group of recipients for whom mirrors for princes were primarily intended. Furthermore, the Tale of Sir Thopas as well as the Tale of Melibee are not the most exciting and enjoyable stories. However, it shall be argued that particularly the Tale of Melibee deserves to be part of the Canterbury Tales as it is an excellent example of the mirror for princes-genre and thus an extraordinary tale and the secret favourite of the dinner-contest. The Tale of Melibee has never been exceptionally popular, neither in medieval nor in (post)modern times, and while Chaucer and his works attract a lot of scholarly attention, the Tale of Melibee has, in comparison, met little 3 Geoffrey Chaucer, The Canterbury Tales, in The Riverside Chaucer, ed. Larry Dean Benson, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1988), General Prologue, 23-36, l On Harry Bailly s narrative function, see Laura Kendrick, Linking the Canterbury Tales: Monkey-Business in the Margins, Drama, Narrative, and Poetry in the Canterbury Tales, ed. Wendy Harding (Toulouse, 2003), 83-98; L. M. Leitch, Sentence and Solaas: The Function of the Hosts in the Canterbury Tales, Chaucer Review, 17 (1982), 5-20; Walter Scheps, Up Roos Oure Hoost, And was Oure aller Cok : Harry Bailly s Tale-Telling Competition, Chaucer Review, 10 (1975), The pilgrim is obviously not identical with the author. See Ethelbert Talbot Donaldson, Chaucer the Pilgrim, Publications of the Modern Language Association, 69 (1954), ; Geoffrey W. Gust, Revaluating Chaucer the Pilgrim and Donaldson s Enduring Persona, Chaucer Review, 41 (2007), ; Carl David Benson, Their Telling Difference: Chaucer the Pilgrim and his Two Contrasting Tales, Chaucer Review, 18 (1983), 61-76; Katherine Zieman, Escaping the Whirling Wicker: Ricardian Poetics and Narrative Voice in The Canterbury Tales, Answerable Style: The Idea of the Literary in Medieval England, eds Frank Grady and Andrew Galloway (Columbus, 2013), To quote John Anthony Burrow, Sir Thopas : An Agony in Three Fits, The Review of English Studies, (1971), Geoffrey Chaucer, The Canterbury Tales, ed. Larry Dean Benson, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1988), The Tale of Sir Thopas, William Paton Ker, The Poetry of Chaucer, The Quarterly Review, 180 (1895), , Geoffrey Chaucer, The Canterbury Tales, ed. Larry Dean Benson, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1988), The Tale of Melibee,

31 Chaucer s Mirror for Princes The Tale of Melibee 5 interest. Scholars tend to judge the Tale of Melibee as boring and lacking innovation and originality. 10 This essay aims at demonstrating that the Tale of Melibee is underestimated and that Chaucer is well aware of the genre mirrors for princes or Fürstenspiegel, 11 its function, concept and implications. However, delectatio is not so much on Chaucer s mind, 12 rather, the Tale of Melibee is a political statement by an author who is not a fence sitter but as a member of the political field an attentive and self-confident observer of his time. The Tale of Melibee is one of only two prose tales within the Canterbury Tales; the other one is, of course, the Parson s Tale. 13 The Tale of Melibee is a dialogue between a lord, Melibee, and his wife, Prudence. The dialogue contains a narrative element because it tells the story of Melibee s family which is attacked by three men who beat his wife and wound his daughter, Sophia. 14 They leave Sophia behind, believing she is dead. 15 Melibee s reaction to the crime is that of a revengeful and angry husband and father whilst Prudence tries to calm and counsel her husband by instructing and advising him on topics such as war and peace, law, politics, and counsellors. However, Prudence s success as a counsellor 16 is limited as her husband is reluctant in heeding her advice and in taking the appropriate actions See, for example, Edward E. Foster, Has Anyone Here Read Melibee? Chaucer Review, 34 (2000), , 398; Michael Foster, Echoes of Communal Response in the Tale of Melibee, Chaucer Review, 42 (2008), , ; Mari Pakkala-Weckström, Prudence and the Power of Persuasion Language of Persuasion and Maistrie in the Tale of Melibee, Chaucer Review, 35 (2001), , Neither the term mirrors for princes nor the term Fürstenspiegel can be found in medieval texts. However, both terms are used within the international scientific community and both go back to medieval book titles such as Speculum regis or Speculum regale. Cf. Paul Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Büchertitel (München, 1953), 32, Cf. Robert R. Edwards, Ratio and Inventio: A Study of Medieval Lyric and Narrative (Nashville, 1989), xii. See also Stephen Henry Rigby, Aristotle for Aristocrats and Poets: Giles of Rome s De regimine principum as Theodicy of Privilege, Chaucer Review, 46 (2012), , For the style of prose, see Diane Bornstein, Chaucer s Tale of Melibee as an Example of the Style Clergial, Chaucer Review, 12 (1978), ; Daniel Kempton, Chaucer s Tale of Melibee: A Litel Thyng in Prose, Genre, 21 (1988), Chaucer s version of the story is the only medieval text which names the daughter. Thus, Chaucer enhances the narrative element of the dialogue. Cf. Lee Patterson, What Man Artow? : Authorial Self-Definition in The Tale of Sir Thopas and The Tale of Melibee, Studies in the Age of Chaucer, 11 (1989), The Tale of Melibee, 217, ll For Prudence and her role as a counsellor, see, for example, Carolyn P. Collette, Heeding the Counsel of Prudence: A Context for the Melibee, Chaucer Review, 29 (1995), ; Lynn Staley Johnson, Inverse Counsel: Contexts for the Melibee, Studies in Philology, 87 (1990), Pakkala-Weckström, Prudence and the Power of Persuasion, ; Johnson, Inverse Counsel, 151.

32 6 Ulrike Graßnick Chaucer probably wrote the tale between 1372 and 1374, that is before he developed the idea of the Canterbury Tales. 18 The Tale of Melibee is basically a translation of Albertanus of Brescia s Liber consolationis et consilii (1246). Most likely, Chaucer used a French version of the story by Reynaud de Louens 19 and might have prepared the translation for Richard of Bordeaux, the future King Richard II ( ). 20 At a later date, he revised the text and the new version entered the Canterbury Tales. 21 For some time now, the Tale of Melibee has been categorized as a mirror for princes 22 as it deals with the core elements of the genre: advice about governmental competence, soft skills, and the king s personal behaviour. The text also constructs the image of the ideal king. Fürstenspiegel are texts of pragmatic literacy 23 in varied forms. The intended recipients are kings and princes whom they want to educate and advise. The mirrors for princes deal with the body natural and the body politic and present models of princely behaviour. These models are constituted by instructions concerning topics such as just governance, war and peace, law, vices and virtues, household, council, the monarch s health as well as his family, finances, and the common good etc. On a meta-level, these models and instructions construct the image of the ideal king. The mirrors for princes instructions are transsituational, that is, they lack situational specificity. They have to be analysed and adapted by the kings and princes and by any other reader in specific situations. The texts intention is to shape the recipient s habitus, 24 they 18 See Lloyd J. Matthews, The Date of Chaucer s Melibee and the Stages of the Tale s Incorporation in the Canterbury Tales, Chaucer Review, 20 (1986), , particularly 228, For Chaucer s sources, see William R. Askins, The Tale of Melibee, Sources and Analogues of the Canterbury Tales, eds Robert M. Correale and Mary Hamel, vol. 1 (Woodbridge, 2002), See also Jamie Taylor, Chaucer s Tale of Melibee and the Failure of Allegory, Exemplaria, 21 (2009), Richard Firth Green, Poets and Princepleasers: Literature and the English Court in the Late Middle Ages (Toronto, 1980), See Patterson, What Man Artow? See, particularly, Larry Scanlon, Narrative, Authority, and Power: The Medieval Exemplum and the Chaucerian Tradition (Cambridge, 1994), For a definition of pragmatic literacy, see Hagen Keller and Franz-Josef Worstbrock, Träger, Felder, Formen pragmatischer Schriftlichkeit im Mittelalter: Der neue Sonderforschungsbereich 231 an der Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Münster, Frühmittelalterliche Studien, 22 (1988), , 389; Hagen Keller, Pragmatische Schriftlichkeit im Mittelalter: Erscheinungsformen und Entwicklungsstufen. Einführung zum Kolloquium in Münster, Mai 1989, Pragmatische Schriftlichkeit im Mittelalter: Erscheinungsformen und Entwicklungsstufen (Akten des Internationalen Kolloquiums Mai 1989), eds Hagen Keller, Klaus Grubmüller, and Nikolaus Staubach (München, 1992), This essay understands habitus following Pierre Bourdieu s concept. See Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice (Stanford, 1990), See also Peter Nickl, Ordnung der Gefühle: Studien zum Begriff des habitus, Hamburg, See, for medieval theories of habitus, Katharine Breen, Imagining an English Reading Public, (Cambridge, 2010), especially For a recent study on Middle English literature employing Pierre

33 Chaucer s Mirror for Princes The Tale of Melibee 7 do not offer specific advice for specific situations. By constructing the image of the ideal king, they want to generate distinctive and adequate princely behaviour at all times and in all situations. As the Fürstenspiegel convey the image of the ideal king, the texts are implicitly critical of kings and princes as it is impossible for them to achieve the ideal: The texts disclose the discrepancy between the actual and expected behaviour, and this discrepancy provides the ground for criticism. 25 Kings and princes, however, acknowledge their deficiencies by accepting the mirrors for princes for example as dedicatees or as book owners and thus acknowledge the necessity to be advised. 26 Yet, the authors of mirrors for princes do not tend to employ open criticism towards the kings and princes. The authors are well aware of their subordinate social and political position and their limited options of political criticism. However, the implicit criticism is a defining feature of the genre which indicates that the texts are not only intended for a close audience of kings and princes but for a broader public beyond the social and political elite. Thus, Fürstenspiegel are part of the late medieval public political exchange of information and provide a basis for shaping the public political opinion. The texts can be regarded as part of the political dialogue. In late medieval England, texts such as the Tale of Melibee, Thomas Hoccleve s Regiment of Princes, 27 John Gower s Book VII of the Confessio Amantis, 28 John Trevisa s The Governance of Kings and Princes 29 and the various Middle English translations of the Secretum secretorum 30 function to provide a definition and concept of kingship and to influence categories of perception and thought within the political and literary fields. 31 Bourdieu s theories, see Craig E. Bertolet, Chaucer, Gower, Hoccleve and the Commercial Practices of Late Fourteenth-Century London, Farnham, See also Cary J. Nederman, The Mirror Crack d: The Speculum Principum as Political and Social Criticism in the Late Middle Ages, The European Legacy, 3 (1998), 18-38; Rigby, Aristotle for Aristocrats and Poets, For a detailed definition and analysis of Middle English mirrors for princes, see Graßnick, Ratgeber des Königs; Jason Dunn, Literacy, Pedagogy, and the Princely Reader in Mirrors for Princes of Late Medieval France and England, Diss. University of California, 2011; Judith Ferster, Fictions of Advice: The Literature and Politics of Counsel in Late Medieval England, Philadelphia, 1996; Green, Poets and Princepleasers; Wilhelm Kleineke, Englische Fürstenspiegel vom Policraticus Johanns von Salisbury bis zum Basilikon Doron König Jakobs I., Halle, Saale, Thomas Hoccleve, The Regiment of Princes, ed. Charles Ramsey Blyth, Kalamazoo, John Gower, The English Works of John Gower, Vol. 1: Confessio Amantis, Prol.-Lib. V. 1970; and Vol. 2: Confessio Amantis, Lib. V Lib. VIII, and In Praise of Peace, ed. George Campbell Macaulay, Oxford, John Trevisa, The Governance of Kings and Princes : John Trevisa s Middle English Translation of the De Regimine Principum of Aegidius Romanus, eds David Covington Fowler, Charles Fairbank Briggs, and Paul G. Remley, New York, Secretum Secretorum : Nine English Versions, ed. Mahmoud A. Manzalaoui, Oxford, David Lawton, Dullness and the Fifteenth Century, English Literary History, 54 (1987), ,

34 8 Ulrike Graßnick The instructions and the models of princely behaviour which are presented by the Tale of Melibee as well as the defensive political and critical strategy of the text are fairly common for the genre. However, Chaucer s text is different from other Fürstenspiegel because it employs narrative elements: The essential distinctiveness of this Chaucerian mirror for princes and its function within the Canterbury Tales derive from these narrative elements and the narrative context. The Tale of Melibee as a single detached text works perfectly well as a mirror for princes. However, the implementation within a narrative context of the Canterbury Tales and the use of the dialogue form 32 offer different and more farreaching interpretations and open up the text as well as the genre for a wider reception. 33 At the same time, the integration of this Fürstenspiegel has an impact on the reception and interpretation of the Canterbury Tales as a whole and of other individual tales, such as the Tale of Sir Thopas, the Monk s Tale and the Nun s Priest s Tale. 34 Prudence s problems in advising her petulant husband and thus in being respected as a serious counsellor refer to the real world where advisers found themselves in a complex and potentially difficult and dangerous situation: The English political field in the 1380s and 1390s and the all but absolutistic reign of Richard II 35 provided a difficult work environment for counsellors. Chaucer was a member of these political and literary fields in a subordinate position and was thus well aware of the difficulties and problems open criticism and explicit political statements could cause. 36 Therefore, he applied a defensive and conservative advice-strategy and used implicit forms of criticism and political statements. The Tale of Melibee s political statement derives not so much from the tale itself; rather, the narrative context sheds light on Chaucer s political thoughts. The Monk and his tale may serve as a first example. Within the Monk s Prologue, the clergyman announces that he will tell the lyf of Seint Edward. 37 This remark is ambiguous: It mainly refers to Edward the Confessor (c ) who was canonized in At the same time, it points to Richard II and his well-known endeavour to have his great-grandfather, Edward II ( ), canonized. 38 Remarkably, though, St Edward s story is not part of the Monk s Tale: After telling various tales about kings and princes, the 32 See Graßnick, Ratgeber des Königs, The narrative context is a distinctive feature Chaucer s Tale of Melibee shares with John Gower s mirror for princes, Book VII of the Confessio Amantis. See Graßnick, Ratgeber des Königs, , Cf. Paul Strohm, Form and Social Statement in Confessio Amantis and The Canterbury Tales, Studies in the Age of Chaucer, 1 (1979), 17-40, Cf. Nigel Edward Saul, Richard II, New Haven, Johnson, Inverse Council, Geoffrey Chaucer, The Canterbury Tales, ed. Larry Dean Benson, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1988), The Prologue of the Monk s Tale, , l Cf. David Wallace, Chaucerian Polity: Absolutist Lineages and Associational Forms in England and Italy (Stanford, 1997), 331.

35 Chaucer s Mirror for Princes The Tale of Melibee 9 Monk is interrupted by the Knight good sire, namoore of this 39 who cannot stand one more depressing tragedy and the pilgrims have to do without the saintly story. Although the Monk is not the only pilgrim who experiences a rude interruption, this disruption is quite remarkable considering the political context: Richard II showed a strong interest in Anglo-Saxon saints. The Wilton Diptych, for example, illustrates this fondness as Richard II is shown kneeling next to John the Baptist, St Edmund and St Edward. 40 Richard II had a special interest in Edward the Confessor. His adoration can be traced back to his adolescent years and manifests itself in continuing donations to St Edward s shrine and tomb in Westminster Abbey. 41 The king s interest in St Edward and his generous donations were most likely well known to Chaucer and his audience. 42 Therefore, the Monk s announcement of telling the life of St Edward provides Chaucer with an opportunity to present himself publicly as a loyal and supportive subject. But, remarkably, Chaucer passes on this opportunity: Even if it is the Monk who does not tell the tale, albeit involuntarily, the obvious omission is solely Chaucer s responsibility and intentional choice as he is the author of the Canterbury Tales. 43 Chaucer s conscious abandonment of Edward the Confessor and his life story implies a distance to Richard II. This implication of a non-acceptance is enhanced by the Monk s Tale itself, that is, by the accumulation of stories about tyrannical kings and princes who are deposed and murdered. The ambiguous remark on Edward the Confessor which also hints at Edward II can be seen as another implicit criticism of Richard II: His greatgrandfather was a highly disputed king who was criticized for favouring the wrong men and ignoring sound political advice. Edward II was deposed and killed in Both the omission of the tale of St Edward s life and the (hidden) reference to Edward II are political statements which the reading public will have understood as criticism of Richard II. This narrative strategy enhances the implications and functions of the preceding mirror for princes and supports the 39 Geoffrey Chaucer, The Canterbury Tales, ed. Larry Dean Benson, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1988), The Prologue of the Nun s Priest s Tale, , l See Terry Jones, The Monk s Tale, Studies in the Age of Chaucer, 22 (2000), For introductory information on the Wilton Diptych and Richard II, see The Regal Image of Richard II and the Wilton Diptych, eds Dillian Gordon, Lisa Monnas, and Caroline Elam, London, See Shelagh Mitchell, Richard II: Kingship and the Cult of Saints, The Regal Image of Richard II and the Wilton Diptych, eds Dillian Gordon, Lisa Monnas, and Caroline Elam (London, 1997), ; Nigel Edward Saul, Richard II and Westminster Abbey, The Cloister and the World: Essays in Medieval History in Honour of Barbara Harvey, eds John Blair and Brian Golding (Oxford, 1996), See Lynn Staley, Languages of Power in the Age of Richard II (University Park, Pennsylvania, 2005), Jones, The Monk s Tale, See Natalie Fryde, Tyranny and Fall of Edward II, , Cambridge, 1979; Seymour Phillips, Edward II, New Haven, 2010.

36 10 Ulrike Graßnick Tale of Melibee s intention: Richard II is advised to follow the text s instructions and to act accordingly if he does not want to end like the murdered tyrants of the Monk s Tale. Chaucer might not have been able to openly criticize the king, however, the narrative strategy of presenting a Fürstenspiegel in a specific narrative context offers the recipient an implicit critical view of Richard II. The Nun s Priest s Tale may serve as another example to underline the importance of the narrative context for the understanding of Chaucer s mirror for princes. This tale presents another prominent female figure, Madame Pertelote, and a look at the feathered couple Chauntecleer and Madame Pertelote and their interactions as husband and wife reveal Chaucer s broader interpretation of female counsellors. It seems to be a legitimate approach to connect this tale to the Fürstenspiegel because Chauntecleer is roial, as a prince is in his halle 45 and his marriage to Madame Pertelote is as quarrelsome as that between Melibee and Prudence. Once again we are confronted with a deplorable husband who is not taken too seriously by his wife and whose wife feels the need to teach him: Chauntecleer worries about a dream and its prophetical meaning. Madame Pertelote, however, believes that his dreams are the result of his bad digestion and advises him to take laxatives. 46 Unfortunately, Madame Pertelote is dead wrong and the dream becomes reality: Chauntecleer and his hen-ladies are all killed by [a] col-fox, ful of sly iniquitee. 47 The Nun s Priest s assessment of female counsellors differs significantly from that of the pilgrim Chaucer. The Tale of Melibee offers meaningful and reasonable advice by a wise wife who is confronted with an ignorant husband, whereas the Nun s Priest s Tale presents a bad female counsellor and a husband [t]hat tok his conseil of his wyf, with sorwe 48 only to meet a fatal end. Thus, it comes as no surprise that the Nun s Priest condemns womanly advice and does not shy away from referring to Eve, the embodiment of female miscounseling, to mark his position: Wommennes conseils been ful ofte colde; Wommannes conseil broghte as first to wo And made Adam fro Paradys to go, Ther as he was ful myrie and wel at ese. 49 However, the stories of female advisers do not end with this superficial dichotomy. The narrative context, that is the combination of the two tales, hints at an inherent character of the mirror for princes-genre: The Fürstenspiegel claim that the kings and princes are responsible for their decisions and actions; it is their responsibility to interpret given advice and to act appropriately; it is 45 Geoffrey Chaucer, The Canterbury Tales, ed. Larry Dean Benson, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1988), The Nun s Priest s Tale, , l The Nun s Priest s Tale, , ll The Nun s Priest s Tale, 258, l The Nun s Priest s Tale, 259, l The Nun s Priest s Tale, 259, ll

37 Chaucer s Mirror for Princes The Tale of Melibee 11 their responsibility to decide which advice to heed and which advice to ignore. 50 Ultimately, the death of Chauntecleer and his hens is the rooster s fault. If he had reconsidered the advice he had been given by Madame Pertelote as the Tale of Melibee teaches kings and princes to do 51 he might have prevented his fate and that of his hens. The Canterbury Tales offer a complex analysis of advisers, advice, and the handling of counsel as Chaucer s narrative strategy employs implicit criticism and the necessity of interpreting the narrative context and its implications. The recipient does not find open criticism or open political comments Chaucer is a master of indirection. 52 It is the whole of the Canterbury Tales that sheds light onto Chaucer s attitude as a member of the political field and as an author who wants to be heard and taken seriously. It is, however, not only the wider range of the tales that should be taken into account, but also the combination of the two tales recited by the pilgrim Chaucer that points to the self-image of the author Chaucer. The contrast in form of the Tale of Sir Thopas 53 and the Tale of Melibee is a conscious authorial choice and serves to enhance Chaucer s political capital and acceptance as an author. The difference between the parody of a tail-rhyme romance in a minstrel-tradition and the mirror for princes as an example of serious pragmatic literature is striking. Minstrels and mirrors for princes share a didactic intention and both tales represent similar norms and values. 54 However, Chaucer does not use any parody, irony, or satire within the Tale of Melibee. 55 The abandonment of the outlandish parody and the choice of the genre Fürstenspiegel influence the perception of Chaucer as a pilgrim and as an author. With the Tale of Melibee, he seems to become a respected counsellor of kings and princes because he integrates a respected genre into his Canterbury Tales. 56 The narrative context creates a complex potential for various interpretations that enhances the meaning and intention of the mirror for princes in a subtle yet authorial way. At the same time, it shows the range of literary (and political) possibilities with regard to form and content that were available to Chaucer. 57 The differences in the Tale of Sir Thopas and the Tale of Melibee make it difficult to construct a clear picture of Chaucer as an authoritarian and credible writer. 50 Cf. Staley, Languages of Power, The Tale of Melibee, 225, l Staley, Languages of Power, For studies on the Tale of Sir Thopas, see Burrow, Sir Thopas, 54-58; Seth Lerer, Now holde youre mouth : The Romance of Orality in the Thopas-Melibee Section of the Canterbury Tales, Oral Poetics in Middle English Poetry, ed. Mark C. Amodio (New York, 1994), ; Patterson, What Man Artow? See Muriel K. Latham, The Narrative of Sir Thopas and Melibeus : Parallels in the Vices and Virtues (Diss. University of New Mexico, 1973), Cf. Green, Poets and Princepleasers, 143; Patterson, What Man Artow? Cf. Green, Poets and Princepleasers, Cf. Glending Olson, A Reading of the Thopas-Melibee Link, Chaucer Review, 10 (1975), , 151.

38 12 Ulrike Graßnick Thus, the interpretation of the Canterbury Tales as a whole and the Tale of Melibee in particular as well as the perception of Chaucer as an author remain a challenge. The narrative context of the tales does not absolve the historical and (post)modern recipient from the necessity of an interpretation, rather, it increases the need of an interpretative effort. 58 This is true for the intended primary recipients of mirrors for princes kings and princes as well as for all other recipients who are not part of the social and political elite. All recipients the fictitious pilgrims and the readers are potentially confronted with the same range of interpretations and meanings of the Tale of Melibee. 59 The Tale of Melibee offers three different levels of advice: First of all, it is a dialogue between a wife and her husband and Melibeus is the one and only recipient of Prudence s advice. Her counsel is placed in a specific situation. Secondly, the pilgrims listen to Chaucer s story and receive the given advice without any connection to the specific situation. In contrast to Melibee, the pilgrims are confronted with the advice s universality beyond their own specific situation. The third level of advice results from the text s transmission by manuscripts, prints, or digital reproductions. The advice is given independent of time, space and specific people and there is no direct interaction between the author and the recipients. These multi-levelled advice-strategies and the distinctive marker of the narrative context underline the inherent feature of the genre that expects the recipient to interpret the given transsituational advice and act accordingly. It also shows that the genre is intended for an audience beyond kings and princes as the texts serve as a tool for shaping the political minds of other social groups. By integrating a Fürstenspiegel within the narrative context of the Canterbury Tales, Chaucer illustrates that he and other members of his social group are legitimized to act as advisers within the literary and political field this self-consciousness as an author reflects the selfconsciousness of the gentry which sees itself as an active part within the political field of late fourteenth-century England. Significantly, the recipients of the Tale of Melibee are not mainly kings and princes but members of the peerage, the gentry and the middle class Cf. James Flynn, The Art of Telling and the Prudence of Interpreting The Tale of Melibee and its Context, Medieval Perspectives, 7 (1992), 53-63, John Gower s mirror for princes, Book VII of the Confessio Amantis, shows a similar feature and the narrative context plays a decisive part in interpreting the text. See Graßnick, Ratgeber des Königs, For the recipients of the Canterbury Tales in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century England, see Anthony Stockwell Garfield Edwards, The Early Reception of Chaucer and Langland, Florilegium, 15 (1998), 1-22; Malcolm Richardson, The Earliest Known Owners of Canterbury Tales MSS and Chaucer s Secondary Audience, Chaucer Review, 25 (1990), 17-32; Paul Strohm, Social Chaucer (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1989), ch. 3. Verifiably, the following persons owned the Canterbury Tales in medieval times: Walter, Lord Hungerford, Henry Percy, 4th Earl of Northumberland, John, Lord Welles and the Vere family (peerage); Sir Thomas Cumberworth, Sir Thomas Neville, Sir Thomas Charleton, Thomas Kent, Lady Elizabeth Bruyn, Sir Thomas Urswick, Sir John Paston III, the Paston family and Sir William Boleyn (gentry); John Brinchele and Geoffrey Spirleng (middle

39 Chaucer s Mirror for Princes The Tale of Melibee 13 The choice of a mirror for princes for the pilgrim Chaucer by the author Chaucer allows a glimpse at his political attitude. Usually, Chaucer does not comment on political events within his works, however, the Tale of Melibee seems to be an exception. 61 The characterization of Melibee draws the image of an almost absolutistic and irrational lord who is ignorant of sound advice. In consideration of the turbulent and highly criticized reign of Richard II resulting in his deposition in 1399, it is possible that Chaucer wanted to comment on the king and his political actions by implementing this mirror for princes within the Canterbury Tales. The Tale of Melibee is often perceived as a mere didactical text which is to be seen within the political context of the late fourteenth century. It is, however, a text which provides universal and transsituational advice for kings and princes and all other recipients in all other social and political positions. The Fürstenspiegel is in need of interpretation and it lacks open criticism and open political references. Chaucer s use of the genre mirrors for princes reflects his social and political position and shows his comprehension of his political options as an author. He is well aware that his options are limited to a defensive and subordinate literary strategy. Therefore, it comes as no surprise that he signifies the Tale of Melibee as a litel tretys 62 : it is as much an understatement and a reflection of his political position and attitude as of his self-conception as an author. With Chaucer, texts and their interpretation are never simple. The choice of a tretys, a mirror for princes, is a political message in itself as Chaucer purposely and with full intent transfers himself from a mere author (and pilgrim) to an adviser of kings and princes and a disseminator of values and norms for a broader audience. The understatement Chaucer employs in commenting on the Tale of Melibee as a litel tretys is very persistent and this Fürstenspiegel never enjoyed much popularity. Admittedly, it is not the most adventurous of stories and not the most entertaining tale for the pilgrims. They probably would not have voted for Chaucer to win the dinner at the Tabard Inn and there were others more likely to succeed such as the Knight or the Franklin. With regard to the genre and Chaucer s adaption of the Fürstenspiegel-tradition, this disrespect towards the Tale of Melibee is undeserved: The Chaucerian mirror for princes is an exceptional example of the genre because it applies its features eloquently and the narrative element as well as the narrative context open up the text to an class). For the ownership of mirrors for princes in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century England, see Graßnick, Ratgeber des Königs, See Johnson, Inverse Counsel, ; Patterson, What Man Artow? 123. A number of scholars have tried to connect the Tale of Melibee to specific historical events or persons, see, among others, William R. Askins, The Tale of Melibee and the Crisis at Westminster, November, 1387, Studies in the Age of Chaucer: Proceedings, No. 2, Fifth International Congress March 1986 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, eds John V. Fleming and Thomas J. Heffernan (Knoxville, 1987), ; David Wallace, Anne of Bohemia, Queen of England, and Chaucer s Emperice, Litteraria Pragensia, 5 (1995), 1-16; Carolyn P. Collette, Joan of Kent and Noble Women s Roles in Chaucer s World, Chaucer Review, 33 (1999), The Tale of Sir Thopas, 216, l. 957.

40 14 Ulrike Graßnick interpretational challenge not to be found with other Fürstenspiegel. It deserves the soper, but this is unlikely to happen. Melibee might never reach the popularity of a Harry Potter, 63 but one might nonetheless ask whether it is still worth reading and examining mirrors for princes, medieval or modern, if even John Gower, an author of a mirror for princes himself, thinks [i]t dulleth ofte a mannes wit. 64 Unsurprisingly and given the fact that it is always a good idea to read Chaucer, I think it is. The genre of mirrors for princes has a lasting effect on the western European system of values and norms. Fürstenspiegel are public poetry 65 and the texts values and norms are presented, negotiated, and updated in public space and, at the same time, have an effect on it. The system of values and norms of a society is subjected to an ongoing negotiation process 66 of which the Tale of Melibee and its textual companions are a part. New interpretations and changes in the set of values and norms derive from tradition and Fürstenspiegel are a part of that tradition. With regard to society s expectations towards kings and princes, presidents and chancellors, and other civil, administrative, and political leaders, the set of values and norms has changed little over the centuries. The twenty-first century still expects their politicians to be just, to respect ethical and moral standards, to support the common good, to listen to counsellors and heed their advice, to have a prudential policy of finance, to act responsibly, and not to be a tyrant. The medieval attributes of an ideal and just king are still largely applicable today and shape the (post)modern set of values and norms serving as the basic tools for the evaluation of political leaders. Misconduct and wrongdoing are sanctioned and the assessment is largely based on rules, values, and norms that emerged from Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Political and administrative leaders are, therefore, well-advised to read mirrors for princes, to listen to the authors instructions and to transfer the counsel to sound and adequate behaviour at least, reading a Fürstenspiegel will help them fall asleep: And althogh it be no maneere of neede Yow to consaille what to doon or leeve, Yit if yow list of stories taken heede, Sumwhat it may profyte, by your leeve; At hardest, whan yee been in chambre at eeve, They been good for to dryve foorth the nyght; They shal nat harme if they be herd aright. 67 Concluding on an unscholarly note it shall be remarked that authors of Fürstenspiegel and the genre of advice literature in general enjoy some 63 It should be commented that entertainment is not part of the genre s intention. 64 Gower, Confessio Amantis, Prologue, l Anne Middleton, The Idea of Public Poetry in the Reign of Richard II, Speculum, 53 (1978), , See Lee Patterson, Negotiating the Past: The Historical Understanding of Medieval Literature, Madison, Hoccleve, Regiment of Princes, ll

41 Chaucer s Mirror for Princes The Tale of Melibee 15 popularity in (post)modern time: Niccolò Machiavelli is the main character of a newly published crime novel, 68 Chaucer visited Hollywood 69 and various people connected to the genre authors and kings found a new existence and a new audience in the virtual world of Twitter. 70 Who would have thought! 68 Michael Ennis, The Malice of Fortune, London, A Knight s Tale, 2001, dir. Brian Helgeland. 70 For example: Geoffrey Chaucer (@LeVostreGC); Melibee (@melibeus1); John Gower (@iohannesgower); Desiderius Erasmus (@DesideriusErasmus); King Henry III (@FutureHenry3); King Alfred the Great (@Alfie_the_Great); King Cnut the Great (@CanutusRex).

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45 Books as Objects of Magic in the Late Middle Ages Eva Schaten, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Abstract This article discusses books as magical objects in late medieval and early modern England. There was a strong belief that a practitioner of magic could be only as strong as the book available to him. The power of a book could be enhanced by observing certain rituals during the production process. In modern imagination, the successful practice of magic depends on the magical talent of the person practising it. The idea of witches and wizards as being gifted with special abilities, passed over to them by inheritance or a pact with demonical beings, is still very much alive in modern pop culture. A medieval practitioner of magic, however, would have regarded the notion of magic as personal talent strange. To master alchemy, ritual magic, divination, and similar branches of learned magic, the main requirement was a good and powerful book. 1 Such a book would not only contain the necessary information for completing rituals, it also would have a numinous quality of its own and if it was produced and consecrated in the right manner, it was believed to be the most powerful accessory for an aspiring magician. 2 The typical practitioner of learned magic would be a member of the lower clergy: a parson, monk or secular priest working as clerk for the gentry or parish priest. He would be literate and at least have some basic knowledge of Christian rites and Latin. Apart from that, curiosity and access to a book of necromancy was all that was necessary to become part of the group that has been called the clerical underworld. 3 A typical representative of this group was William Stapleton, an English Benedictine monk who turned to treasure hunting by magical means. In the 1530s, Stapleton wrote a lengthy letter of confession to Cardinal Wolsey on orders of the Duke of Norfolk, describing his career as treasure hunter, which had started with the acquisition of two books and some instruments in 1528: 1 Learned magic had spread in Western Europe since the thirteenth century. It developed from Arabic and Hebrew traditions and has to be distinguished from an older, orally transmitted form of magic that was comprised of simple spells and was practised by members of all layers of society in Western Europe. On the two branches of magic, see Michael Bailey, From Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical Conceptions of Magic in the Middle Ages, Speculum, 76.4 (2001), , Richard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (University Park, Pennsylvania, 1997), 4. 3 The clerical underworld is a term coined by Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1989),

46 20 Eva Schaten {First} that I doo asserteyn your noble grace that I the said sir William {Stapleton was a monk} of Sainte Benetts as aforesaid the xixth yere of the reigne of kyng henry {the eighth} and being in the said monasterye oone Dennys of Gofton did bring me a booke call[ed] Thesaurus Spiritum and aftre that another called Secreta Secretorum a litle {ring} a plate a circle and also a sworde for the arte of dygging. 4 Shortly after receiving his books, Stapleton decided to leave the monastery of St Benett s in Norfolk, citing his reluctance to get out of bed in time for morning prayers as main reason. His initial attempts at treasure hunting by magical means were motivated by the need for money: He had to buy a licence to leave the order and become a secular priest. 5 Given that Stapleton planned to learn the arte of dygging, the two books he received were rather unhelpful: None of them mentions the search for buried treasure by magical means, which was to be Stapleton s occupation in the following years. 6 Stapleton s books appear to contain only one text per volume. If this is correct, they are not typical examples of manuscripts that would today be classified as books of magic. Instead, extant manuscripts containing texts on the magical arts are described by cataloguers as commonplace books or miscellanies: They consist of numerous small texts transcribed over a longer period, including spells, prayers, instructions for rituals, as well as astronomical 4 Public Record Office (PRO), SP 1/51, fol , 150. The transcriptions of Stapleton s letter here and in the following were made from the scan available at State Papers Online, < (2013, accessed ), Gale Document Number MC An edition of the document in modern spelling is in Dawson Turner, On the Invocation of Spirits, Norfolk Archaeology, 1 (1847), 57-64, 58. Words in curly brackets are illegible in the scan and are supplied from Turner s edition. The letter is calendared in Henry VIII: December 1528, 26-31, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII: Vol. IV, (1875), < (accessed ). See also George Lyman Kittredge, Witchcraft in Old and New England (New York, 1972), 110, The abbot of St Benett s gave Stapleton a temporary licence of absence and six months to raise the money for a permanent one: Than for bicause I had bene often ponysshed for [not] rysing to matens and [doing] my duetie in the church I prayed my lorde to geve me license that I myght sewe out [my] dispensation and so he was contented howe be it for because I was poore he gave [me] halff a yeres license to the p[ur]chasing thereof or els to retorne agayn to my [religion] (PRO, SP 1/51, fol. 150). 6 The finding of buried treasure was a branch of magic very popular in the Middle Ages and involved the invocation of a spirit that would point to the right spot. On treasure hunting, see Kittredge, Witchcraft in Old and New England, The Secreta secretorum is a famous and widespread text spuriously attributed to Aristotle. It is a letter of advice directed to Alexander the Great and belonged to the genre of mirrors for princes. It contains detailed instructions for image magic and alchemy. See Benedek Láng, Unlocked Books: Manuscripts of Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe (University Park, Pennsylvania, 2008), 58-59, and Ulrike Graßnick, Ratgeber des Königs: Fürstenspiegel und Herrscherideal im spätmittelalterlichen England (Diss. University of Münster, 2003; Köln, 2004), and Thesaurus spiritum is an alternative title of Roger Bacon s tract De negromancia. A modern edition and translation can be found in Michael A. McDonald, De nigromancia, Gilette, New Jersey, 1988.

47 Books as Objects of Magic in the Late Middle Ages 21 and arithmetical tables. For the most part, they have a fluid and largely anonymous content without a fixed corpus, comparable to recipe literature. 7 William Stapleton describes several attempts at treasure hunting that all come to nothing, even after he had obtained additional books and instruments. Pressed to proceed by some men, who had lent him money, Stapleton declined, saying that onlesse my bokes were better I wold medle noo further. 8 He attributed his failures not to his own inabilities and continued to believe in the existence of supernatural powers, never doubting the fact that the acquisition of new and more powerful books would turn him into a successful treasure hunter. Stapleton s monetary motives acquiring funds or getting the protection of a rich patron are typical for most types of learned magic, which were intended to unearth treasure, to turn lead into gold or to predict the future. Another motive was the acquisition of wisdom and book-learning without laborious studies. A special branch of magic, the Ars notoria, was designed to achieve this goal. The successful completion of all the prescribed rituals and cleansing processed was supposed to endow the practitioner miraculously with knowledge of all arts and learning by means of angelic revelation and the divine infusion of wisdom. 9 The Ars notoria rituals are centred on a manuscript: Each practitioner had to have his own book, written either by the practitioner himself, or at least specifically for him, with his name inscribed. The instructions on how to produce an adequate manuscript are not contained in the Ars notoria itself, but known from an account in the Great Chronicle of Saint Denis (1323), which tells the story of a monk of Morigny: Moreover there was in this same year a monk of Morigny, an abbey hard by Etampes, who by his curiosity and pride would fain have revived and renewed that condemned heresy and sorcery which is called in Latin ars notoria... Now this science is such that it teacheth to make figures and impreses, which must be different from each other and assigned each to a separate science; then they must be contemplated for a certain while spent in prayers and fasting; and thus, after this steady contemplation, that science was spread [into the student s mind] which, by that contemplation, he would fain have and acquire... Seeing therefore that the book promised such things, and that a man must needs make invocations and write his own name twice in the book, and let write the book for his own proper use alone, which was a matter of 7 For an overview of the extant manuscripts from medieval England, see Frank Klaassen, English Manuscripts of Magic, : A Preliminary Survey, Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Late Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park, Pennsylvania, 1998), One of these commonplace books of German origin (München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 849) has been edited by Kieckhefer in Forbidden Rites, PRO, SP 1/51, fol Sophie Page, Magic at St Augustine s, Canterbury, in the Late Middle Ages (Diss. University of London, 2000), 157. The oldest Ars notoria manuscripts that contain the instructions for the required rituals were produced in the thirteenth century. The prime example of an English book containing such instructions is Oxford, Bodley MS 951, which has been tentatively linked with the monastery of St Augustine s, Canterbury (22). For an overview of the early manuscript transmission of the Ars notoria, see Julien Véronèse, L Ars notoria au Moyen Age (Firenze, 2007), particularly 18-21,

48 22 Eva Schaten great cost, otherwise it would be worth nothing but if the book were written at his own cost and expense. 10 In a manuscript culture where books circulated for centuries and the secondhand book-trade flourished, a requirement to have a new book written for one s own personal use alone, was exceptional and specific to the Ars notoria. 11 Although these manuscripts could be handed down or sold, rituals performed with a second-hand copy would not work, as the book was powerless in the hands of anyone except the original owner. However, it was not the only requirement: A fifteenth-century copy of an Ars notoria text written by an English Dominican friar calls for the consecration of the diagrams needed for the rituals by saying nine or seven masses, or at least three masses celebrated with the utmost devotion, before they could be used. 12 The practice of consecrating books by laying them on the altar during mass is also reported by the Dutch theologian Johannes Busch (d. c.1480), who described in his autobiography that [S]ome women, or even men, sometimes lay German writings beneath the altar cloth, so that mass may be read over them, and when it is finished, they take away such writings, and make with other people many incantations, divinations and auguries. 13 The background of this practice is explained in the Book of Consecrations, a short anonymous work surviving in numerous late medieval and early modern copies and variations from the fifteenth century onwards. Before a book of incantations or ritual magic is used, it had to be charged with numinous power. If a ritual or experiment failed, the book was faulty or not sufficiently consecrated. 14 In preparation for the consecration ritual, the person executing it had to abstain from all pollutions of the mind and body, and immoderate food, 10 G. G. Coulton, trans., Life in the Middle Ages, vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1928), See also Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, On the importance of the second-hand book-market in medieval England, see, for example, Clayton Paul Christianson, The Rise of London s Book-Trade, The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain: Vol. III, , eds Lotte Hellinga and Joseph Burney Trapp (Cambridge, 1999), , , and Wendy Scase, Afterword: The Book in Culture, The Production of Books in England, , eds Alexandra Gillespie and Daniel Wakelin (Cambridge, 2011), , The short text survives in British Library, Sloane MS 513. See Page, Magic in Medieval Manuscripts, Quoted after Margaret Deanesly, The Lollard Bible and other Medieval Biblical Versions (London, 1920), 102. In southern Germany, the priest had to be even more tolerant: A recipe book from fifteenth-century Alsace advises to put the tongue and the head of a swallow on an altar and have a mass read over them three times. Despite expectations, this is no ritual to attract demons, but oddly enough a love spell: The swallow tongue had to be put into one s mouth before kissing the desired girl (Fritz Jecklin, Proben aus einem Arzneibuch des 15. Jahrhunderts, Schweizerisches Archiv für Volkskunde, 27 [ ], 78-92, 79). 14 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 8-9. One version of the Liber consecrationum has been edited by Kieckhefer ( ) from München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 849, written in the fifteenth century. Another early version is in Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MS D252, fols 85r-87r, dated to the same period.

49 Books as Objects of Magic in the Late Middle Ages 23 drink, words and idleness and put on clean clothes. In the nine days before he intended to begin the ritual, he had to hear the mass daily, carrying the book with him and laying it upon the altar during mass. After mass, the book was to be carried home and put in a secret place, free from all the impurities of the world ( omnibus inquinamentis mundum ) and sprinkled with holy water. Beneath the book, in the form of a cross, the belt and stole of a priest should be laid out. The final stage of the consecration was the recitation of prayers and psalms, while kneeling before the book looking eastwards. Through the litany of prayers and psalms, the book and the holy names that were written in it were sanctified and blessed and consecrated. If these rituals are observed, the almighty God in his goodness and mercy will sanctify the book. According to the Book of Consecrations, these rituals were necessary to be able to bind a spirit to the book and for the successful execution of all forms of conjurations, invocations and other experiments. 15 The concept of spirits or demons that are bound to books is also reported from the fifteenth century. Archbishop Antoninus of Florence (d.1459), later declared a saint by the Catholic Church, had confiscated and burned a book of incantations: A mass had been celebrated over it for conjuring and summoning demons, so that wherever the book was, a multitude of demons resided there. 16 William Byg, an inhabitant of South Yorkshire, was accused of heresy and had to stand trial in front of the vicar-general of the archbishop of York in His activities, however, were more of a magical nature: He had engaged in conjurations of angels with the help of a crystal, a young boy and some magical handbooks. 18 Byg s goal was to make angels appear which, however, were not of the divine sort, but malos. Reading Christian prayers from the books seemed to have an effect on the angels, who according to Byg s estimation appeared more quickly. 19 Books that had spirits bound to them were also considered the most useful by William Stapleton, who received such a potent item from his companions, 15 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, (my translation). 16 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, For the trial records, see James Raine, Divination in the Fifteenth Century by the Aid of a Magical Crystal, Archaeological Journal, 13 (1856), See also Láng, Unlocked Books, , and Kittredge, Witchcraft in Old and New England, The divination practised by Byg closely resembles the procedure described 150 years earlier by Nicolaus Eymeric in his inquisitorial manual: [T]racing a circle on the ground, placing a child in the circle, setting a mirror, a sword, an amphora, or something else in the way before the boy, holding their book of necromancy, reading it, and invoking the demon and other suchlike, as is taught by that art and proved by the confessions of many. Quoted after the translation of Eymerich in Edward Peters, The Magician, the Witch and the Law (Philadelphia, 1978), Et dicit quod premissam artem didicit a quodam Arthuro Mitton a Leycistre, circiter annos tres ultra elapsos, sed habuit libro suos apud Greynwiche cito post mortem ducis quondam Gloucestre in camera ejusdem apud Greynwich, et dicit quod credit firmiter angelos predictos cicius apparuisse per lecturam suam super libros predictos. Et dicit se credere modo ipsos fuisse malos angelos. Raine, Divination in the Fifteenth Century, 374.

50 24 Eva Schaten enticing him to take up the business of treasure hunting again: [T]hey informed me that oone leche had a booke to th[a]t which booke as they said the parsone of Lesingham had bounde a Spirytt called Andrew Malchus. 20 The possession of this book became a point of advertisement for Stapleton and he mentioned the parsone of Lesinghams booke when he offered his services to a nobleman named Sir John Leiston. 21 The successful calling of spirits was obviously thought to be brought about by the powerful book and the Spiryttes appered to the said booke, 22 not the person reading from it. Ultimately, however, Stapleton lost his books and instruments when he was arrested for departing without licence from the service of one Lord Leonard Marquess. His possessions were confiscated and taken into the custody of Sir Thomas More, where they remained at the time when Stapleton was writing his letter. 23 The Book of Consecrations does not contain instructions for the production process of a manuscript, yet in other instructional texts on ritual magic, the effort to create a powerful book would start with the material. To begin with, the book had to be written by hand on parchment. A book would be considered less powerful if it was written on paper or even worse printed. While printed books are certainly able to convey information and instructions accurately, a spell read from a manuscript was thought to be much more powerful than one read from a printed book. 24 It was possible, however, to reactivate the magic in the printed text by transcribing it by hand and reading the spells from the manuscript. 25 Special rituals were frequently required for the materials from which books or amulets were produced. A description of the particular preparation of ink and parchment can be found in a tract on Solomonic magic in British Library, Sloane MS 3826, copied in the mid-sixteenth century: 20 PRO, SP 1/51, fol Kittredge speculates that Andrew Malchus is an anglicized version of the biblical demon Adramelech (2 Kings 17:31). See Witchcraft in Old and New England, 210. The parson of Lesingham is unidentified, but the place name probably refers to the village of Leasingham in southern Lincolnshire. 21 PRO, SP 1/51, fol Sometime before, Leiston and the parson of Lesingham together had succeeded to call up the spirits of Andrew Malchus Oberion and Inchubus (fol. 151). 22 PRO, SP 1/51, fol PRO, SP 1/51, fol Lord Leonard Marquess can probably be identified as Lord Leonard Grey (d.1541), second son of the 1st Marquess of Dorset, who later became Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and 1st Viscount Grane. The title of Marquess was still very uncommon in the Tudor era and Stapleton may have confused it with a surname. The only other Marquess in Stapleton s time was Henry Courtenay, 1st Marquess of Exeter, who did not have a son named Leonard. The identification is supported by the remark that Lord Leonard is said in his youth to have dabbled in the black arts of treasure-seeking (J. T. Gilbert, Grey or Gray, Lord Leonard, Viscount Grane [d. 1541], Dictionary of National Biography < 1890, accessed ). This information is not included in the revised article (Mary Ann Lyons, Grey, Leonard, Viscount Graney [c ], Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < 2004, accessed ). 24 Christopher McIntosh, The Devil s Bookshelf (Wellingborough, 1985), Owen Davies, Grimoires: A History of Magic Books (Oxford, 2009), 5.

51 Books as Objects of Magic in the Late Middle Ages 25 It behoveth that when thou hast this book e of this or of Another example or ensample that thou write it in Inst maner in virgin parchemt and that it be not filthy neither of a dead beast or in vealime (vitulino) or in parchmyn of sylke, or in samatyne, or in cleane clothe or in parchmyn of a lamb or of a virgin kidde or of a virgin ffawne, and this is better than any other. And the Ink e w th w ch thou shalt write be it of cleane galles and let it be made w th good white wyne & whole and w th gum e and vitriol and masticke & thyme and croco. 26 The beliefs in the magical power of special inks and writing had a longer tradition, as these were already named in a list of errors issued in 1398 at the University of Paris: [It is an error] that the blood of a hoopoe or a goat kid or another animal and virgin parchment or eorium leonis and similar things have an effect to summon or repel the attention or service of demons. 27 In 1495, the Dutch alderman Willem van der Tanerijen (d.1499) described current unorthodox practices in his native Brabant. His description of the crimes committed by those guilty of sorcery is very detailed and includes the drawing of women s thoughts to unchastity with images and some writings on abortive or with strange words. 28 Because of its extreme thinness and lack of hair follicles, parchment made from unborn calves, sheep, or goats, also called uterine parchment or membrane, was a highly prized material and used in the production of de luxe manuscripts, especially bibles, as canvas for painting miniatures, and for repair work. 29 Abortive is another term for virgin parchment, mentioned as preferable writing material by Eton schoolmaster William Horman in a Latin textbook of 1519: That stouffe that we wrytte vpon: and is made of beestis skynnes: is somtyme called parchement / somtyme velem / somtyme abortyue / somtyme 26 Don Karr, Liber Salomonis: Sepher Raziel (British Library Sloane MS 3826), Esoterica, V (2003) < (accessed ). The text in British Library, Sloane MS 3826, fols 2-57, was written by an unknown hand and is dated to 1564 by the British Library. [M]asticke, or mastic, is a resin obtained from pistachio trees grown in Greece. [C]roco probably means saffron in this context, which is produced from a species of crocuses (see saffron, n. and adj., Oxford English Dictionary < December 2013, accessed ). 27 Heinrich Denifle and Émile Chatelain, Chartularium universitatis Parisiensis, 4 vols ( , repr. Bruxelles, 1964), IV, 35 (my translation). Linked to the condemnations of 1398 is the case of Jehan de Bar, a nigromancien et invocateur de diable, who was executed by burning in Paris in Among many other things, he was accused of using animal blood to make letters and characters and had shown belief in the use of virgin parchment (see also Veenstra, Magic and Divination, , and Jean-Patrice Boudet, Les condamnations de la magie à Paris en 1398, Revue Mabillon, NS 12 [2001], ). 28 [M]et incantacien, aenroepingen ende conjuratien trecken der vrouwen gedachten tot onuysheden, ende met beelden oft met eenigen gescriften in abortive of met vreemden woorden. Paul Fredericq, ed., Corpus documentorum inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis Neerlandicae, 5 vols (Gent, ), II, See W. Lee Ustick, Parchment and Vellum, The Library, 4th ser., 16 (1936), , 443, and Jean-Pascal Pouzet, Book Production outside Commercial Contexts, The Production of Books in England, , eds Alexandra Gillespie and Daniel Wakelin (Cambridge, 2011), , 218. Pouzet names British Library, Arundel MS 20, fol. 8v, as an instance where uterine parchment has been used to repair a tear in the paper.

52 26 Eva Schaten me[m]braan... Abortyue / bycause the beest was scante parfecte. 30 It is mentioned in the fourteenth-century inventory of the library of St Albans monastery ( motlyn abortif ) 31 and as late as 1655 in an advertisement inserted in the translation of a fifteenth-century tract on occult philosophy: Which Virgin paper is to be had at Mr. Rooks shop at the holy lamb at the East-end of St. Paul s church; and likewise the Virgin Parchment, and the best abortives. 32 In the early seventeenth century comedy The Devil is an Ass, Ben Jonson mentions virgin parchment as typical attribute of London conjurers, along with skulls, crystals, and pentacles. 33 Virgin or unborn parchment (charta virginea or charta non nata) was also recommended for the production of textual amulets, pieces of parchment or paper inscribed with apotropaic words that were considered to have intrinsic protective power. 34 These amulets were of small format, either rolls or single sheets folded until they fit into small pockets or sacks. 35 Very thin virgin parchment was probably used primarily because it could be rolled or folded easily. While virgin parchment also had other, completely orthodox areas of application, the use of blood as ink always had sinister connotations, whether it was animal blood or even one s own. Use of blood was always the sign of an aggressive kind of magic that involved the invocation of demons. 36 In the Summa de officio inquisitionis a handbook for inquisitors written in southern France around 1270 the seventh question to be asked a suspect concerns the writing with blood: Whether he has written with the blood of a man or a woman either on the host or elsewhere. 37 More harmless is the advice from a fifteenth-century recipe book from Elsace: Write these words with bat s blood on a piece of virgin parchment: nartam abornam and when you gamble, keep the parchment in your left hand rubbing the dice with it and you will get whatever you want. 38 Another advice from the same collection is to copy certain characteres onto charta virginea. Then, by laying the piece of parchment on the head during sleep, you can see whatever you want. 39 Hoopoes, mentioned in the 30 Quoted after Ustick, Parchment and Vellum, , Pouzet, Book Production outside Commercial Contexts, Robert Turner, trans., Henry Cornelius Agrippa his Fourth Book of Occult Philosophy of Geomancie (London, 1665), 54 (ESTC R32699). See also Owen Davies, Cunning-Folk: Popular Magic in English History (London, 2003), Ben Jonson, The Devil is an Ass, ed. Peter Happé (Manchester, 1994), 7 (I, ii, 6-8). 34 See the definition of textual amulets and their powers, in Don Skemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park, Pennsylvania, 2006), Skemer, Binding Words, Skemer, Binding Words, Si de sanguine hominis vel mulieris scripsit aliquid in hostia vel alibi. Quoted after Jean- Patrice Boudet, Entre science et nigromance: astrologie, divination et magie dans l Occident médiéval (XIIe-XVe siècle) (Paris, 2006), 557 (my translation). 38 Jecklin, Proben aus einem Arzneibuch, 83 (my translation). 39 Jecklin, Proben aus einem Arzneibuch, 86 (my translation). The ink in this case also is croco.

53 Books as Objects of Magic in the Late Middle Ages 27 condemnation of 1398 as blood-giver, were deemed powerful birds for the invocations of spirits. Their body parts were used for many magical purposes. Hoopoe-blood was used for the drawing of magical circles and in divinatory experiments that aimed at learning the liberal arts by attracting a demon. 40 For the production of textual amulets, the use of alternatives to the common irongall ink was sometimes advised. Myrrh, a resin from a tree native to the Middle East, and the blood of pigeons was mentioned. 41 In medieval England, writing with blood as ink was well known both as metaphor and as literary figure. The practice is mentioned in Scripture as well as in Ranulph Higden s Polychronicon, which tells a story including a contract with the devil written in blood. 42 On the other hand, there is also a frequently used metaphor of Christ s blood as ink, his body as parchment and the nails in his hands as quills. 43 The consecrating and exorcizing of ordinary ink was also called for in the Key of Solomon (Clavicula Salomonis), one of the most wide-spread texts on ritual magic in medieval and early modern Europe. 44 The intricate rituals described in numerous and varied manuscripts include astronomy, the use of magic circles, and characters carved into objects. If the rituals are followed, they promise treasure, love or power. 45 Everything that was needed for a ritual had to be prepared and consecrated beforehand; including the pen and ink, which would be used to write out the signs and characters. During the shaping of the quill, that is cutting the top into the right shape, a short prayer had to be said, assuring that all illusion had been expelled, but the quill retained efficaciously within it the virtue necessary for all things which are used in this Art, as well for operations as for characters and conjurations. The ink-horn had to be purchased on the day and in the hour of Mercury, and nine Hebrew names of God had to be written on it. The horn would be filled with specially prepared 40 See Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages, 142, 159, 162, and Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 117. For further references concerning the magical properties of the hoopoe, see 66 n. 25. The recipe book from Bünden advises to burn the tongue of a hoopoe to powder, then drink the powder to learn what you want (Jecklin, Proben aus einem Arzneibuch, 84). 41 Skemer, Binding Words, Martha Dana Rust, Blood and Tears as Ink: Writing the Pictorial Sense of the Text, Chaucer Review, 47 (2013), , The biblical story Rust refers to is the order of good to mark the doorposts of the Israeli with blood to prevent the slaying of their firstborns (Exodus 12:13); see also C. Babington and J. R. Lumby, eds, Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden monachi Cestrensis; together with the English Translations of John Trevisa and of an Unknown Writer of the Fifteenth Century, 9 vols (London, ), V, See, for example, Siegfried Wenzel, ed. and trans., Fasciculus Morum: A Fourteenth- Century Preacher s Handbook (University Park, Pennsylvania, 1989), For editions and a research overview, see Don Karr, The Study of Solomonic Magic in English (1993, updated 2013), 7-8 < Karr/Biblios/tssmie.pdf> (accessed ). 45 McIntosh, The Devil s Bookshelf, 52.

54 28 Eva Schaten ink which had first been exorcized and then blessed. 46 As elaborate as these proceedings might seem, the manufacture of the virgin parchment for the booklet was even more complicated. Beginning with the slaughter of a goat kid mimicking an Old Testament sacrifice, even the salt used for the treatment of the parchment was exorcized and blessed, as were the knives involved in the process. 47 While it is generally assumed that all types of magic are deliberately un- Christian and concern the invocation of demons, the opposite is true: Most magical practitioners were devout Christians. Instead of conjuring demons, they tried to invoke angels, and instead of necromantic spells, Christian prayers were used in rituals. It is not surprising, therefore, that bibles were considered magically potent books. 48 The most copied book throughout the Middle Ages, the Bible was also easier to obtain than specialist literature. The ecclesiastical authorities tolerated many superstitious practices involving bibles, but only up to a point. 49 In 1431, Bishop Stafford of Bath and Wells issued a mandate against sorcerers (sortilegii) in which he complains about their blasphemous practices bordering on sedition. 50 One of these practices is the seduction of the simpleminded by invoking demons through incantations and other diabolical practices. In the second part of the mandate, the bishop rather abruptly turns away from magical practices and demands the surrender of English bibles, under the pain of excommunication. 51 The third part of the mandate connects 46 Arthur Edward Waite, The Book of Black Magic and Experimental Magic (London, 1911; repr. New York, 1969), On Waite s edition and his sources, see Karr, The Study of Solomonic Magic in English, Waite, Book of Black Magic, Davies, Grimoires, 3. On the use of bibles for the taking of oaths, see Eyal Poleg, Mediations of the Bible in Medieval England (Diss. Queen Mary University, London, 2007), For an overview of the various kinds of magic that attracted ecclesiastical censure, see Richard Kieckhefer, Magic and its Hazards in the Late Medieval West, The Oxford Handbook of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe and Colonial America, ed. Brian P. Levack (Oxford, 2013), Thomas Scott Holmes, ed., The Register of John Stafford, Bishop of Bath and Wells, (London, 1915), The mandate is briefly discussed in Deanesly, The Lollard Bible, [M]andamus quatinus omnibus et singulis jurisdiccionum premissarum expresse monendo inhibentes sub excommunicacionis pena ne quisquam sua temeritate sacram Scripturam seu aliquam ejus partem linguam Anglicanam, que nostra vulgaris esse dinoscitur, ullo modo transferat neque libros Scripture in ydioma Anglicum translate, per octo dies a tempore monicionis et inhibicionis hujusmodi continue numerandos, penes se retinere vel occultare presumat, sed nobis vel commissario nostro in hac parte infra tempus predictum eos deferat actualiter ad examen (Register of John Stafford, ed. Holmes, 107). Although the Middle English Bible translation was most often associated with Wycliffe and his followers, the Lollards are not mentioned in the mandate nor does Stafford directly refer to the ban of the English Bible translation put into effect by Archbishop Arundel in the Constitutions of 1407/9. For the latest edition of the Constitutions, see Gerald Bray, ed., Records of Convocation, 20 vols (Woodbridge, 2006), IV, An excellent introduction to the Wycliffite Bible is Mary Dove, The First

55 Books as Objects of Magic in the Late Middle Ages 29 books and sorcerers: inquiries into the trading, writing, and possession of English bibles should be made and the names of the sorcerers, the writers, and the owners of books sent to the bishop. The penalty for not delivering the books was excommunication. 52 Although mandates like this are frequently a reaction to current issues, the cause of this particular one is unknown. The use of bibles for magical purposes is, however, known from other sources. One widely known practice involving a psalter was to recover stolen property and discover the thief: The name of each suspected person is written on a slip of paper. One of these slips the diviner inserts in the pipe (or hollow end) of a big key. Then he lays the key upon the eighteenth verse of the Fiftieth Psalm: When thou sawest a thief, then thou consentedst with him, and hast been partaker with adulterers. The closed book, with the key inside, is loosely held by the diviner and his client, while the diviner speaks the fateful verse. If the name in the key is that of the thief, the book and key will turn around and may even fall to the floor. 53 The psalter verse could be memorized and the place for the key marked in the book, so the ritual could be executed by an illiterate person with no knowledge of theology. Although the ritual was probably much older, the earliest record for this method dates from 1497, when Johannes White of Old Fish Street in London was accused of executing the forbidden magical art of using a psalter and a key to retrieve stolen goods, in this case a silver spoon. 54 Healing a sick person by laying a book of the gospel on him was sanctioned, if not by Scripture itself, then by another highly regarded authority: In the legend of St Barnabas in the Legenda aurea, the most wide-spread collection of saints legends of the later English Bible, Cambridge, It is also conceivable that Stafford had one of the several dozen other partial translations and retellings of the Bible in mind that existed in Middle English prose and verse. For an overview of this biblical literature, see James H. Morey, Book and Verse: A Guide to Middle English Biblical Literature, Urbana, Mandamus vobis insuper auctoritate et virtute qua supra, quatinus tam de sortilegos hujusmodi quam de transferentibus, scribentibus et possidentibus libros hujusmodi sic, ut premittitur, in nostro vulgari translatos inquisicionem singulis annis faciatis et infra jurisdicciones premissas continuo diligentem, et si quos repperitis tam libros quam nomina sortilegorum, scriptorum et possessorum librorum hujusmodi nobis mittere et continuo nunciare omni festinacione possibili effectualiter procuretis, ut nos insuper hiis pastoralis officii debitum exequi valeamus. Register of John Stafford, ed. Holmes, Kittredge, Witchcraft in Old and New England, 196. Kittredge gives several examples of this practice in the late fifteenth century. In the Wycliffite translation of the Bible, the corresponding passage is Psalms 49:18: If thou siȝest a theef, thou hast runne with hym; and thou settidist thi part with avowtreris (The Holy Bible, containing the Old and New Testaments, with the Apocryphal Books, eds Josiah Forshall and Frederic Madden, 1850 < accessed ). 54 Johannes White... exercuit artem magicam et prohibitam per psalterium, et Clavem, dicendo certo usus psalterii, et per dictam artem quesivit pro uno cocliare argente. William H. Hale, ed., A Series of Precedents and Proceedings in Criminal Cases... Extracted from Act-Books in the Ecclesiastical Courts in the Diocese of London (London, 1847), 61. Several similar cases from the sixteenth century are listed in Kittredge, Witchcraft in Old and New England, 71, , 553.

56 30 Eva Schaten Middle Ages, the apostle healed sick people simply by laying a copy of the gospel of St Matthew on their bodies. 55 Practising magic was a controversial affair in medieval and early modern Europe. Therefore, it is not surprising that most information about actual practitioners can be found in court records or chronicle accounts of public penances. Again, it is obvious that books were a central constituent of a magician s identity and power: The burning of one s books meant the irrevocable end of the career in the magical arts and the first step towards a virtuous life. An example is the conversion story told about Gerd Groote ( ), the Dutch founder of the Devotio moderna movement, who had studied the magic arts in his youth. During a bout of serious illness, he called for a priest to receive the last rites. The priest refused to do this and admonished him to abjure his beliefs in magic and, above all, to burn his necromantic books. Groote, knowing he was close to death, had someone burn his books at a public place, renouncing all his beliefs in magic. 56 The view of Groote s priest is supported by Archbishop Antoninus of Florence, who wrote in his Summula confessorum that a person guilty of necromancy and especially the Ars notoria could not be absolved, unless he had burned his books. 57 William Shakespeare s treatment of the sorcerer Prospero and his magical books in The Tempest closely mirrors this concept: In Act 3, Caliban advises Prospero s adversaries to target his books first, if they want to take away his powers: Remember first to possess his books; for without them he s but a sot, as I am, nor hath not one spirit to command. 58 Taking away the books is presented as equal to taking away the sorcerer s powers, as the spirits are bound to the books. During Prospero s abjuration in the last scene, he announces to drown one of his books, casting it into the sea deeper than did ever plummet sound This barnabe by the doctrine of thappostlis bare with hym the gospel of seynt matthu. and where so evir he fonde ony seke men he leid it upon hem and anoon they were hole what so evir sikenesse it were (Edinburgh, Advocates Library, Abbotsford Collection, fol. 113r < accessed ). The quote is taken from the recently re-discovered prose translation of the Legenda aurea presumably made by Osbern Bokenham (d.1447). William Caxton s translation, first printed in 1483 (ESTC S541), only contains an abbreviated version of the Barnabas legend. There is no edition of the Latin Legenda aurea from British manuscripts. 56 Rudolf Dier de Muiden, Scriptum de magistro Gerardo, Analecta seu vetera aliquot scripta inedita, ed. G. Dumbar (Deventer, 1719), 1-12, see also Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, Si didicit artem notoriam vel usus est ea ad sciendum aliqua, vel si usus est arte nigromantia, quod mortale est, et si huiusmodi artis libros habet, inducendus est, quod illos comburat; quod si facere rennueret, non esse absolvendus. Quoted after Thomas Werner, Den Irrtum liquidieren: Bücherverbrennungen im Mittelalter (Göttingen, 2007), The Tempest, Act III, Scene 2, ll On Prospero and his book(s) of magic, see also Barbara A. Mowat, Prospero s Book, Shakespeare Quarterly, 52 (2001), But this rough magic / I here abjure; and, when I have requir d / Some heavenly music, which even now I do, / To work mine end upon their senses that / This airy charm is

57 Books as Objects of Magic in the Late Middle Ages 31 Abjurations were not always made voluntarily: While Groote s and Prospero s abjurations were made more or less by choice, other practitioners of magic were ordered to do so after they had stood trial for witchcraft or heresy. The first reported burning of books of magic in England took place in November 1314, when Juliana of Lambeth, the daughter of a converted Jew, was accused and found guilty of practising sorcery (sortilegium). She had to complete an elaborate ritual of penance. During a procession towards St Paul s Cathedral, she wore the black, hooded, and long-sleeved robe of a philosopher ( indutam capa nigra cum longis manicis ad modum philosophi ) and carried waxen talismans as signs of her craft ( ymaginem de cera, eo quod solebat de hujusmodi ymaginibus maleficia sua operari ). Afterwards, she was stripped of the robe and placed on a scaffold that had been erected in the churchyard, to be clearly visible to the assembled crowd. The next stage of the proceedings was the burning of her books ( omnes libellos suos ) by the bishop, along with parts of Juliana s hair, followed by an oath taken by her. 60 In a ritual very similar to that of Juliana of Lambeth, an Englishman named Richard Walker abjured his magical practices at London in November 1419 after being accused and convicted of the same crime. 61 He was found to be in the possession of two books and three smaller pieces of writings as well as other suspicious items: a piece of amber appended to a black ribbon and two small talismans made out of yellow wax. 62 The examination focused on the two books and to what extent Walker had used them. Although he confessed to having used one of the books and the magical items, he denied the use of the second book. Walker had to abjure his practices in a public ceremony at St Paul s Cross, two books hanging from his neck, one on his breast and one on his back. After the arrival of the penitential procession at the south end of the church, the two books were taken from his body and thrown into fire. After the ritual was for, I ll break my staff, / Bury it certain fathoms in the earth, / And deeper than did ever plummet sound / I ll drown my book. The Tempest, Act V, Scene 1, ll This incident is recorded in the Annales Paulini, see Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward I and Edward II, ed. William Stubbs, 2 vols (London, 1882), I, 236 and The passage concerning Juliana s oath is unfortunately incomplete in the only extant manuscript, as the page has been cropped by a binder. The Annales Paulini is a London chronicle concentrating on ecclesiastical affairs and the events at St Paul s, where the author was probably employed. See Antonia Gransden, Historical Writing in England II: c.1307 to the Early Sixteenth Century (London, 1982), For the symbolic implication of the black robe and the burned hair, see Valerie Flint, Magic in English 13th-Century Miracle Collections, The Metamorphosis of Magic from Late Antiquity to the Early Modern Period, eds Jan N. Bremmer and Jan R. Veenstra (Leuven, 2002), , Bray, ed., Records of Convocation, V, See also Kittredge, Witchcraft in Old and New England, 80; Henry A. Kelly, English Kings and the Fear of Sorcery, Mediaeval Studies, 39 (1977), , , and Werner, Den Irrtum liquidieren, [D]uos libros in quibus scriptae et depictae fuerunt nonnullae coniurationes et figurae artem magicam (ut dicebatur) et sortilegium sapientes ac etiam unam pixidem in qua contenti erant unus lapis de birillo artificiabiliter in coreo nigro suspensus, tres parvae schedula et duae parvae imagines de cera crocea. Bray, ed., Records of Convocation, V, 80.

58 32 Eva Schaten completed, Richard Walker was released from custody, rehabilitated, and no longer considered a wizard. 63 In 1466, a similar case was put on trial by the Bishop of Ely. A man named Robert Barker of Babraham in Cambridgeshire was questioned on the charges of heresy and necromancy. Several incriminating items had been found in his possession: a book, a scroll containing characters, circles, exorcisms and conjurations, a hexagonal sheet with strange figures, and six engraved metal plates, among other things. 64 Barker had taken a great effort to obtain these objects: A master named John Hope had promised him great wealth and sold him the books and other instruments for 2.6s.8d. To collect these objects himself from a contact person in Staffordshire, he had to travel over 200 miles. 65 Barker kept his books and instruments at a hiding place in the neighbouring village of Saffron Walden, either aware of their illicit nature or acting according to the requirements made by the Book of Consecration or a similar text. He was willing to repent his actions and performed a public penance ceremony at Cambridge on Sunday, 18 January Around his neck he wore the metal plates and another large sheet that contained geometrical figures. In his left hand, he held a painted wand and in his right hand his books that are described as containing the rules and articles of the necromantic art. The ritual ended with the burning of the books and instruments at the marketplace at Cambridge. 66 A year later, William Byg, who had made bad angels appear by reading his books, was forced to abjure his beliefs in Yorkshire in a similar manner: Confessing all the experiments he had done, William... was merely forced to walk around with a torch in his right hand and a rod in his left with his books dangling from it. Inscriptions were also attached to his body announcing that he was a 63 [E]t tunc in poenam peccati in exercitio eiusdem artis superius confessatae commissi praefati duo libri suspensi fuerunt circa collum praedicti Domini Richardi, unus scilicet ad pectus et alter ad eius dorsum aperti, sic quod totus populus ante et retro posset inspicere et videre caracteres et figuras in eisdem libras factas et depictas. Et in tali apparatu idem Richardus, capite discooperto, statim de illo loco recessit, et perexit ante totum clerum et populum processionaliter more solito incedentes per altum vicum vulgariter dictum Cheap[side], et cum reversus esset idem Dominus Richardus ante processionem huiusmodi ad australem partem extra ecclesiam Sancti Pauli praedictam capti fuerunt iidem libri, una cum pixide et imaginibus ac instrumentis supradictis publice coram toto populo combusti, et sic idem Dominus Richardus a custodia carcerali extitit liberatus. Bray, ed., Records of Convocation, V, 80. See also Werner, Den Irrtum liquidieren, , 635 n. 334, for a reconstruction of the events. 64 Register of Bishop William Gray (Ely), fol. 133r-v, quoted by Werner, Den Irrtum liquidieren, 283. The incident is also recounted in Catherine E. Parsons, Notes on Cambridgeshire Witchcraft, Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, 19 (1915), 31-49, See Werner, Den Irrtum liquidieren, 283 n [T]empore quo maior in eodem multitudo populi affuerit, gerens in pectore suo et circa collum laminas et cartas praedictas cum ceptro in manu sua dextra, et in manu sinistra libros in quibus descripta sunt capitua et regule docencia artem nigramanticam. Quoted after Werner, Den Irrtum liquidieren, 283 n. 800.

59 Books as Objects of Magic in the Late Middle Ages 33 sortilegus and an invocator spiritum. He was also required to secure his abjuration of magic by throwing his books into the flames. 67 Robert Barker and William Byg, wands in one hand and books in the other, must have looked very much like wizards as they were imagined in modern times. Yet after their instruments and especially their books had been burned, they would no longer be wizards, having no powers of their own. William Stapleton s career as conjurer of spirits began with the acquisition of two books, which piqued his curiosity and ended when his books and instruments were taken away. Books of magic in the Middle Ages were evidently considered to be not only books about magic, but the very source of magical power. 67 Láng, Unlocked Books, 221. Unfortunately, the description of the penance is not edited, but only described in Raine, Divination in the Fifteenth Century, 372.

60

61 Signing the Diabolical Pact: Aspects of Supernatural Written Communication in Records of the Salem Witch- Hunt, * Matti Peikola, University of Turku Abstract Documents from the Salem witch-trials testify to a richly imagined written culture related to making a pact with the Devil. This paper discusses the materiality of the pact as described by suspected witches and magistrates, suggesting some influences that may have shaped their accounts. In , legal action was taken against at least 144 Massachusetts men and women suspected of practising witchcraft; 19 of them were executed and one tortured to death. 1 The events leading to the trials began in Salem Village in February 1692, the accusations soon spreading to nearby Salem Town and many other adjacent communities. 2 A Court of Oyer and Terminer was appointed to handle the situation, but political pressures led to its dissolution after a few sessions. A new Superior Court of Judicature was then authorized to deal with the cases of a large number of confessed witches and other suspects who remained in prison. The last trials were held in May Unlike the trials * An early version of this paper was presented at the symposium Confess if you be guilty : Witchcraft Records in their Linguistic and Socio-Cultural Context, Uppsala, October I am grateful to the symposium participants for their valuable comments. Research for this article has been supported by the Academy of Finland, decision number For these figures, see Mary Beth Norton, In the Devil s Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of 1692 (New York, 2002), For a chronology, see Marilynne K. Roach, The Salem Witch Trials: A Day-by-Day Chronicle of a Community Under Siege, New York, Interpreting the events has been subject to a great deal of discussion and debate. See, for example, Charles Wentworth Upham, Salem Witchcraft: With An Account of Salem Village, and a History of Opinions on Witchcraft and Kindred Subjects, 2 vols, Williamstown, Massachusetts, 1867; Marion Lena Starkey, The Devil in Massachusetts: A Modern Enquiry into the Salem Witch Trials, New York, 1949; Chadwick Hansen, Witchcraft at Salem, New York, 1969; Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed: The Social Origins of Witchcraft, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1974; Larry Gragg, The Salem Witch Crisis, New York, 1992; Bernard Rosenthal, Salem Story: Reading the Witch Trials of 1692, Cambridge, 1993; Frances Hill, A Delusion of Satan: The Full Story of the Salem Witch Trials, New York, 1995; Peter Hoffer, The Devil s Disciples: Makers of the Salem Witchcraft Trials, Baltimore, 1996; Norton, In the Devil s Snare; Bernard Rosenthal, General Introduction, Records of the Salem Witch- Hunt, eds Bernard Rosenthal, et al. (Cambridge, 2009),

62 36 Matti Peikola conducted under the Court of Oyer and Terminer, the 1693 trials did not result in executions and the imprisoned suspects were eventually released. 3 The almost 1,000 surviving documents associated with the trials and their aftermath represent a number of text categories, from formal legal instruments such as indictments, summonses and warrants to letters and petitions addressed to the court by the defendants or their supporters. 4 The largest single category consists of witness depositions, amounting to more than one third of all surviving documents. 5 Unusually for this period, the surviving documents also include transcripts of pre-trial examinations of many suspected witches; some of these documents are presented as verbatim records of the interaction in the court-room. 6 A preponderance (almost 90 per cent) of the documents were produced in during the trials and the investigations leading up to them. 7 One of the fascinating features of the Salem records is the rich textual, philological and linguistic evidence they offer about patterns of language use, modes of communication, writing practices and aspects of literacy in later seventeenth-century Massachusetts. 8 Witness depositions, petitions and examination records in particular allow us to hear the voices of a large number 3 The legal process and the procedures followed by the courts have been outlined by Richard B. Trask, Legal Procedures Used during the Salem Witch Trials and a Brief History of the Published Versions of the Records, Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., See also Norton, In the Devil s Snare, Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt is a chronologically arranged documentary edition of all surviving 977 records. For the text categories, see Peter Grund, et al., Linguistic Introduction, Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 64-90, For the witness depositions, see further Peter J. Grund, Textual History as Language History? Text Categories, Corpora, Editions, and the Witness Depositions from the Salem Witch Trials, Confess if you be guilty : Witchcraft Records in their Linguistic and Socio- Cultural Context, ed. Merja Kytö, Special Issue of Studia Neophilologica, 84 (2012), For the examination records and their transmission, see Kathleen L. Doty, Telling Tales: The Role of Scribes in Constructing the Discourse of the Salem Witchcraft Trials, Journal of Historical Pragmatics, 8 (2007), 25-41; Peter J. Grund, From Tongue to Text: The Transmission of the Salem Witchcraft Examination Records, American Speech, 82 (2007), Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, documents nos See, for example, Peter Grund, Merja Kytö, and Matti Rissanen, Editing the Salem Witchcraft Records: An Exploration of a Linguistic Treasury, American Speech, 79 (2004), ; Risto Hiltunen and Matti Peikola, Trial Discourse and Manuscript Context: Scribal Profiles in the Salem Witchcraft Records, Journal of Historical Pragmatics, 8 (2007), 43-68; Peter Grund, The Anatomy of Correction: Additions, Cancellations, and Changes in the Documents of the Salem Witchcraft Trials, Studia Neophilologica, 79 (2007), 3-24; Margo Burns and Bernard Rosenthal, Examination of the Records of the Salem Witch Trials, The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 65 (2008), ; Grund, et al., Linguistic Introduction, 64-90; Leena Kahlas-Tarkka, I am a Gosple Woman : On Language in the Courtroom Discourse during the Salem Witch Trials, with Special Reference to Female Examinees, Confess if you be guilty : Witchcraft Records in their Linguistic and Socio-Cultural Context, ed. Merja Kytö, Special Issue of Studia Neophilologica, 84 (2012),

63 Signing the Diabolical Pact 37 of people of both genders and of different social and educational backgrounds, although the role played by recorders as mediators in transmitting their oral utterances into written form often complicates the interpretation of such evidence. 9 In addition to providing evidence of real, historically attestable communication and literacy, the Salem documents also testify to a vividly imagined written culture in the supernatural realm. Descriptions and discussions of such textual activities are found in particular in examination records and witness depositions. They tend to centre around a rather specialized communicative event: making a pact with the Devil. The purpose of this paper is to scrutinize how the materiality of the pact was described by suspected witches and the magistrates interrogating them, and to suggest some possible influences that might have shaped such descriptions. The idea that a person can enter into a contractual agreement with the Devil (or his demonic minions) is present already in Late Antiquity, and seems to have been well established in the West at the latest by the ninth century. 10 In the High Middle Ages, the pact was typically associated with the dubious activities of learned (male) magicians a view strengthened by the translation into Latin of Arabic and Greek texts on the practice of ritual magic in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 11 While this association with high magic (necromancy) carried over into the Early Modern period, as demonstrated, for example, by the enduring popularity of adaptations of the Faustian legend, the growing theological perception of all those entering into a diabolical pact as heretics and apostates allowed the domain of the pact to be extended from the sphere of the learned to practitioners (of both genders) of low magic or maleficium. 12 Consequently, the pact came to form one of the core beliefs in the new conceptualization of witchcraft, disseminated from the late fifteenth century onwards in a number of treatises primarily targeted at prosecutors, inquisitors and witch-hunters across Europe. 13 While the pact itself was viewed as a central element in becoming a witch, writers of witchcraft treatises allowed for some variation as to the precise 9 For the caveats involved, see especially Grund, From Tongue to Text, See Brian P. Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe, 2nd ed. (Harlow, 1995), 35; Soili-Maria Olli, Visioner av världen: Hädelse och djävulspakt i justitierevisionen, (Umeå, 2007), 37-38; Soili-Maria Olli, How to Make a Pact with the Devil Form, Text, and Context, Confess if you be guilty : Witchcraft Records in their Linguistic and Socio- Cultural Context, ed. Merja Kytö, Special Issue of Studia Neophilologica, 84 (2012), 88-96, Levack, The Witch-Hunt, Levack, The Witch-Hunt, For Early Modern adaptations of the Faustian legend, see Hans Henning, Faust-Bibliographie, vol. 1, Berlin, For the notions of high versus low magic, see Christopher S. Mackay, General Introduction, Henricus Institoris, O. P. and Jacobus Sprenger, O. P., Malleus maleficarum, ed. and trans. Christopher S. Mackay, 2 vols (Cambridge, 2006), I, 1-188, See Levack, The Witch-Hunt, 29-59; Mackay, General Introduction,

64 38 Matti Peikola method by which it was formed. 14 According to the infamous inquisitorial manual Malleus maleficarum, disseminated widely in almost thirty editions between 1486 and 1669, the pact could be ratified in two ways: either in a ceremonial way similar to a ceremonial vow [vnus solennis per simile ad votum solenne] publicly performed at the witches sabbath, or privately ( modus priuatus ) between the witch and the demon without specific ritual elements. 15 As described in the Malleus, the public ceremony culminated in a written confirmation of the bargain: The women who are in attendance commend to him [the demon] the female novice who is to be accepted, and then, if the demon finds the female novice (or male disciple) ready to renounce the Most Christian Faith and Worship, and never to adore the Distended Woman (that is what they call the Most Blessed Virgin Mary) and Sacraments, then the demon holds out his hand and conversely the male disciple (or female novice) promises to follow those practices, pledging this by signature. 16 The new concept of witchcraft made its way to England relatively slowly. 17 One of its ardent advocates there was the Cambridge theologian and Puritan clergyman William Perkins (d.1602), who discussed the diabolical pact at some length in A Discovrse of the Damned Art of Witchcraft (1608). 18 Following the pattern already established in the Malleus, Perkins divided the pact into two main types: either expressed and open, or secret and close. 19 In the formal ritual of ratification associated with the first type, the witch giues to the deuil 14 In addition to the pact with the Devil, the other major components of the new conceptualization of witchcraft were the nocturnal assembly (Sabbath), in which the Devil was worshipped by witches, and the belief that witches were able to fly, see Levack, The Witch-Hunt, For the Malleus and its authors, see Mackay, General Introduction, The ratification of the pact is discussed in Malleus maleficarum, ed. and trans. Mackay, I, , here 394, 398; for the translation, see II, , here 235, [I]lle que assunt nouiciam suscipiendam sibi commendant, et demon, si de abneganda fide et cultu christianissimo et de extensa muliere sic enim et beatissimam virginem Mariam nuncupant et de sacramentis nunquam venerandis inuenerit nouiciam seu discipulum voluntarium, tunc demon manum extendit et vice versa discipulus seu nouicia stipulata manu illa seruare promittit, Malleus maleficarum, ed. and trans. Mackay, I, 395; II, A major reason for the slow acceptance of the new concept seems to have been the relatively infrequent use of torture in English (and Scottish) witchcraft prosecutions (Levack, The Witch-Hunt, 201). Richard Weisman points out that the first English translation of Malleus maleficarum appeared only in 1584 (Witchcraft, Magic, and Religion in 17th-Century Massachusetts [Amherst, 1984], 11). 18 William Perkins, A Discovrse of the Damned Art of Witchcraft (Cambridge, 1608), 44-53, ESTC S As indicated by its title-page, the posthumously published treatise was prepared for publication by Thomas Pickering, based on Perkins s sermons. For Perkins, see Michael Jinkins, Perkins, William ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (May 2007, accessed ). 19 Perkins, A Discovrse, 47.

65 Signing the Diabolical Pact 39 for the present, either his owne hand writing, or some part of his blood, as a pledge & earnest penny to bind the bargaine. 20 In referring to the pact, Perkins makes use of an array of closely related terms that highlight its nature as a formal contract or alliance between two parties: bargain, compact, confederacy, covenant, league. 21 Of these, covenant merits further scrutiny here because of its centrality in Puritan theology. In his discussion, Perkins explicitly portrays the pact as the Devil s vengeful attempt to pervert the couenant of grace made with our first parents in Paradise 22 : Now that he [the Devil] might show forth this hatred and malice, he takes vpon him to imitate God, and to counterfeit his dealings with his Church. As God therefore hath made a couenant with his people, so Satan ioynes in league with the world, labouring to bind some men vnto him, that so if it were possible, he might drawe them from the couenant of God, and disgrace the same. Againe, as God hath his word and Sacraments, the seales of his couenant vnto beleeuers; so the deuill hath his words and certaine outward signes to ratifie the same to his instruments, as namely, his figures, characters, gestures, and other Satanicall ceremonies. 23 In the ratification ceremony itself, Perkins argues, the witch makes a solemn promise to the Devil upon oath to renounce the true God, his holy word, the couenant he made in Baptisme, and his redemption by Christ. 24 David A. Weir characterizes the Early New England Puritans predestinarian vision of the true church as the group of saints redeemed by the finished work of Jesus Christ and gathered out of the world through the covenant of grace. 25 The description of the essence of witchcraft as an apostatic breaking of God s covenant in favour of that of Satan made very concrete sense to the Puritans, whose self-fashioning rested on a highly polarized ecclesiological view in which one was either a Saint or a Devil. In a sermon preached soon after the outbreak of the witchcraft hysteria, Samuel Parris, Minister of Salem Village, reminded his congregation about these realities: Examine we our selves well, what we are: what we Church-members are: We are either Saints, or Devils, the scripture gives us no medium. 26 For the New England Puritans, an important material manifestation of the covenant of grace was provided by the church covenant: a document signed by the founding members of a new church which stated their vision for and commitment to the future of the congregation. 27 It was characteristically placed 20 Perkins, A Discovrse, See Perkins, A Discovrse, According to Weisman: In Perkins s rendering, the meeting [between the Devil and the witch] is described more or less in the language of a business contract (Witchcraft, 36). See also Olli, How to Make a Pact, Perkins, A Discovrse, Perkins, A Discovrse, Perkins, A Discovrse, David A. Weir, Early New England: A Covenanted Society (Grand Rapids, 2005), The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, , eds James Fenimore Cooper and Kenneth P. Minkema (Boston, 1993), 198. See also Weisman, Witchcraft, Weir, Early New England, 137.

66 40 Matti Peikola at the beginning of the record book of the church. 28 Weir s detailed analysis of surviving New England church covenants from the seventeenth century shows that their covenant formulary often included one or more solemn promises made by the congregation to God in his presence. 29 This feature is present already in the earliest surviving covenant, that of the Charlestown First Church, signed by 35 men and women on the foundation day of the congregation on 2 November The Puritans familiarity with the concept of church covenant and its physical form may have played a role in how they imagined the materiality of the diabolical covenant. Pre-trial examination records of suspected witches indicate that the concept of the diabolical pact was introduced by the interrogating magistrates at the very beginning of the legal process. The second question asked of the first two examined suspects, Sarah Good and Sarah Osburn, on 1 March 1692, by the magistrate John Hathorne addressed this issue explicitly: [H]ave you made no contract withe the devil? 31 Both Good and Osburn denied the charge; Hathorne did not return to this topic in these two examinations, but chose to pursue a different line of enquiry, focusing on their suspected maleficia. The third suspect examined on 1 March was Tituba, a slave owned by the Reverend Samuel Parris, in whose household the first alleged witchcraft afflictions had taken place earlier in the same year. 32 Although in this examination Tituba, unlike Good and Osburn, was according to the records not asked directly about a diabolical pact, she soon confessed that the Devil had indeed visited her in both human and animal guise, asking her to serve him by hurting the children of two households in the village. 33 Since Tituba clearly proved to be an excellent source for disclosing the workings of the Devil in the 28 See Weir, Early New England, Weir, Early New England, For the text of the covenant, see Weir, Early New England, Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 127. The question quoted in the text is that presented to Good. According to the document, recorded by Ezekiel Cheever, the question presented to Osburn was substantively identical. Of the two surviving versions of Good s and Osburn s examinations, only that recorded by Cheever mentions this question (Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., ). For a close comparison of the two versions, see Grund, From Tongue to Text, Neither Good nor Osburn confessed to practising witchcraft; Good was executed on 19 July 1692, while Osburn died in Boston gaol before her trial. For the examinations of Good and Osburn, see, for example, Rosenthal, Salem Story, 14-20; Norton, In the Devil s Snare, A lot has been written about Tituba and her motives for adopting a strikingly different strategy from most of the other suspects interrogated during the early stages of the process; like Good and Osburn, the early suspects as a rule adamantly denied everything and chose not to cooperate with the magistrates. For Tituba, see especially Elaine G. Breslaw, Tituba, Reluctant Witch of Salem: Devilish Indians and Puritan Fantasies, New York, 1996; Tituba s examinations are analysed, for example, by Rosenthal, Salem Story, 21-31; Norton, In the Devil s Snare, 20-21, 27; Kahlas-Tarkka, I am a Gosple Woman, There are three different versions of Tituba s first examination, taken down by three different recorders (Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 128, 132, ). For a comparison of the versions, see Grund, From Tongue to Text,

67 Signing the Diabolical Pact 41 community, as demonstrated by her identification of Good and Osburn as witches, the magistrates interrogated her again on the following day. In this second examination, the diabolical pact was part of the enquiry. The first question asked of Tituba now concerned the pact: What Covenant did you make w th y t man y t Came to you? 34 Evidently familiar with the contractual terms in which the pact was understood to operate, Tituba readily explained how the man had asked her to serve him for six years and promised to give her many fine things. 35 After confirming from Tituba when this event had taken place, the magistrates proceeded in their interrogation to elicit information from her about her possible ratification of the covenant by writing. They asked Tituba a series of three questions, of increasing specificity: [W] t did he Say you must doe more? did he Say you must Write any thing? did he offer you any paper? 36 Tituba s response is recorded only after the third question. Although her answer was yes, she made no mention of a paper having been offered to her, but instead chose to elaborate on her previous response, telling the magistrates that the man had showed her some fine things, Something like Creatures, a little bird Something like green & white. 37 Tituba s evasion of the question concerning the material element of the pact may be interpreted in two ways. Either she was genuinely baffled about the three questions put to her, having no idea what the magistrates were after or, which seems more likely, she knew the implications of the paper all too well and intentionally provided them with some less dangerous information instead. Her tactics paid off, as the magistrates did not pursue the point about the paper further, but asked her to tell more about her encounters with the man and how he had asked her to hurt the children. A couple of turns later, however, Tituba herself introduced another written motif into the interrogation; according to the examination record she did so without being explicitly prompted by her interrogators. Tituba described how her supernatural visitor had read in book ; after asking her to serve him for six years, the man had promised to come back and show the book to her. 38 The magistrates now pressed on to find out details about the form and content of this book as well as the precise nature of Tituba s contact with it. The ensuing exchange displays Tituba s masterful handling of the situation. On the one hand, she provided the magistrates with many important details to maintain their interest in her as an invaluable informant; on the other hand, while she clearly admitted to have been dabbling into unsavoury arts, she tried to keep 34 Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 135. Unlike her first examination, only a single account survives of Tituba s second examination of 2 March 1692, recorded by Hathorne s colleague magistrate Jonathan Corwin (see Records of the Salem Witch- Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., ). Since Corwin recorded the examination, it seems likely that Hathorne was in principal charge of questioning the suspect. 35 Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 135.

68 42 Matti Peikola herself from crossing the ultimate line into witchcraft, denying that she had ratified the pact with her own blood. The information offered by Tituba established the primary framework and motifs through which written communication with the Devil and his minions came to be imagined in the course of the Salem episode: Q. and what Booke did he bring a great or litle booke? A. he did nott show itt me, nor would nott; but had itt in his pockett<?>. Q. did nott he make you write yo ε Name? A. noe nott yett for my [...] mistris Called me into y e other roome. Q. whatt did he Say you must doe in that book? A. he Sayd write & Sett my name to itt. Q. did you Write? A. yes once I made a marke in y e Book & made itt w th red like Bloud. Q. did he gett itt out of your body? A. he Said he must gett itt out y e Next Time he Come againe, he give me a pin Tyed in a stick to doe itt w th, butt he noe Lett me bloud w th itt as yett but Intended another Time when he Come againe. Q. did you See any other marks in his book? A. yes a great many some marks red, Some yellow, he opened his book a great many marks in itt. Q. did he tell you y e Names of y m? A. yes of Two no<e> <m>ore Good & Osburne & he Say thay make y m mar<k>s in that book & he showed them mee. Q. how many marks doe you think there was? A. Nine. Q. did thay Write there Names? A. thay Made marks, Goody Good Sayd she made hir mark, butt Goody Osburne Would not Tell she was Cross to mee. 39 From this exchange onwards, the material dimension of the unholy covenant was primarily represented as a book, more precisely a codex, in which the witches made an inscription in their own hand. Tituba s examination suggests that the magistrates at first conventionally visualized the contract as a piece of paper resembling a legal document, but her introduction of the book motif led them to favour this concept and return to it in their subsequent interrogations. 40 A few examples of questions asked in some of the other pretrial examinations conducted in March and April will suffice in demonstrating the magistrates persistent interest in the book as well as ways in which they introduced the topic: What book is that you would have these children write in 41 What mark did you make in the Devils book [...] when you set your hand to it? 42 Have you signed the Devils book? [...] Have you not toucht it? Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., On the basis of the few surviving examples, at least in Early Modern Northern Europe, diabolical pacts seem to have been usually formatted as legal documents; see Olli, Visioner, 34-37; Olli, How to Make a Pact, Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 196.

69 Signing the Diabolical Pact 43 Was not the book brought to you to signe? [...] Were not you threatened by any body, if you did not signe the book? 44 As suggested by the last of these four examples of supposedly verbatim records taken down by the Reverend Parris, by late April, the mere mention of the book seems to have been enough to make the defendant grasp the reference. In addition to examination records, witness depositions against suspected witches also contain references to the book from early on. Such references commonly follow a pattern in which the spectral appearance of a witch brings the book to the deponent, demanding that he or she inscribe their name or mark in it, or sometimes simply touch it. Presumably as an echo of the traditional contractual bargain, the spectre sometimes makes the deponent promises of wealth or well-being, but the general tone of these encounters tends to be oppressive, involving physical violence and even threats on the life of the deponent. According to Mercy Lewis s deposition against George Jacobs from May 1692, for example, the single-minded goal of Jacobs s spectre was to have Lewis inscribe his name in the book by pinching me and beating me black and blue and threating to kill me if I would not writ in his Book. 45 The interrogating magistrates obsession with the details of exactly what and how the suspects wrote in the book, and what the book was like physically, made many confessors follow the example set by Tituba and provide a number of details about their written ratification of the covenant. In scrutinizing various elements of the writing situation described in these accounts, a considerable extent of minute variation in the details provided by the confessors can be noted. It is not possible to review the evidence comprehensively here, so let us therefore focus on identifying major trends in the material as well as some conspicuous departures from them. Starting with the writing implements, the use of the witch s own finger(s) for ratifying the covenant seems to have been the most common method specified by the confessors. 46 The precise manner of applying one s finger(s) to the book varied, however, including touching, scratching, rubbing, making a blot or a spot, stamping, and marking. 47 For some confessors, the idea of touching the book may have seemed less incriminating than leaving a mark in it intentionally. One examined suspect made the distinction between touching and signing in her mind explicit: [B]eing Asked whether she signed to it: answerd: not unles putting her finger to it was signing. 48 The magistrates, intent on making her confess that she had truly signed the contract, pressed on 44 Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., For various ways of using one s finger (or fingers) to ratify the pact, see Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 201, 262, 491, 541, 543, 552, 553, 554, 559, 561, 568, 570, 571, 574, For touching, see Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 531; for scratching, 543; for rubbing, 491; for blotting, 561; for stamping, 574; for marking, Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 201.

70 44 Matti Peikola to find out whether she did not se a spot where she had put her finger. 49 The defendant admitted that her finger had indeed left a black spot in the book. She then also confessed marking the book, although her emphasis that she had done it but with her top of her finger, first moistened in her mouth, may have been intended to convey the idea that she had not fully ratified the pact. 50 In addition to the application of one s finger, some confessors and deponents imagined the use of a proper implement to do so: a (black) pen or a stick. 51 In a few cases the paraphernalia also included an inkhorn. 52 The 16-yearold Andrew Carrier even confessed to having put to a Seal on a contract that made him serve the Devil for five years in compensation for a house and some land in Andover. 53 Can any correspondence be detected between a person s actual level or nature of writing literacy and the method by which that person described having ratified the pact? It goes beyond the scope of this paper to explore this question systematically and in detail, but some preliminary observations can be presented. To begin with, several confessors who stated that they had made a mark in the book seem to have been markers in real life as well. This is suggested by the presence of their (presumably autograph) personal marks at the bottom of the document containing their confession. 54 Mary Marston of Andover, for example, confessed that she was offered a book to sign, which she did with a pen dipt in Ink and therewith made a stroake. 55 Her personal mark seems to have been made with a long looped stroke. 56 Another example of a statement which may reflect the genuine writing competence of a person is provided by a short document recording the interrogation of the 14-year-old Abigail Hobbs in prison. According to the document, Hobbs claimed that (the spectre of) a suspected witch, John Proctor, Sr had perswaded her to set her hand to y e Booke. & Guided her hand personaly to do it. 57 The description evokes an image of a diabolical writing master instructing his young pupil to sign her name. In contrast to descriptions that suggest a positive correlation between a person s actual and supernatural writing literacies, the material also contains cases which clearly work against such an assumption. The Andover confessor 49 Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., A pen is mentioned in Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 161, 212, 267, 464, 475, 477, 482, 565, 576; for a stick, see 480, 555, See Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 267, 555, 561, Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., See, for example, Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 560, 566, 570, 572. The personal marks of the confessors found in the records containing their confessions have been reproduced as facsimile images in Records of the Salem Witch- Hunt. 55 Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., See Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 566, where the personal mark is reproduced from the original document in the Massachusetts State Archives. 57 Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 416.

71 Signing the Diabolical Pact 45 William Barker, Sr, for example, acknowledged that he used his finger, dipped into blood, to make a blott in the Devil s book, which was a confirmation of the Covenant with the devil. 58 The same document contains what is probably the autograph signature of Barker. 59 It would seem that in confessing to having ratified the pact, Barker also chose to follow the confessors favourite pattern of using one s finger to set one s hand to the book rather than imagining the use of a pen. The magistrates curiosity about the material details of the ratification ritual also applied to the colour and quality of the substance used to make the impression or inscription in the book. It would seem that the magistrates were particularly keen on establishing the use of blood in the ritual. 60 The confessors did not let them down; they often confirmed that the writing medium was indeed blood, sometimes specified as having resulted from a cut or prick made in their own finger. 61 While some of those who stated that they had signed (or had been coerced by threats into signing) with a pen mentioned the use of ink, combining the use of a pen with blood was also an option. Joseph Ring of Salisbury, for example, described in his sworn witness deposition how on time the book w<a>s brought and a pen offerd him & to his aprehension ther was blod in the Ink horn. 62 In addition to the details of the writing process, the records also provide details about the physical appearance of the book to be signed in ratification of the contract, including its shape, size and colour. Like several other major themes and motifs of the Salem witchcraft narratives, this topic too originally goes back to the case of Tituba. In her second examination on 2 March the magistrates asked Tituba whether the book brought to her by the man visiting her was a great or litle booke. 63 Tituba answered evasively that the man did not show the book to her, but had itt in his pockett<?>. 64 The idea of the book as a pocket-sized volume recurred in a May deposition against the Reverend George Burroughs; the 17-year-old Elizabeth Hubbard stated that Burroughs, whom she believed to be a dreadfull wizzard, tooke a booke out of his pocket: & opened it. & bid me set my hand to it. 65 While at least two other statements also describe the book as a little volume, both also noting its red colour, 66 one 58 Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 561. Since the document has been written in reported speech, it is possible that the explicit recognition of Barker s ratification of the covenant with his finger originated as a clarification made by its recorder William Murray. 59 Massachusetts State Archives, Boston, Massachusetts Archives Collection, vol. 135: Witchcraft, , no For the significance of blood, see Olli, How to Make a Pact, See, for example, Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 553, 554, Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., See Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., , 479. The red colour of the book was also noted by Joseph Hutchinson in his deposition regarding Abigail

72 46 Matti Peikola confessor, in contrast, imagined it as having been pretty big. 67 Such seemingly contradictory testimony, however, did not appear to have cast any doubts on the credibility of these descriptions in the eyes of the magistrates. In fact, relatively early on in the process, statements elicited from confessors and deponents must have suggested to the magistrates that there had circulated not just one book in which diabolical covenants had been entered, but many. In her statement one deponent described how she had been visited by the appearances of several witches, each carrying a book of their own which they had demanded that she touch. 68 The confession of Richard Carrier conveys the idea of one large tome kept at the Black Sabbath and smaller volumes carried on the Devil s and witches field missions. Carrier first told the magistrates how he had set his hand to a little Red book offered to him by a black man he had met at night on his way back home from town. 69 At a meeting on a meadow in Salem Village, attended by the Devil and approximately 70 witches, Carrier had seen the Devil Open a Grate Booke & We all Sett or hands & Seales [...] to it, y e Ingagement was to afflict p ε sons & to ouer Come y e Kingdome of Christ, & Set Vp the Diuels Kingdome & we ware to haue hapy Days. 70 The presumed existence of diabolical books of different sizes also emerges from a deposition by Joseph Hutchinson concerning Abigail Williams, one of the persons afflicted. Hutchinson stated that he had asked Abigail about the book she said had been offered to her; in her reply Abigail had said that thare wos two Books one wos a short thike booke & the other wos a Long booke: I asked her w t Coler the booke war of: she said the bookes ware as Rede as blode I asked her if she had sene the booke opned: shee said that shee had sen it opned many times: I asked her if shee did see any Ritinge in the in the <sic> booke: shee said thar wos many lins Riten & at the End of Euary line thar wos a seall. 71 Hutchinson s description conveys an image of these books being filled with unholy covenants, each line of writing containing a witch s signature or a mark and a seal at the end as a token of formal ratification. The statement also reveals that it was not only the magistrates, confessing witches and those claiming to have been tortured or afflicted by witches who participated in the discourse concerning the Devil s and witches book. The topic was more widely discussed in the community, and there seems to have been a general curiosity about the identity of such volumes. The close interest shown by Hutchinson in the Ritinge contained in the book was shared by the interrogating magistrates. As indicated already by Tituba s examination, their primary motive in asking about the contents seems to have been to find out the identities of those whose names or marks had been entered there. Williams (434), and in the examination of Sarah Carrier, where Carrier confessed that while the book was red, the paper of it was white (541). 67 Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 434.

73 Signing the Diabolical Pact 47 Although the codex form of the Devil s book pervades depictions of the material pact with the Devil in the Salem records, there are two noteworthy exceptions to this general pattern. First, two confessors Mary Toothaker and Mary Taylor maintained that they signed the covenant on a piece of birch rind. 72 In her examination on 30 July 1692, Toothaker confessed that the Devil had approached her in the shape of a Tawny man and offered her something which she took to be a peece of burch bark, on which she had made a mark with her finger by rubbing off the whit Scurff. 73 It has been convincingly argued that Toothaker s reference to a tawny man identifies the shape assumed by the Devil here as that of an Indian. 74 A piece of birch rind rather than a book was perhaps assumed to be a more appropriate form for the covenant in such a context. The second exception to the normative pattern of recording the covenant in a book comes from a later phase of the witch-hunt in late August and early September 1692, when several confessors, mostly from Andover, described the material covenant as a piece of paper. 75 It would seem that the first examined suspect who introduced this motif was Mary Bridges, Jr on 25 August. The record of her examination refers to her as an Andover Maid, which may suggest that she was a contracted (covenant) servant. 76 If this was the case, she might have found the idea of the pact as a document more directly familiar in her sphere of experience than imagining it as a book. Jane Kamensky has perceptively argued that the obsession with the material aspects of the Devil s book conveyed by the Salem records should be viewed in the context of a more general Puritan anxiety about the circulation of evil books at the time. 77 This anxiety may have reflected a change in New England print culture during the last decades of the seventeenth century. In New England, the book-trade had traditionally been controlled by the Puritan elite and had been dominated almost exclusively by religious books. 78 In the 1670s and 1680s this pattern was changing rapidly, as new colonial presses were established and the quantity and range of books imported from England increased. Kamensky notes that this development caused some alarm among 72 Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 491, Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Norton, In the Devil s Snare, See Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., 552 (Bridges, Andover), (Eames, Boxford), 573 (Hawkes, Andover), 574 (Johnson, Andover), 575 (M. Wardwell, Andover), 577 (S. Wardwell, Andover). 76 Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., Jane Kamensky, The Devil s Book: The Material Culture of Witchcraft in Early New England, an unpublished paper delivered to the American Historical Association, Seattle, January I am indebted to Professor Kamensky for kindly allowing me to read her paper. See also Norton, In the Devil s Snare, For an overview, see, for example, Hugh Amory, Printing and Bookselling in New England, , A History of the Book in America: Vol. I, The Colonial Book in the Atlantic World, eds Hugh Amory and David D. Hall (Cambridge, 2000),

74 48 Matti Peikola Puritan leaders, as it diminished their control over the book-trade and made available genres that were regarded as harmful or dangerous. 79 The idea of diabolical pacts being entered into a book seems to have made its first appearance in New England late in 1671, when Elizabeth Knapp, a 16- year-old servant from the town of Groton had begun to suffer from strange seizures and delusions, claiming to be regularly assaulted by the Devil to make her enter into a covenant with him. 80 Knapp s condition was attended, among others, by the local minister Samuel Willard, who wrote a detailed memorandum about the case and sent it to Increase Mather, one of the spiritual leaders of the New England Puritans. According to the memorandum, the Devil had p r sented her [Knapp] a booke written w th blood of covenants made by others w th him, & told her such & such [...] had a name there. 81 After several assaults by the Devil, Knapp had finally consented to the making of the pact. The Devil had now told her she must write her name in his booke, shee answered, shee could not write, but hee told her he w ld direct her hand, & then took a little sharpened sticke, & dipt in the blood, & put it into her hand, & guided it, & shee wrote her name with his helpe. 82 Knapp s case seems to have been well-known in the local community and its details may well have exerted an influence on the Salem confessors descriptions of their diabolical pacts. 83 Willard s memorandum provides no information as to how Knapp herself had come across the idea of the Devil s book as a physical form of the diabolical pact. There is reason to believe, however, that this idea was not indigenous to Massachusetts, but was indebted to earlier European witchcraft literature. A possible lead is provided by Cotton Mather s Brand Pluck d out of the Burning (1693). In this (at the time) unpublished manuscript, Mather describes the case of the Boston servant Mercy Short, who at the height of the Salem process in the summer of 1692 suffered from severe fits and delusions of being bewitched. 84 Mather s narrative strongly suggests that Short was familiar with current talk about the Devil s book at Salem. According to Mather, the method of The Divel, and his crew was 79 Kamensky, The Devil s Book. 80 Kamensky, The Devil s Book ; see also Norton, In the Devil s Snare, Samuel A. Green, Groton in the Witchcraft Times (Groton, Massachusetts, 1883), Green, Groton, 14. Willard s description of the Devil directing Knapp s hand may be compared with Abigail Hobbs s account of how the spectre of John Proctor, Sr guided her hand to sign the Devil s Book. Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, eds Rosenthal, et al., See Samuel Willard, Useful Instructions for a Professing People in Times of Great Security and Degeneracy (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1673), sig. A2; Green, Groton, 5-6. Increase Mather included a summary of the memorandum in An Essay for the Recording of Illustrious Providences (1684), but omitted the details concerning the written covenant; see Narratives of the New England Witchcraft Cases, ed. George Lincoln Burr (Mincola, New York, 2002), 21-23; originally published in 1914 as Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases, Cotton Mather, A Brand Pluck d out of the Burning, in Narratives, ed. Burr,

75 Signing the Diabolical Pact 49 to make her [Mercy Short] a tender of a Book, somewhat long and thick (Like the wast-books of many Traders), butt bound and clasp t, and filled not only with the Names or Marks, but also with the explicit (short) Covenants of such as had listed themselves in the Service of Satan, and the Design of Witchcraft; all written in Red characters; many whereof shee had opportunity to read when they opened the Book before her. This Book of Death did they Tempt her to sign. 85 Mather s description of the Devil s book as the Book of Death suggests that he conceived it as the antithesis of the biblical Book of Life, said to contain the names of those who will be saved. 86 He was not the first writer to evoke this concept in the context of the diabolical pact. In Compendium maleficarum (1608), the Italian priest Francesco Maria Guazzo maintained that one of the features common to all diabolical pacts was that witches pray the devil to strike them out of the book of life, and to inscribe them in the book of death. 87 In the same passage, Guazzo referred to the witches of Avignon whose names were written in a black book presumably an allusion to the 1582 trials discussed by Sebastien Michaelis in his Pneumalogie (1587). 88 Descriptions of a book in which the Devil wrote the witches names in blood also appeared in the infamous Swedish witch-trials of the 1660s and 1670s. 89 These trials were evidently known 85 Mather, A Brand Pluck d out of the Burning, See Revelation 20:15: And anyone whose name was not found written in the book of life was thrown into the lake of fire ; see also Revelation 3:5, 13:8, 17:8. 87 [P]etunt à Dæmone se deleri de libro uitæ, & scribi in libro mortis (see Francesco Maria Guazzo [Guaccius], Compendivm maleficarvm [Milan, 1626], 39. The 1626 edition is available online in The Cornell University Witchcraft Collection < accessed The English translation is that of Montague Summers, reproduced by Brian P. Levack, ed., The Witchcraft Sourcebook [New York, 2004], 100). The motif of the Book of Death in this context may originally have stemmed from Western writers tapping of Talmudic literature. See, for example, the tractate Rosh Hashanah, Chapter 1: Three books are opened on New Year s Day: one for the utterly wicked, one for the wholly good, and one for the average class of people. The wholly righteous are at once inscribed, and life is decreed for them; the entirely wicked are at once inscribed, and destruction destined for them (Jewish Virtual Library < accessed ). A similar concept also appears in the pseudepigraphic Old Testament Book of Jubilees, 36:10: [A]nd he shall be blotted out of the book of the discipline of the children of men, and not be recorded in the book of life, but in that which is appointed to destruction (The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament in English, ed. Robert Henry Charles [Oxford, 1913], II, 67). For Early Modern Christian reception of the Talmud, see Elisheva Carlebach, The Status of the Talmud in Early Modern Europe, Printing the Talmud: From Bomberg to Schottenstein, eds Gabriel M. Goldstein and Sharon Liberman Mintz (New York, 2006), Magos Auinionenses inscriptos libro nigerrimo (Guazzo, Compendivm, 39; Levack, ed., The Witchcraft Sourcebook, 100). Although Guazzo does not refer to Michaelis in this locus, he cites him elsewhere in the book as a source for information concerning Avignon: Sebastianus Michael in pneumalogia refert hoc exemplar sententiæ latæ Auinioni anno 1582 (see, for example, Compendivm, 278,). 89 See, for example, Bengt Ankarloo, Trolldomsprocesserna i Sverige (Lund, 1971), 218.

76 50 Matti Peikola in Massachusetts, 90 and it is thus not impossible that their book motif may have influenced the conceptualization of the pact at Salem. The exploration of supernatural written communication in the records of the Salem witch-hunt has revealed a remarkably rich array of imagined material moments associated with the making of the diabolical pact. While certain basic motifs especially the Devil s book occur repeatedly in the records, there is also considerable minute variation in the details supplied by individuals. In these narratives, the long-standing European tradition concerning the pact and its ritualized ratification is shaped by features of written culture characteristic of Puritan society and theology. When confessors described their encounters with the Devil and his vassals, they seem to have made full use of their real-life experience of church covenants, legal contracts and books of various shapes and sizes in their attempt to meet the unquenchable curiosity of their interrogators about the materiality of the pact. 90 See Rosenthal, General Introduction, 16.

77 Forms of Addressing the Educated Reader in Early Printed Paratexts Torsten Wieschen, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Abstract This article focuses on the importance of paratexts in early printed humanist material and how and by which means a humanist readership was addressed. Both authors and printers made use of prefaces and other paratextual elements to show their distinct education and to attract a prolific readership. When Thomas Berthelet printed Thomas Elyot s Boke Named the Gouernour in 1531, the published text was accompanied by a short notice of the printer: Consydering that in settynge the letters to print there can nat be alway so exacte diligence used / but that some thing may happe to eskape worthy correction / all though Argus were the artificer. I therfore wyll desyre the gentill reders of this warke that or they seriously rede it / they will amende the defautes in printynge accordinge to the instructions immediately folowynge. 1 Berthelet then continued with a list of errata including corrections of spelling and content. The printer obviously wanted the reader to have an uncorrupted version of the text and excused himself for lacking diligence in setting the letters. He directly addresses the gentle reader to seriously read the text and amend the errors. The actual preface to the work, or in this case Proheme, was written by Elyot himself and had a specific reader in mind, as he dedicated the work to King Henry VIII. Apart from the usual dedicational and humble choice of words and after having praised the noble prince, 2 Elyot immediately addresses the topic of his work and clearly expresses why it should be read by the king. In the Gouernour, Elyot elaborates on the role of the governor for the establishment and improvement of a common welfare and one of the most important aspects for becoming a good governor is a decent and comprehensive education. 3 Only when the governor is well informed about the experiences that could be drawn from the classical past is he able to make wise decisions. Comparing these two prefaces to the same text, it is, of course, the different authorship and intention (explanation of the printer s faults and dedicational 1 Thomas Elyot, The Boke Named the Gouernour, Deuised by Sir Thomas Elyot, Knight (Londini: In edibus Tho. Bertheleti, 1531), sig. [aiv] (ESTC S105376). 2 On the modesty topos and its functions, see Kevin Dunn, Pretexts of Authority: The Rhetoric of Authorship in the Renaissance Preface (Stanford, 1994), Elyot, The Boke Named the Gouernour, sigs aiiv-aiiir; Cathy Shrank, Sir Thomas Elyot and the Bonds of Community, The Oxford Handbook of Tudor Literature, , eds Michael Pincombe and Cathy Shrank (Oxford, 2009), , 157.

78 52 Torsten Wieschen preface to increase the text s value for possible readers) that can be seen at first sight. However, both make use of a special form of language to address a specific, that is, an educated readership. Berthelet refers to the Greek myth of Argus and Elyot not only gathered the sayings of several Greek and Latin authors in his work (e.g. Cicero, Ovid, Aristotle or Plato), but also combines them with his own experiences as he had held several offices at court and showed a certain eagerness to promote his views on public policy, governmental effectiveness and the needed personnel. 4 In itself, forms of addressing an anonymous or an intended readership were nothing new, not even in the vernacular. There are many well-known examples from Geoffrey Chaucer 5 to William Lily 6 who tried to address their readers or dedicatees with introductory words, advice or even complaints. However, at the end of the fifteenth century, not only the introduction of the printing press changed the methods of (re-)producing texts on a larger scale, but also a growing influence of humanist ideals became discernible in the also growing field of education. 7 This again had a remarkable impact on the choice of texts that were translated, written and accompanied by paratextual elements. As texts, printed books often were accompanied by paratexts, 8 both printers and authors took the opportunity to add information to the text. Gerard Genette describes the paratext as a zone between text and off-text, a zone not only of transition but also of transaction: a privileged place of pragmatics and a strategy, of an influence on the public, an influence that... is at the service of a better reception for the text and a more pertinent reading of it. 9 This influencing the public, or namely the readership, can be seen in humanist paratextual elements. In the case of prefaces, they could fulfil different functions. For instance, they might be an instrument of marketing to promote the text or the author. They might as well be a guide-line to the reader how to 4 Stanford Eugene Lehmberg, Elyot, Sir Thomas (c ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (January 2008, accessed: ). 5 On Chaucer and his forms of addressing readers in his works, see Walter Jackson Ong, SJ, The Writer s Audience is Always a Fiction, Publications of the Modern Language Association, 90.1 (1975), 9-21, For instance, Lily addressed his readers in his widely read and used Shorte Introduction of Grammar, which appeared in several editions throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. On Lily, see R. D. Smith, Lily, William (1468?-1522/3), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (January 2008, accessed: ). 7 See Elizabeth Lewisohn Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1979), ch. 2, For the variations of paratexts, such as the publisher s peritext, the title, dedications, prefaces or epitexts, their definitions and functions, see Gérard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation, Cambridge, Genette, Paratexts, 2.

79 Forms of Addressing the Educated Reader in Early Printed Paratexts 53 read or interpret the text, to set the scene for the reading of the text or to explain its origin or importance. 10 The overall function of a paratext is to give the main text some kind of credibility: Printed books through their paratexts show the blending of guarantees of cognitive reliability with the self-promotion of printers, editors, and authors in the process of creating credit. 11 The credit could differ depending on the intended readership, and, as this article is focusing on humanist texts, the paratexts should convey the academic or scientific reliability of the text as well, be a signpost for the textual authority or explain its relevance to the humanist reader. As the paratext is a primary means of conveying additional information, the question is how the forms of addressing the reader can be characterized in the light of the changing media and the pan-european phenomenon of humanism. As this is a rather broad approach, questions could be: Are there special forms, are they based on precursors or do they have a function of their own? Is there a humanist notion in the diverse forms of addressing the reader in prefaces? Setting the Scene English Renaissance humanists are often characterized as academic reformers and role models who tried to spread their ideals of scholarship and the learned gentleman through various means. 12 They held positions at university or at court, were prolific scholars of the classical languages or translators of past and contemporary texts. 13 Eloquence, fine judgement and erudition had to be learned well. 14 Of course there was a sense of transmission for the humanist cause as the agents and representatives of humanist learning were convinced by the new views on classical philosophy. However, in contrast to the highly philosophical and integrative Continental version, English humanism was defined by a rather pragmatic and systematic approach as the educated individual should not only be an educated member in the sense of selffulfilment and contemplation but also an active participant in society Genette, Paratexts, Hilmar M. Pabel, Credit, Paratext, and Editorial Strategies in Erasmus of Rotterdam s Editions of Jerome, Cognition and the Book: Typologies of Formal Organisation of Knowledge in the Printed Book of the Early Modern Period, eds Karl Alfred Engelbert Enenkel and Wolfgang Neuber (Leiden, 2005), , On new forms of learning and teaching, see Rebecca W. Bushnell, A Culture of Teaching: Early Modern Humanism in Theory and Practice, Ithaca, On the aspect of reform, see the classic analysis by Frederic Seebohm, The Oxford Reformers John Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas More: Being a History of their Fellow-Work, 3rd ed., repr., London, Cf. Mary Thomas Crane, Early Tudor Humanism, A Companion to English Renaissance Literature and Culture, ed. Michael Hattaway (Oxford, 2000), Eugene R. Kintgen, Reading in Tudor England (Pittsburgh, 1996), On the correlation of the vita activa and vita contemplativa, see Paul Oskar Kristeller, The Active and Contemplative Life in Renaissance Humanism, Arbeit, Muße, Meditation: Studies in the Vita Activa and Vita Contemplativa, ed. Brian Vickers, 2nd ed. (Zurich, 1991),

80 54 Torsten Wieschen The studia humanitatis 16 was an academic programme, a vision for the education and formation of the next generation. A revived textual scholarship, one of the main features of humanist education and interest, could best be expressed directly or described in the paratexts. Among the paratextual elements, the preface was almost a perfect place for instructing, guiding and influencing the reader. As users of the text, readers should be informed of the authors intentions, and, in their prefaces, they tried to include their own interpretation of the text and explain the text s significance and importance to the readership. An elaborate and well-written threshold to the contents of the text was a kind of signature piece for the author of the text and could serve as a marketing tool for presenting textual scholarship and rhetoric skills. The transmission of ideas, both specifically humanist and academic in general, through printed books appeared to be an opportunity that was used by scholars throughout Europe. The printing press, or agent of change as Elizabeth Eisenstein prominently called it, transformed the production, distribution and reception of texts profoundly. Of course, the possibility of reproducing texts on a larger scale and for a wider audience was as well of interest to scholars and academics: The printing press played, of course, a crucial role in the humanist enterprise as a whole. It was a central institution for the humanist production and transmission of knowledge. It was instrumental in the dissemination of the revival of classical literary heritage as well as the humanists own notions of learning and education. 17 Humanist presses were set up in Europe and were responsible for the distribution of the studia humanitatis, like those run by Johann Froben and Johann Amerbach or Aldus Manutius. 18 In retrospect, these presses provided a clear and consistent choice of humanist texts by contemporary humanist scholars and role models such as Erasmus and many editions of classical treatises that were reprinted throughout the continent for many decades. Sometimes, these enterprises of publishing large editions formed and established collaborations and friendships of printers and authors that lasted for 16 Studia humanitatis is the term that is oftentimes favoured in academic discourse. A reason for this is the polyvalent definition of humanism that nowadays expresses different concepts. For a definition of studia humanitatis, see Paul Oskar Kristeller, Humanismus und Renaissance: Vol. I, Die antiken und mittelalterlichen Quellen (München, 1980), 11-29, and Kristeller, Humanism, The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, ed. Charles Bernard Schmitt (Cambridge, 1988), , 113. A more recent summary of the state of research was delivered by Daniel Wakelin, Humanism, Reading, and English Literature, (Oxford, 2007), Hanan Yoran, Between Utopia and Dystopia: Erasmus, Thomas More, and the Humanist Republic of Letters (Lanham, 2010), On the famous press of Froben and Amerbach, see Barbara C. Halporn, The Correspondence of Johann Amerbach: Early Printing in its Social Context, Ann Arbor, On the Aldine press, see the concise analysis by Harry George Fletcher, The Ideal of the Humanist Scholar-Printer: Aldus in Venice, Printing History, 15.2 (1993), 3-12.

81 Forms of Addressing the Educated Reader in Early Printed Paratexts 55 years and produced countless books. 19 A trusting relationship of author and printer was not only effective in regard to a smooth process of publication but also a good opportunity to devise a successful strategy to meet the learned public s needs. The communicative strategies of humanists like Thomas Elyot, Thomas More or Erasmus of Rotterdam were to a great extent dependent on the publicity that was offered by the means of the printing press. Their postulated vision of a vita activa, an active support of the common good, had a prominent place in printed books. In that sense, a greater public potential became available because of more copies being produced and distributed. An exchange of ideas was much less in need of personal relationships and individual knowledge. 20 In England, humanist texts were not more than a niche market in the first years of the sixteenth century. They were published with an emphasis on text books and grammars for education and only towards the middle of the century, a growing number of treatises on the development of the social system, political leadership and the common good showed the increasing interest in humanist topics. 21 Consequently, authors and printers were both likely to explain their choice of texts. Author, Text and Printer The author, and in this case author could mean as well creator or translator of the text, was primarily interested in the distribution of his ideas and his innovative contribution to the scientific and academic discourse. It was not so much the financial reward he would seek, even though it was essential to make a living. So his motives apart from financial security could be ambiguous as he might have tried to secure his social position or to promote himself as member of the academia. 22 Apart from the more social or symbolic goals that an author might have had, his visions, ideas and opinions are expressed in written documents, his texts and books. The text might be a lengthy treatise on governmental philosophy, like Elyot s Gouernour, a translation of an Italian book on courteous behaviour, like the Cortegiano, 23 or a dictionary on essential terms and expressions. Whatever the explicit content might have been, the author tried to invite potential readers with the help of paratextual information 19 On Froben and Erasmus, see Pabel, Credit, Paratext, and Editorial Strategies in Erasmus of Rotterdam s Editions of Jerome, 219; on Aldus and Pietro Bembo, see Martin J. C. Lowry, The World of Aldus Manutius: Business and Scholarship in Renaissance Venice (Ithaca, 1979), Cf. Anne Elizabeth Banks Coldiron, Public Sphere/Contact Zone: Habermas, Early Print, and Verse Translation, Criticism, 46.2 (2004), , Wakelin, Humanism, See Arthur Joseph Slavin, Profitable Studies: Humanism and Government in Early Tudor England, Viator, 1 (1970), , 314ff. 23 Kenneth R. Bartlett, The Courtyer of Count Baldasser Castilio: Italian Manners and the English Court in the Sixteenth Century, Quaderni d Italianistica, 6.2 (1985),

82 56 Torsten Wieschen that could include both a concise evaluation of the text s message and a precise explanation of its relevance to the reading public, especially the educated one. First and foremost, the prefaces offered room for dedications of different kinds. Elyot, for example, addressed King Henry VIII not only as a noble and victorious prince but also as wise and virtuous. 24 Elyot also explains why his text should be considered by the king and how a governor of the public weal should act, how he is to be educated and which vices and virtues are essential. 25 The author wanted to appear as a humble servant and an experienced beholder of political, cultural and social developments. The printer on the other hand had more economic ideas in mind and wanted the printed book to be a commercial success. In the case of the Gouernour, Berthelet presented himself as diligent proofreader as he listed the faults that had entered the text by accident during typesetting. In that sense, the printer was not only the mere producer of the printed text or the economically thinking craftsman who wanted to keep his press running, but also the one responsible for the edition in regard to correctness and liability of the text. As his name appeared in the colophon, he felt the need to admit to the errors that might have happened during one of the production steps and that could not be corrected. Eventually, the material object itself, the book, was his work and his reputation as a printer depended on this product. The quality of paper, ink and type, all of this was his choice and lay in his responsibility, as did the layout and format of the text. 26 All these material qualities and aspects where arranged by the printer and could exert an influence on the reading of the text. As Donald Francis McKenzie expressed it: form affects meaning. 27 So the printer had his own interest in an edition of high quality in every respect and, in a way, the requirements and demands from a printer showed first signs of becoming the modern publisher. He had to keep an eye on the business, had to secure a high quality product and had to make the right choice of texts to be printed. Especially printers who conducted their business not only as merchants or producers of the carrier of meaning but as supporters of authors can be identified by a programme of published texts or by close relationships to individual authors. Authors and printers were both eager to express their choice of texts to potential buyers and readers. In England, the growing importance of 24 See the Proheme to Elyot s Boke Named the Gouernour, sigs aiiv-aiiir. 25 For a precise summary on the definition and function of the mirrors for princes, see Ulrike Graßnick, Ratgeber des Königs: Fürstenspiegel und Herrscherideal im spätmittelalterlichen England, Köln, On the choice of materials and the procedures involved, see Margaret Nickson, John Goldfinch and Lotte Hellinga, Introduction, Catalogue of Books Printed in the XVth Century Now in the British Library: Part XI, England (MS t Goy-Houten, 2007), 1-84, 19-35; Paul Needham, The Paper of English Incunabula, Catalogue of Books Printed in the XVth Century, ; Printing Types and other Typographical Material, Catalogue of Books Printed in the XVth Century, Donald Francis McKenzie, Bibliography and the Sociology of Texts (London, 1986), 4.

83 Forms of Addressing the Educated Reader in Early Printed Paratexts 57 academic education (for administrative or diplomatic purposes 28 ) led to a growing group of potential consumers of books. Addressing the Educated Reader English scholars with a humanist background were a group of educated readers that either knew the texts that were reprinted or translated or they had a special interest in new, original literature. As scholars, they were part of a (rather) specific group of buyers and potential readers that could be addressed. 29 Before taking a closer look at the choice of words of addressing the readership, a definition of the different functions of the paratexts is necessary. There was a thin, fine line between author and printer as addresser: Sometimes a distinction is difficult to make, as the printer might not be the originator of a preface, just as it cannot be proven in every case that the printer himself is responsible for any other sort of opening statement. There are many hints that guide the analysis and make a reference quite clear; for example, when the printer refers to his work or the author offers his work to a patron. A clear case is also a prefatory letter, in which the author addresses, for instance, another scholar and explains his choice of text and why it might be suitable for the addressee. However, what can be analysed in paratextual information is the intention. There are some reasons why a text itself is provided with a paratext. Genette s image of the paratext as a threshold to the text is illuminating as the reader is somehow helped with his entering the text. In order to read the text properly or to guarantee that the text and its message are understood properly, an introductory text functions as threshold. 30 An author might have different reasons or strategies in doing so: first, it might be out of courteous politeness, especially when it comes to naming a patron or dedicatee. Secondly, he might imply a kind of guidance, a neutral reference to the text, probably explaining its origin or why it should be read in general. Thirdly, author or printer might have a certain form of manipulation on their mind as they tried to guide the readers interpretation towards an intended meaning. The humanists preference for rhetoric and eloquence was often reflected in the prefaces. These opening statements begin with naming a dedicatee or patron and therefore sound like a speech held in front of the named person. Prefaces in humanist texts are a binding link between the oral culture of face-toface discourse and the new medium of print, as Walter Ong states: Script culture had preserved a heavy oral residue signalled by its continued fascination 28 Maurice Hugh Keen, Origins of the English Gentleman: Heraldry, Chivalry and Gentility in Medieval England, c (London, 2002), Nickson, Goldfinch and Hellinga, Introduction, Genette, Paratexts, 196.

84 58 Torsten Wieschen with rhetoric, which had always been orally grounded, a fascination that script culture passed on to early print culture. 31 One interesting aspect is to consider how readers were addressed in the paratexts. In England, it was not common to call oneself humanista 32 until the end of the sixteenth century, as it was the case in Italy for almost a hundred years then, and to use this term could as well have been interpreted as too restrictive. As it was one goal to flatter a potential and possibly wide readership, printers and authors used a terminology that was less exclusive. Therefore, the most general form to address the learned reader was to call him just that learned. The Oxford English Dictionary offers a concise and comprehensive definition: Having profound knowledge gained by study, esp. in language or some department of literary or historical science; deeply-read, erudite. 33 Of course, this definition fitted for a rather large and indefinable group, but humanist scholars belonged to it. Humanist learning and therefore being learned meant not only a profound knowledge of classical languages and philosophy but also a skilled and trained rhetoric. The most common way to become learned was attending a university and this training also included a stay abroad in many cases. A position in a diplomatic entourage or a patron secured the possibility for many young scholars to visit different countries and meet other scholars. The humanist range of knowledge was sought for at many courts as the ability to write, translate and speak several languages was essential for court politics and diplomacy. 34 Desiderius Erasmus was a scholar who travelled throughout Europe and made the acquaintance of many fellow humanists. On one of his several visits to England he became acquainted with Thomas More and the court of Henry VIII. The friendship that developed over several years also culminated in Erasmus writing a prefatory letter. Erasmus ended his prefatory letter to the Morae encomium, English Praise of Folly, with the words Farewell, most learned More 35 and made an allusion to the well-known academic skills of Thomas More not only by calling him learned but also by relating More s name to its Greek translation (moria, English folly ) to allude to the wit and fun of More. It is a rather obvious choice to call More a learned man and Erasmus flattered his 31 Ong, The Writer s Audience, The term humanista was established in the academic environment at the end of the fifteenth century in analogy to the designation of other learned professions (jurista, canonista). See August Buck, Studia Humanitatis: Gesammelte Aufsätze, Festgabe zum 70. Geburtstag, eds Bodo Guthmüller, Karl Kohut and Oskar Roth (Wiesbaden, 1981), Learned, adj., Oxford English Dictionary < (December 2013, accessed: ). 34 Arjan van Dixhoorn and Susie Speakman Sutch, Introduction, The Reach of the Republic of Letters: Literary and Learned Societies in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, eds Arjan van Dixhoorn and Susie Speakman Sutch, 2 vols (Leiden, 2008), I, 1-16, The Praise of Folly, or Morae encomium, was written by Erasmus in England in 1509 and appeared in print in Paris in Cf. Desiderius Erasmus, The Praise of Folly, trans. and ed. Clarence H. Miller, 2nd ed. (New Haven, 2003), 6.

85 Forms of Addressing the Educated Reader in Early Printed Paratexts 59 friend with the use of the superlative. 36 In general, being learned did not mean that a former specialist knowledge was made available to a large proportion of society. However, during the sixteenth century, more educated men were needed and many young men profited from schooling than before, which led to professional structures of learning and education. Not only the medieval foundations of the universities changed and adapted to the developments, 37 also primary education gained importance as the institution of grammar schools shows. 38 With regard to a more professional training on the job, the Inns of Court 39 developed an educational programme for the needs of a growing administration under the Tudors. This development lead to a clear vision of what an academic career could offer and being learned in a broad sense became a common objective. In the middle of the sixteenth century, the innovative and prolific printer-publisher Richard Tottel 40 published a collection called Songes and Sonnettes and made an unblemished paratextual statement about the difference between being learned and vnlearned : I aske helpe of the learned to defende theyr learned frendes, the authors of this woorke: And I exhort the vnlearned, by reding to learne to be more skilful, and to purge that swinelike grossenesse that maketh the sweete maierome not to smel to their delight. 41 Learning did not only include and mean the ability to read, but also to be trained in the classical languages (Latin and Greek), philosophy, theology, 36 On his education and academic background, see the extensive analysis by Gerard B. Wegemer, Young Thomas More and the Arts of Liberty, Cambridge, On the history of the English universities under the influence of humanism, see Maria Dowling, Humanism in the Age of Henry VIII (London, 1986), 9-14; Anthony Grafton and Lisa Jardine, From Humanism to the Humanities: Education and the Liberal Arts in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Europe (London, 1986), esp For the development at Cambridge, see Damian Riehl Leader, A History of the University of Cambridge: Vol. I, The University to 1546, Cambridge, 2004; for Oxford, see James Kelsey McConica, ed., The History of the University of Oxford: Vol. III, The Collegiate University, Oxford, On the development of grammar schools, see Michael Van Cleave Alexander, The Growth of English Education, : A Social and Cultural History, University Park, Pennsylvania, The most renowned institution was St Paul s grammar school that had been established by John Colet in See Joseph Burney Trapp, Colet, John ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < article/5898> (January 2008, accessed: ). 39 The Inns of Court became the third university of the realm. Cf. John Hamilton Baker, The Third University, : Law School or Finishing School? The Intellectual and Cultural World of the Early Modern Inns of Court, eds Jayne Elisabeth Archer, Elizabeth Goldring and Sarah Knight (Manchester, 2011), Anna Greening, Tottell, Richard (b. in or before 1528, d. 1593), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (May 2009, accessed: ). 41 [Richard Tottell], To the Reader, Songes and Sonettes, Written by the Right Honorable Lorde Henry Haward Late Earle of Surrey, and Other ([London]: Apud Richardum Tottel. Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum, 1557), sig. Aiv (ESTC S125715).

86 60 Torsten Wieschen history and law or medicine. The medieval ideal of the trivium and the quadrivium 42 was refined and rhetoric became a commonplace for one s ability to speak and write adequately. Humanism developed into a synonym for learning, and humanitas, which is glossed by Thomas Cooper in his Thesaurus linguae Romanae et Britannicae (1565), became known as humanitee learnyng, liberall knowlege. 43 Another choice was to address the readers as gentlemen. Being a gentleman was not only synonymous with being of noble birth or of a high rank. Most gentlemen had an educated background and attended universities and as such they were a clearly definable audience to refer to in prefaces. Apart from being polite, the mentioning of the gentleman who should read and thereby expand his knowledge was a common topos in the prefaces. The ideal of reading as contemplation for gentlemen and -women was already expressed by William Caxton, as, for example, in his preface to Blanchardyn and Eglantine: [W]hiche boke I had longe to fore solde to my sayd lady, and knewe wel that the storye of hit was honeste and joyefull to all vertuouse yong noble gentylmen and wymmen for to rede therin, as for their passe-tyme. 44 Another example from Caxton s extensive paratexts is the preface to Chaucer s Canterbury Tales in the second edition of A gentleman called Caxton s attention to the defects and limits of his first edition of 1477 as he owned a true copy of the text. The search for the true and uncorrupted text is not only part of the humanist enterprise and worth mentioning but also a good opportunity for the printer to augment the credibility and authority of the new edition. 45 Of whyche bookes so incorrecte was one brought to me vi yere passyd, whyche I supposed had ben veray true and correcte. And accordyng to the same I dyde do enprynte a certayn nombre of them, whyche anon were sold to many and dyverse gentylmen. Of whome one gentylman cam to me and said that this book was not accordyng in many places unto the book that Gefferey Chaucer had made. To whom I answerd that I had made it accordyng to my copye, and by me was nothyng added ne mynusshyd. Thenne he sayd he knewe a book whyche hys fader had and moche lovyd that was very trewe and accordyng unto hys owen first book by hym made; and sayd more yf I wold enprynte it agayn, he wold gete me the same book for a copye, how be it he wyst wel that hys fader wold not gladly departe fro it. To whom I said in caas 42 On the concept of the medieval trivium, see Gordon Leff, The trivium and the Three Philosophies, A History of the University in Europe: Vol. 1, Universities in the Middle Ages, ed. Hilde de Ridder-Symoens (Cambridge, 1992), ; on the quadrivium, see John North, The quadrivium, A History of the University in Europe: Vol. 1, Universities in the Middle Ages, ed. Hilde de Ridder-Symoens (Cambridge, 1992), Thomas Cooper was a humanist fellow of Bishop John Foxe and translated and augmented Elyot s Latin-English dictionary, which was printed by Elyot s regular printer Thomas Berthelet in 1548 as Bibliotheca Eliotæ - Eliotis librarie (London: Thomas Berthelet, 1548), sig. 2B1 (ESTC S121482). 44 Norman Francis Blake, ed., Caxton s Own Prose (London, 1973), On Caxton and vernacular humanism, see William Kuskin, Symbolic Caxton: Literary Culture and Print Capitalism (Notre Dame, 2008), 236.

87 Forms of Addressing the Educated Reader in Early Printed Paratexts 61 that he coude gete me suche a book trewe and correcte, yet I wold ones endevoyre me to enprynte it agayn for to satysfye th auctour. 46 Of course, the truth and validity of Caxton s story is questionable, nevertheless, it reflects his attitude towards his work as editor on the second edition and his willingness to make changes to the text. And it might be as well a marketing strategy to make the second edition more valuable in comparison to the first. 47 Printers or editors oftentimes mentioned that they were commissioned to print a book in paratextual elements of early printed books. 48 The choice of examples, allusions to classical motives (for instance, fables or classical philosophy), formed an imagery in the paratexts that expressed the reference to an educated readership. Besides the name-dropping of Aristotle or Plato and the recapitulatory mentioning of whole stories, legends and philosophic theorems as Elyot in his Gouernour did, new or original concepts were developed. One example is the good ruling of the public weal that was described by Elyot and that is essential to the Gouernour. Already in the Proheme, Elyot touched on his main image of governance for the common good. The governor as ruler of the realm should of course be a gentleman and the public weal should be his foremost interest. In England, humanism had a rather pragmatic approach to education and this is also a common topic in the paratexts. Readers are reminded that a broad knowledge is fundamental in order to become a reliable servant of the common good. Paratexts, and among them mainly prefaces with a humanist notion, had the function not only to present the text or to guide the reader, but also to be representative of the author s academic profile and background. Authors, readers and the content of the text were interrelated and connected with the studia humanitatis as Elyot s Proheme shows. For the printers, paratexts were the place to express their handling of the text, their work on typography and the layout. In view of the changing landscape of media and education, it is no wonder that paratextual elements were made use of both by printers and humanist authors. 46 Blake, ed., Caxton s Own Prose, Cf. Norman Francis Blake, Caxton and Chaucer, William Caxton and English Literary Culture (London, 1991), , 152; Barbara Bordalejo, The Text of Caxton s Second Edition of the Canterbury Tales, International Journal of English Studies, 5.2 (2005), In the manuscript tradition, it was common to have books written and copied on demand. With the invention of the printing press and a potential but not specific group of buyers, publication on speculation became more important. However, there are many cases like this that show a continuation of the medieval form of commissioning books. See Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser, Das Buchgeschenk zwischen largesse und Buchmarkt, Wertekonflikte Deutungskonflikte: Internationales Kolloquium des Sonderforschungsbereichs 496 an der Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Münster, Mai 2005, eds Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger and Thomas Weller (Münster, 2007), , 139.

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89 Juvenile Sunday Reading in Nineteenth-Century England Sarah Ströer, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Abstract This article discusses Sunday reading in Victorian England. Using autobiographies, the essay explores the influences of religious affiliation and personal religiousness on reading habits of children and adolescents. It shows that religion could be an encouraging as well as a constraining factor. Reading in nineteenth-century England has been studied extensively in the past decades and issues of class and gender are usually the focal points. This essay examines the interaction between religious denomination and degree of religiousness and reading, focusing on juvenile reading on Sundays. Religious affiliation and religiousness have always influenced reading choices and habits and continue to do so. For the nineteenth century this is especially true as society was infused with religion to a large extent. Questions of religiousness, denominational affiliation or leading a religious life were widely discussed. As this essay will show, reading served as a way to reinforce religious identities, it served as a means to religious socialization and was a devotional practice in itself. There is a plethora of definitions of religion, some focus on the sociological functions of religion; others, for example, are substantial definitions, trying to capture the essence of what religion is. 1 This essay focuses on individual religiousness as it shows itself in the actions of the people. 2 With Detlef Pollack s four ideal types of religiousness 3 it is possible to define not just what religious means, but also what it does not mean. Pollack s central category is 1 Summarized, for example, in Klaus Hock, Einführung in die Religiongswissenschaft (Darmstadt, 2002), 10-21, and in Detlef Pollack, Was ist Religion? Fragen der Definition, Zeitschrift für Religionswissenschaft, 3 (1995), In general, this essay follows Clifford Geertz s approach of understanding religion as (1) a system of symbols which acts to (2) establish powerful, pervasive, and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by (3) formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and (4) clothing these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that (5) the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic. Clifford Geertz, Religion as a Cultural System, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (1973; London, 1993) , 90. Following this definition, anything can be called religious if it relates to a system in the sense above. One should note that Geertz s definition is not limited to institutionalized religions. His focal point, which is not apparent here, is culture as a historically transmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols (89). Size and structures of a religion are not constitutive factors. Even if only one person would adhere to a religion in the above sense, it would be called a religion if it fulfils the other functional elements. 3 Pollack, Was ist Religion?

90 64 Sarah Ströer contingency, that is, the experience that the world is ruled by chance. To Pollack, religion is one way of finding explanations for why the world is the way it is. If an individual seeks answers to problems of contingency and finds them in religion, it is what Pollack calls vital religiousness. On the other side of the scale is a pragmatic world view, that is, someone finds answers to questions of contingency elsewhere, for example, in science. When religious answers are provided and accepted without the individual asking the questions, Pollack speaks of religious routine. Lastly, someone can be classified as being on a religious search when he asks questions and does not find answers. 4 These ideal types allow for an assessment of individual religiousness without having to trace the individuals beliefs and their relationship to doctrine in detail. Nevertheless, a brief description of the religious landscape in nineteenth-century England is in order. Considering the religious field of nineteenth-century England, there are, in general, three major groups to be distinguished: the Anglican Church, the wide field of various Nonconformist denominations, and the Roman Catholic Church. The Census of Religious Worship of found that 41 per cent of the eligible population attended some kind of divine service on the census Sunday. Of these, 52 per cent attended an Anglican service, 42 per cent a service at one of the Nonconformist denominations, 4 per cent a holy mass in a Roman Catholic Church and the remaining 2 per cent attended a Sectarian service. These are considered to be conservative figures because of the methods used to calculate the eligible population in the census. But even more generous estimations only speak of 51 per cent attendance out of the general population. 6 Furthermore, these numbers are misleading about the strength of Nonconformity they suggest. Nonconformists were not a homogeneous group. Nonconformity is an umbrella term for about 30 separate denominations with differing historical origins and theological emphases. Methodism was the largest of these denominations, followed by Congregationalists and Baptists. 7 These groups differed in terms of their historical origins, their teachings and doctrines especially concerning predestination, and their organization. Looking at religion in the nineteenth century, scholars have identified not only a time of great diversity and vitality but also one of crisis and decline. All denominations, the Anglican Church and Nonconformity alike, faced similar challenges: for example, the question of how to deal with modernity and scientific findings or the emerging textual criticism of the Bible. 8 Moreover, 4 Pollack, Was ist Religion? William Stuart Frederick Pickering, The 1851 Religious Census: A Useless Experiment? The British Journal of Sociology, 18 (1967), , Pickering, The 1851 Religious Census, Gerald Parsons, From Dissenters to Free Churchmen: The Transitions of Victorian Nonconformity, Religion in Victorian Britain: Vol. I, Traditions, ed. Gerald Parsons (Manchester, 1988) , Interestingly enough, these challenges were also faced by Judaism during the nineteenth century, the main issue being how to preserve a Jewish identity in a modern society and,

91 Juvenile Sunday Reading in Nineteenth-Century England 65 Nonconformity was faced with declining numbers towards the end of the nineteenth and during the succeeding twentieth century. Gerald Parsons argues that in the nineteenth century, under the influence of Evangelicalism and a general spirit of individualism, Nonconformity flourished. Towards the end of the century, a diffusive Christianity, as he calls it, emerged that called for a religious environment that demanded little and in which anonymity could be preserved; this the Nonconformist denominations could not provide. 9 Nevertheless, nineteenth-century English society was indeed a Christian society, in which almost all aspects of daily life were influenced by a Christian culture and conscience that went beyond church attendance. Christianity was generally taken for granted and especially having some knowledge of the Bible was considered general knowledge and almost a prerequisite for cultural participation. Thus, religious contexts can be found in family life, in educational institutions and, of course, in religious institutions, and children read in all of these. On the other hand, this does not automatically entail that all of nineteenth-century England was vitally religious. Family life, education, and religious life could be quite different in different social classes and religious denominations. The advantage of choosing the Sunday is that at least some kind of Sunday observance was common to the whole of society. The ways in which Sundays were spent in correlation with the reading that happened (or did not happen) then reveals the nuances of the correlation between reading and religion, between reading socialization and religious socialization. Observance of the Sunday is grounded on the fourth commandment and thus the origins are found in Judaism. Jewish custom of keeping the Sabbath on the seventh day of the week and abstain from all work from Friday night until Saturday night 10 persisted in early Christianity. For the early Christians the first day of the week, the Sunday, acquired a spiritual character as well, but it was not until the fourth century and the Councils of Arles (314) and Nicea (325) that the Sunday was established as a day of worship for all Christians. The custom of observing the Sabbath was slowly dropped in favour of the Sunday which not only fulfilled the fourth commandment but also served as a day of commemorating Jesus s death on the cross on a Sunday. 11 In England, the Sabbatarian movement originated in the sixteenth century and developed under Puritan influence. 12 The so-called Sabbatarians believed at the same time, to be a member of that society. However, this mainly regards the European Continent and the United States of America. 9 Parsons, From Dissenters to Free Churchmen, 113. Parsons calls it an increasingly optional, lukewarm religious ethos of twentieth-century Britain. This, however, is quite a biased view and it would be more precise to speak of a private and individual, maybe anonymous, religious ethos instead. 10 In Judaism, the day ends and begins with sunset. 11 For a discussion of the Sunday in biblical Judaism and early Christianity, see Willy Rordorf, Der Sonntag: Geschichte des Ruhe- und Gottesdiensttages im ältesten Christentum, Zürich, Richard L. Greaves, The Origins of English Sabbatarian Thought, The Sixteenth Century Journal, 12.3 (1981),

92 66 Sarah Ströer that the Sabbath was to be kept on Sundays. They understood the day as having a holy nature and believed that it would be desecrated and profaned by worldly labour. Furthermore, they believed that God would punish Sabbath-breaking not just on a personal level, but also on a national one. 13 Most Nonconformist denominations that developed during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were Sabbatarian to a certain degree. In the nineteenth century, Sabbatarianism and Nonconformist denominations experienced a resurgence and even mainstream Anglican culture was influenced by its ideas. In families belonging to denominations that were heavily influenced by Sabbatarian ideas the Sunday was sometimes described as having a funeral character 14 only allowing devotional activities. For the working classes, the Sunday became a day of recreation and for the family, as it usually was the only day of the week on which recreation was possible at all. Four working-class autobiographies, Hannah Mitchell s, Thomas Cooper s, Thomas Carter s and Marianne Farningham s, and two middle-class autobiographies, Mary Vivian Hughes and Edmund Gosse s will be compared. The autobiographies are not distinctly spiritual accounts, but cover a wide variety of religiousness, personal piety, religious affiliation and styles of upbringing. Notwithstanding the problems autobiographies pose as sources, they are the most valuable material for questions of personal piety and conceptions of religion. 15 For this essay, accounts of how the children spent their Sundays have been considered and assessed with regard to descriptions of reading scenes. Two types of accounts need to be distinguished: first of all, scenes of Sunday observance and Sunday reading within the family and/or under parental observation; secondly, accounts of Sunday school experiences and the reading that happened there. The Sunday school movement originated in the late eighteenth century and became immensely popular during the nineteenth century. As the term suggests, in these schools classes were mainly held on Sundays, and primarily provided religious education. They also taught reading and sometimes writing and thus have been attributed a crucial role in establishing mass literacy. 16 Some schools also held classes on weekday evenings and then often provided more secular education. Although the schools were founded by middle-class philanthropy, the movement was upheld by the working classes during the nineteenth century. Most of the pupils came from working-class families and a high percentage of working-class children went to Sunday school. A lot of schools were set up and run by working-class men and women. Keith Snell 13 John Wigley, The Rise and Fall of the Victorian Sunday (Manchester, 1980), Wigley, The Rise and Fall, For a discussion of autobiographies as sources, especially for the nineteenth century, see John Burnett, David Vincent and David Mayall, eds, The Autobiography of the Working Class: An Annotated, Critical Bibliography. Volume I: , Brighton, For an overview of Sunday school research, see Keith D. M. Snell, The Sunday-School Movement in England and Wales: Child Labour, Denominational Control and Working- Class Culture, Past & Present, 164 (1999),

93 Juvenile Sunday Reading in Nineteenth-Century England 67 estimated that by 1851, the year of the Religious Census, about three quarters of working-class children in England and Wales were enrolled in a Sunday school and for a high percentage of these children it was the only education they received. 17 Thomas Laqueur even argues that in some regions almost all children of the working classes had attended Sunday school at some point during their childhood. 18 Most Sunday schools were associated with a denomination and thus taught the respective teachings and doctrines. Scholars have ascribed a number of functions to the Sunday schools, like, for example, their roles as social and recreational centres or as agencies of middle-class moral and political influence, or even indoctrination. 19 Their main function, however, can be described as religious socialization, which was very important in the religious climate of nineteenth-century England, with so many competing denominations. Nevertheless, the schools tended to be independent in what they taught and how they taught it. This was mainly due to the facts that Sunday schools increasingly relied on voluntary teachers and that most were run democratically. 20 Reading socialization and religious socialization were closely connected in Sunday schools. The grade system suggests that the goal of instruction was that the children learned to read the Bible 21 and so it was vital that they first learned to read. Thus, children were not grouped together according to age but according to ability. They would have started with primers, learning the alphabet, then advanced to reading stories with religious content, finally to be able to read the Bible. 22 The material that was used initially was largely the same that was used in day schools. Some of it was provided by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge and was consequently religious in content. In 1811, the Sunday School Union began to publish a series of spelling-books, but material for the use in Sunday schools was being produced before that, for example, the Salisbury Reader from 1786 that continued to be used in the nineteenth century. 23 Apart from textbooks, a number of magazines both for Sunday-school teachers and for pupils existed. They were distributed via the schools or used in classes. Distribution of reading material to working-class children was expanded during the century. Both the Sunday School Union and the Religious Tract Society supported Sunday schools in setting up libraries so that even in rural 17 Snell, The Sunday-School Movement, Thomas Walter Laqueur, Religion and Respectability: Sunday Schools and Working Class Culture, (New Haven, 1976), Snell, The Sunday-School Movement, 132. For a discussion of the competing theses regarding middle-class influence, see For further details concerning the social composition of the Sunday schools, see the chapter The Social Composition of the Sunday School, in Laqueur, Religion and Respectability, Laqueur, Religion and Respectability, Laqueur, Religion and Respectability, Laqueur, Religion and Respectability,

94 68 Sarah Ströer areas an estimated one quarter of the schools had a library by The schools, however, did not just provide material to be used on site, but also gave away books to children as so-called reward books for special achievements. Often these were not specifically religious but simply reflected morals and virtues that the Sunday school authorities hoped to instil in the children. 25 The Working Classes: Between Worship and Recreation The working-class accounts covered here reveal different conceptions of the Sunday. These conceptions largely depended on the family s degree of religiousness and their denomination. For some the day s most important feature was the absence from work. Hannah Mitchell s account 26 serves as an example of this. Her family did not place much importance on religion in general and she does not give a specific description of the Sunday. One interesting detail she mentions is that her mother, who objected to her daughter reading, held that reading was a leisure activity meant for Sundays. 27 In Thomas Cooper s account 28 the Sunday receives a little more attention. Cooper grew up with his widowed mother who seems to have been a Methodist but whose religiousness is difficult to assess, especially as she chose to send her son to a charity school that required attendance in Anglican Church services. This points at religious routine and a certain pragmatic attitude. During his childhood Sundays were the only days on which he could really spend time with his mother. She was a widow and had to provide for herself and her son during the week. Cooper mentions going for walks with her on fine Sundays. On rainy Sundays, his mother would unwrap from its careful cover a treasure which [his] father had bought... Baskerville s quarto Bible, valuable for its fine engraving from the old masters; and [he] was privileged to gaze and admire while she slowly turned over that superb store of pictures, and sometimes repeated what [his] father had said about them. 29 John Baskerville, printer and type-founder, printed two folio bible editions at Cambridge, one in 1763 and one between 1769 and It is probably the latter Cooper refers to here. Baskerville never printed a quarto bible and the earlier 24 Laqueur, Religion and Respectability, For a discussion of the nature of these reward books and their socializing function, see Dorothy Entwistle, Sunday-School Book Prizes for Children: Rewards and Socialization, The Church and Childhood: Papers Read at the 1993 Summer Meeting and the 1994 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, ed. Diana Wood (Oxford, 1994), Hannah Mitchell ( ) was the daughter of a farmer in Derbyshire. Her autobiography is mainly concerned with her social advance, which the title also suggests: The Hard Way Up: The Autobiography of Hannah Mitchell, Suffragette and Rebel, ed. Geoffrey Mitchell, London, Mitchell, The Hard Way Up, Thomas Cooper ( ) was a dyer s son in Gainsborough. Thomas Cooper, The Life of Thomas Cooper, introd. John Saville, London, 1872; repr. Leicester, Cooper, The Life of Thomas Cooper, 8.

95 Juvenile Sunday Reading in Nineteenth-Century England 69 one did not include any plates. 30 This would have been an impressive volume for a child and Cooper s reverence for this book is due to its outer form, the fine engraving, not so much to the contents. It serves as a symbol for the family s respectability and education, regardless of their social standing and as a remembrance of his father. Nevertheless, it seems reasonable to assume that the mother brought out this family treasure on a Sunday because of the day s nature. Cooper does not mention more about the day s routine and if and what he read on Sundays but elsewhere mentions that he visited a Methodist Sunday school for a while and later had to attend church services of his day school on Sundays. Later, during adolescence, Thomas Cooper was able to buy his own books from what he earned as a shoemaker s apprentice. During these years he spent all his free time studying and this is what he chose to do on his Sundays as well. Nevertheless, the material he read on Sundays was different from what he studied on weekday evenings. On Sundays he read theology and studied Hebrew, instead of reading poetry or Latin classic texts he read on weekday evenings. 31 What was acceptable and what was not, in other words, the social norms and values that were important for the middle classes do not seem to have mattered as much to Thomas Cooper and his mother. He did spend his Sunday with religion, but much more on his own terms. This example shows that the Sunday was never spent uniformly and that for the working classes the question of leisure and free time grew in importance. A similarly ambivalent picture emerges from Thomas Carter s autobiography. 32 His family seems to have been vitally religious and belonged to a Nonconformist tradition; however, it is never disclosed to which one. The family also owned a surprising number of books, a lot of them of a religious nature. For Carter, Sundays were days to look forward to and of a strong religious nature, even if his reports do not reveal this attitude. He calls the days seasons of rest and quietness and speaks of Sunday pursuits and amusements. 33 The general tone of what he writes about the Sunday is very positive. For Carter the day was not one of boredom but of idleness and doing what he liked best without the busyness of the weekdays. He writes about usually rising early, taking a walk before breakfast, and taking a book with him. Then the family would have breakfast together and some free time followed during which Thomas Carter read or had conversations with his father. The family went to public worship at least twice, in the morning and the evening, 30 James Mosely, Baskerville, John ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (2004; accessed: ); Philip Gaskell, John Baskerville: A Bibliography (Cambridge, 1959), Cooper, The Life of Thomas Cooper, Thomas Carter, born 1792 in the London area, was a soldier s son and grew up to be a tailor. [Thomas Carter], Memoirs of a Working Man, London, 1845, published anonymously. 33 [Carter], Memoirs, 106.

96 70 Sarah Ströer sometimes in the afternoon as well. 34 In the evenings, the family sat together and talked or someone read and the others listened. It is striking that Thomas Carter mentions that he read a lot on Sundays a few times but never gives any details as to what he read. In other places he mentions titles frequently. One might conclude that he simply did not read anything extraordinary on Sundays but simply whatever he was reading on workdays. He does say elsewhere that to him as a child it was the act of reading itself that gave him pleasure and that he could get amusement from all kinds of literature. 35 It is conceivable, however, that he consciously left out titles, not to affront someone with in any way unsuitable material. Similarly to Thomas Carter s account, Marianne Farningham 36 is also quite positive about the Sunday. Her parents were Baptists and she describes her childhood self as vitally religious all through her autobiography. The religious teachings were very real and definite to her as a child. She imagined hell as being right outside her village below a hill and when she was worried about her sins she was afraid it might swallow her up. 37 On Sundays, her family followed the strict religious routine of their community: Seven o clock prayer-meeting, nine o clock Sunday school, halfpast ten public worship, two o clock Sunday school, three o clock service, halfpast five o clock Sunday school prayer-meeting, six o clock service. 38 Obviously, there was not much time left to do anything else. The whole family spent their Sunday with the congregation and in Sunday school as both her parents were Sunday school teachers. There seems to have been no question about Marianne and her siblings attending Sunday school or not. She writes: We went to Sunday school as soon as we were able to walk the distance 39 and for the first years it was the only formal education the children received. Sunday school attendance was part of the normal Sunday routine of the family. Marianne Farningham does not comment on what exactly was taught at Sunday school but does mention having to learn psalms and other passages of the Bible by heart. 40 She also mentions some reading material associated with the Sunday School Union: hymn books and magazines. Hymns were in general very popular in nineteenth-century England and sung by almost all denominations, in domestic settings as well as in institutional ones. The magazines were given to the children by Marianne s father. While these were not read in a Sunday school context, it probably was via the father s connection to the Sunday school as a teacher that he had access to them. In early adolescence, these magazines seem 34 [Carter], Memoirs, [Carter], Memoirs, Marianne Farningham ( ) grew up as a postman s daughter in a vitally religious Baptist family in Kent. Marianne Farningham, A Working Woman s Life: An Autobiography, London, Farningham, A Working Woman s Life, Farningham, A Working Woman s Life, Farningham, A Working Woman s Life, Farningham, A Working Woman s Life, 28.

97 Juvenile Sunday Reading in Nineteenth-Century England 71 to have been the only reading material Marianne had access to, especially when she had to leave day school after her mother s death. In the evenings, the children were questioned on their Sunday school lessons and on the sermons they had heard 41 and then the family Bible was brought out and the mother told her children stories. 42 All the reading that happened was already embedded in a religious context, be it in Sunday school or at prayer meetings. Furthermore, the family possessed almost only religious reading material. The question if something was not suitable for Sunday reading did not arise. Marianne Farningham stayed committed to the Sunday school movement her whole life. She taught Bible classes as a young adult in her hometown calling it a class without a teacher 43 indicating that the girls she taught were not much older than she was. The Bible class she taught in Northampton later in her life even became popular, consisting of up to 80 students, most of them young adult girls that worked during the day. It started out as a Sunday school class but was held on weekday evenings later. About the original Sunday school class she says: The class was held in the chapel, in the corner of one of the galleries. The girls sat on two seats at right angles, and a chair was placed for me in front of them. 44 This provides an example of how a small Sunday school would have operated, namely inside a chapel or church, when no separate building was available. In a vitally religious family like Marianne Farningham s, Sunday school was not the first instance of religious socialization. But religious teachings were broadened and the sense of community and feeling of belonging was strengthened. In the case of the Baptists, this was an important function. Children had to be cared for and instructed, as they would have to make a decision to be baptized as adults, and thus to formally join the community. Three distinct elements have emerged: the day as recreation and possibility for family time; Sabbatarian elements, and lastly the day as a possibility for education. In all instances reading happened in different ways. In general, one can say that the working classes viewed reading as a leisure activity. The Middle Classes: Control and Guidance Mary Vivian Hughes 45 grew up in London in a well-to-do middle class family. Her family was Anglican but probably only routinely religious. Hughes describes what seems to be a rather typical middle-class Sunday in the 1870s. In her autobiography, she even devotes a whole chapter, albeit a short one, to the 41 Farningham, A Working Woman s Life, Farningham, A Working Woman s Life, Farningham, A Working Woman s Life, Farningham, A Working Woman s Life, Mary Vivian Hughes ( ) owned numerous books herself as a child; literature and reading were valued greatly by the whole family. Mary Vivian Hughes, A London Family, , 1991; repr. Oxford, 1992.

98 72 Sarah Ströer matter of how the Sunday was spent. This indicates what an important institution the day was to Victorian culture and society. The opening sentences of the chapter describe the atmosphere quite fittingly: The mere word Sunday is apt to give a mental shiver to people of long memories. The outer world closed down. It was wrong to travel except for dire necessity, and then very difficult. It was wrong to work, and wrong to play. 46 The girl s parents belonged to the Anglican Church and were both not very religious: [Father] didn t take religion too seriously, and left it to mother to enforce all her superstitious restrictions that she had imbibed in her Cornish home. 47 While the mother is not irreligious, she appears as a routinely religious person. She seems to follow religious rules not out of personal conviction but rather because it is the way things are done and to enforce a diffuse Christian identity for her family. Mary Vivian Hughes describes the Sunday routine of breakfast, church service at St Paul s Cathedral, dinner and the afternoons in detail. The afternoons are especially interesting, as this was the time when the family was at home and everyone had time to do whatever was acceptable on a Sunday afternoon. To the children the afternoon seems to have been boring most of the time: The afternoons hung heavy. It seemed to be always 3 o clock. All amusements, as well as work, were forbidden. It was a real privation not to be allowed to draw and paint. 48 The children were allowed, however, to copy Scripture and paint decorations and also to read. Acceptable reading material was limited, however. Among the appropriate works were Tom Brown, Robinson Crusoe, Hans Christian Anderson s Tales, Pilgrim s Progress, and Good Works for the Young which contained moralizing stories. Of course, also the Bible was acceptable but the children read it more as entertaining stories rather than the reading being a devotional activity. Mary recommended the Book of Esther, for example, to her brother as being as good as the Arabian Nights 49 which was forbidden on Sundays. Interestingly enough, among the unacceptable material were Sir Walter Scott and novels in general, although the mother made an exception for the Pickwick Papers. 50 While the mother apparently had no objections to novels in general, she seems to have been aware of the fact that there were people who did and that they did so on religious grounds. The Sunday in this household is not as strict as it could have been but Sabbatarian influences are detectable. While some activities that were not religious or devotional were allowed, work and play were, in principle, not. Reading being almost the only activity that was acceptable in the afternoon, the influence on the reading matter is naturally large. It becomes obvious that reading is seen as a leisure activity but not as quite the same as playing, which was forbidden. Reading was associated with religion in the sense that reading 46 Hughes, A London Family, Hughes, A London Family, 67, emphasis in the original. 48 Hughes, A London Family, Hughes, A London Family, Hughes, A London Family, 72, 75.

99 Juvenile Sunday Reading in Nineteenth-Century England 73 the Bible was a central religious activity. Consequently, reading the right material could be allowed on a Sunday, even if that material was not always exclusively religious. While Edmund Gosse can also be classified as middle-class, his account 51 offers a different example that provides interesting insights as well. Gosse s father was a member of the Plymouth Brethren, a small, conservative, evangelical movement. The household was a vitally religious one and adhered to strict rules. For example, in Gosse s mother s view telling a story, in any way, was a sin and thus Gosse s reading experiences in general and the way the Sunday was spent differed greatly from Hughes experiences. The Gosse household was void of fiction. Gosse refers to the Sunday as the Lord s Day 52 which seems to have been the expression his father used. While Gosse s father did not like the expression Sabbath-day, the way the Sunday was handled was quite Sabbatarian and also Gosse remarks that [my father s] exaggerated view with regard to the observance of the First Day, namely, that it must be exclusively occupied with public and private exercises of divine worship, was based much more upon a Jewish than upon a Christian law. 53 Not only were work and play forbidden, as in Mary Vivian Hughes case, only exercises of divine worship were allowed. The whole day in the Gosse household, similar to Marianne Farningham s family, was dedicated to worship. It started with a lengthy service of exposition and prayer with the servants 54 after breakfast. Then everyone retreated with their Bibles to separate rooms to prepare for the morning service, which started at 11 a.m. and lasted for two hours. A hot dinner was served and a little free time followed. The afternoon was filled with Sunday school where the young Edmund Gosse taught a few very little boys. 55 In the evening, another service took place at which the father preached and a Believer s Prayer Meeting followed. When the family returned home, it was so late that the boy was sent to bed immediately. From this account it seems obvious that in this household the Sunday was not a day of rest and certainly not one of recreation. There was not much time left that was not filled with worship and in the little time that was free, Gosse was not permitted the indulgence of any secular respite. 56 He adds: I might not open a scientific book, nor make a drawing, nor examine a specimen. 57 One can also find the allusion to the funeral character in his autobiography: I was 51 Edmund Gosse ( ) was a zoologist s son. His father was a widower but remarried while his son was still young. The father owned many books, but all of a scientific nature. He held strong objections against reading fiction which only loosened a little under the influence of his second wife. Edmund Gosse, Father and Son: A Study of Two Temperaments, ed. and introd. James Hepburn, London, Gosse, Father and Son, Gosse, Father and Son, Gosse, Father and Son, Gosse, Father and Son, Goose, Father and Son, Gosse, Father and Son, 132.

100 74 Sarah Ströer hotly and tightly dressed in black, all day long, as though ready at any moment to attend a funeral with decorum. 58 As only devotional activities were allowed, the reading that happened on a Sunday in this household was exclusively religious. Conclusion How children read on Sundays and if the material they were allowed to read was restricted in any way depended primarily on their family s conception of the day. The conception of the Sunday usually depended on the degree of religiousness of a family and the denomination to which they or certain members belonged. It has been shown that vitally religious families often had strict Sunday routines and that how and what children read was influenced by those. On the other hand the example of Mary Vivian Hughes illustrated that some families even adhered to strict rules and Sunday routines despite only being routinely religious. In cases like this, the Sunday served as a kind of ideal Christian day on which the family lived an ideal Christian life. The mother seems to have implemented suspicions against novels, which were mainly held by Evangelicals, on Sundays in order to reinforce a Christian identity. Among the working classes, the Sunday was primarily seen as a day of recreation, with the possible exception of families belonging to Nonconformist denominations. But even among those, as Thomas Carter s example has shown, the day could bring moments of quietness and idleness that were conceived as a blessing and not as boredom. In all families, however, the day was distinctly different from weekdays. It might be concluded that the Sunday was not only an important institution of Christianity but also of nineteenth-century culture in general. Thus, the day provided an opportunity to reinforce one s Christian identity by conforming to ideas about Sunday behaviour. The matter of Sunday reading illustrates different conceptions of reading in general. For the middle classes, reading seems to have been a more or less neutral activity. It could be a leisure activity, a lesson and hence understood as work, or a devotional activity, always depending on the material that was being read. For the working classes, reading as an activity was often seen in contrast to labour, regardless of the material. It could be seen in a positive way, as recreation or the chance to educate oneself or one s children, or negatively as idleness. In a broader perspective, the family has to be seen as the most important institution of reading socialization for both classes. This was not only due to the fact that it was the first context in which children came into contact with books, but also because families had specific conceptions of reading. Some children absorbed these conceptions as their own, like, for example, Thomas Cooper and Thomas Carter, or Mary Vivian Hughes and Marianne Farningham. For others the conceptions were constraining and they only served as a contrast to what 58 Gosse, Father and Son, 133.

101 Juvenile Sunday Reading in Nineteenth-Century England 75 became their own conceptions, as in the case of Edmund Gosse. A vitally religious family could both be a constraining and encouraging factor to a child s reading experiences.

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103 Authors, Publishers, and the Literary Agent: An Ideal Literary Trinity? Sandra Simon, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Abstract A. P. Watt, the first professional literary agent, provided a service welcomed by authors and condemned by several publishers. Stirring the power relations on the book-market at the turn of the century, the agent was supposed to be part of an ideal literary trinity with authors and publishers. Concepts of authorship and publishing are rarely debated but what exactly a literary agent is has remained elusive ever since the emergence of the agent in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The Oxford English Dictionary defines him (or her) as an agent... who acts on behalf of an author in dealing with publishers and others involved in promoting his or her work. 1 One of the most recent and probably best known examples of an agent who not only promoted but essentially made an author is that of the literary agent Christopher Little. This agent-made success is Joanne K. Rowling, author of the bestselling Harry Potter series. Several publishers refused to publish Rowling s Harry Potter and the Philosopher s Stone (1997) before she signed a contract with Little in It is claimed that he secured the Harry Potter scribe a six-figure book deal and transformed her into a literary superstar. And what is more: Both made a fortune. 2 For Little this connection proved even more a remunerative advantage when Rowling severed her links with the agent after 16 years in She joined lawyer Neil Blair, a former partner in Little s business, who had set up his own agency. Rowling reportedly settled the ensuing dispute with Little over her leaving and they reached an amicable agreement. 3 Despite this seemingly biased service to authors only, the first professional literary agents served both sides of the book-market, authors and publishers alike. While the literary agent was perceived as a saviour by some, others felt threatened in their position on the market. The first of these professional agents 1 Literary agent, in literary, adj. and n., Oxford English Dictionary < September 2013, accessed 2 December Rob Sharp, Harry Potter and the Furious Feud: Rowling Banishes her Literary Agent, The Independent < 4 July 2011, accessed 21 February Benedicte Page, Little and Rowling Settle, The Bookseller < com/news/little-and-rowling-settle.html> 25 January 2012, accessed 24 July 2013; see also Christopher Little Hits Back at J K Rowling after Disappointing Split, The Bookseller, 8 July 2011, 8. The Daily Mail speculated that the settlement was worth millions of pounds ( Harry Potter Author J. K. Rowling Settles Dispute with Sacked Agent who Discovered her, Daily Mail < 29 January 2012, accessed 21 February 2013).

104 78 Sandra Simon was Alexander Pollock Watt ( ), a well-connected businessman with publishing experience, who set standard practices that are still valid today. He set up business about 1875 and was one of the indubitably good agent[s]. 4 Other agents quickly followed, simplifying as well as influencing an author s or publisher s life significantly 5 until today, when it is estimated that 85 per cent of literary successes are agent-made. 6 In Robert Darnton s communications circuit, the literary agent occupies a position at the top, 7 settling between the author and the publisher and stirring the relations between the two as well as the distribution of power on the bookmarket. While the agent has become a significant force of the literary trinity of author, publisher, and agent, his contribution still remains as difficult to assess as a century ago. 8 This article presents the impact of the professional literary agent on the British book-market in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. It will shed light on the perception of the literary agent by both his adversaries as well as his advocates, in order to assess Michael Joseph s claim for an ideal relationship between authors, publishers and literary agents. 9 In his autobiography Memories (1899), the publisher Charles Kegan Paul discusses misapprehensions about the perception of the publisher. He makes clear that publishing is not by any means the ready road to wealth that many people think it. 10 For the publisher, publishing meant to advance money to pay for the production of a book of whose success he could not be sure. For the author, publishing meant the expectation of pecuniary advantage, let alone literary fame. This view is expressed by Robert Louis Stevenson in 1878 who wished to place his work with Paul: God grant Paul may take the thing; I want 4 Michael Joseph, The Commercial Side of Literature (London, 1925), See Frederic Whyte, William Heinemann: A Memoir (London, 1928), See Ernst Fischer, Einleitung, Literarische Agenturen die heimlichen Herrscher im Literaturbetrieb? ed. Ernst Fischer (Wiesbaden, 2001), 7-15, 10; see also Julie Hoegh, Agent of Change: The Literary Agent and Contemporary British Publishing and Bookselling, Diss. King s College, London, 2004, available online at < files/ / pdf> accessed 27 July See Robert Darnton, What is the History of Books? Daedalus, (1982), The elusiveness of the agent caused a literary Twitter war in 2009, when a group of agents and editors designated 5 March as queryfail day and posted the worst queries they ever read on Twitter. This was soon countered by authors who lashed out against agents, accusing them of exploiting their position as gatekeepers of taste, and claimed: [W]ithout us [authors] you [the agents] are nothing (Alison Flood, Twitter Tips on How Not to Get Published, The Guardian, Books Blog, 9 March 2009 < com/books/booksblog/2009/mar/09/twitter-publishers-manuscripts-pitches>, and Flood, The Literary Twitter Wars: Writers Hit back at Agents, The Guardian, Books Blog, 6 April 2009 < both accessed 21 February 2013). 9 See Joseph, The Commercial Side of Literature, Charles Kegan Paul, Memories (London, 1899), 277.

105 Authors, Publishers, and the Literary Agent 79 coin so badly. 11 The work in question, an account of Stevenson s travels in France called An Inland Voyage (1878), was not seen as a success. The publisher incurred a loss of 180 while Stevenson at least made a small profit from the outright sale of the copyright to Paul: Stevenson was notoriously in need of money and literally wrote for a living. Therefore, it is not surprising that he repeatedly felt cheated by his publisher. Unaware that at least in this case he gained from the outright sale and Paul incurred a loss by publishing, he emphatically and repeatedly expressed his disappointment over the failure to make money and his feelings towards the culprit Paul in his correspondence. In his view, the publisher enriched himself financially while leaving him in a state of poverty: [T]he foul Paul has dodged me all round, I am shorn and bleating: a poor, lone, penniless man of letters. 13 In 1881, when he received an offer by the publishers Chatto and Windus that surpassed everything Paul ever offered, Stevenson was dazed: Really I ought to begin to make money now. 14 This example of a strained author-publisher relationship 15 in the late 1870s based on an assumed financial advantage of the publisher contradicts the verdict of the Publishers Circular of April 1860 that [t]he cant which represented publishers as growing rich, not by judicious employment of their own capital, skill, and industry, but by a sort of fraud upon authors, is now almost extinct. 16 Moreover, the American publisher George Haven Putnam states: The interests of authors and publishers are, like those of all producers and distributors, practically identical. 17 The question was how to bring both 11 Robert Louis Stevenson to Sidney Colvin, 1 January 1878, The Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson, eds Bradford Allen Booth und Ernest Mehew, 8 vols (New Haven, ), II, See Stevenson to William Ernest Henley, 19 July 1883, The Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson, eds Booth and Mehew, IV, 144, see also II, 326, and the letter to Henley, 17 July 1883, The Letters of William Ernest Henley to Robert Louis Stevenson, ed. Damian Atkinson (High Wycombe, 2008), 187. In addition, see Roger G. Swearingen, The Prose Writings of Robert Louis Stevenson (London, 1980), 29-30, and H. S. King (Kegan Paul) Publication Books: An Inland Voyage. By R. L. Stevenson. cr. 8vo. 4/6, The Archives of Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner, and Henry S. King, , ed. Brian Maidment, 81 vols on 27 microfilm reels (Hertfordshire, 1973), III, fol. 105 (reel 2). 13 Stevenson to Edmund Gosse, 8 March 1879, The Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson, eds Booth und Mehew, II, 303, 320. Oliver Wendell Holmes claimed that publishers are growing rich on the products of [authors ] brains, while they themselves are put off with a scanty paring of their just rewards (quoted in George Haven Putnam, Authors and Publishers: A Manual of Suggestions for Beginners in Literature, 7th ed. [London, 1904], 143). 14 Stevenson to his father, 9 December 1881, The Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson, eds Booth and Mehew, III, 257, 259. Chatto and Windus offered 100 for the copyright of Familiar Studies of Men and Books (1882), an offer that made Stevenson think (269) and led to his eventual change of publishers. 15 Putnam claimed that publishers tend to record pleasant relations with their authors in their memoirs, while authors tend to record disagreements (Authors and Publishers, 11). 16 Literary Intelligence, The Publishers Circular, 16 April 1860, Putnam, Authors and Publishers, 8.

106 80 Sandra Simon parties together in order to emphasize the identical rather than the practically. The book-trade of the nineteenth century experienced fundamental changes that affected all aspects of the production, distribution, and reception of printed material. More books were produced for more readers by more authors, and not only the amount of publications increased but also the speed at which they appeared. By the last quarter of the century, the book-trade was a modern market with specialized and diversified publishers who had to deal with a complex field of trade. It was not only difficult for readers to keep track of publications, albeit publications addressed a more specific readership than ever before, but at the same time it was difficult for publishers to assess readers tastes and also for authors to find the right publisher. Even when both parties found each other there was no guarantee that the relationship would work; the international trade as well as the related quest for an international copyright further complicated business. The example of Paul and Stevenson shows that even though the author, unknown and inexperienced at that time, was the only one to make a profit, however slight, he found the dealing with his publisher most unsatisfactory. Other authors felt the same and it was at this time, in the late 1870s, that a phenomenon entered the book-market which still is characterized by an intangible importance today: the literary agent. Alexander Pollock Watt, the first professional literary agent, was the son of a bookbinder and bookseller. He took his first steps in business as a drapery warehouseman before entering the publishing business of his brother-in-law, the eminent publisher Alexander Strahan, as clerk, publishers reader, and advertising agent in 1871; shortly after, he was made partner of Alexander Strahan and Co. 18 This connection to the publishing world and the reputation of the publishing house helped Watt establish a wide network of contacts as well as gain insight into the book-world. Furthermore, it endowed him with both cultural and symbolic capital. He was aware of conflicted relationships between authors and publishers and here he sensed a new opportunity opening up: He saw himself fit to negotiate as middleman between authors and publishers. As such he combined business acumen with a profound knowledge of the literary world. As Sir William Robertson Nicoll, editor of the British Weekly, confirms, Watt was known for his sound sense, his unfailing tact, and his businesslike habits See Patricia Thomas Srebrnik, Alexander Strahan: Victorian Publisher (Ann Arbor, 1986), 118, 159, 182, and Elaine J. Zinkhan, Watt, Alexander Pollock ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < 2004, accessed 28 July William Robertson Nicoll, A. P. Watt: The Great Napoleon of the Realms of Print, British Weekly, 12 November 1914, quoted in Zinkhan, Watt, Alexander Pollock ; see also Nicoll, London Letter: The Literary Agent, The Bookman, 1.4 (1895), , 249.

107 Authors, Publishers, and the Literary Agent 81 Watt s first activity as an agent was that of helping a friend to dispose of his manuscript. This friend was George Macdonald, Scottish poet and novelist, 20 who already was a successful author and made good money with his writings but who frequently found himself in financial difficulties. When the publishing house of Strahan began to struggle in the 1870s and Strahan was not able to pay his authors as before, Watt placed Macdonald s manuscript, probably of the novel Paul Faber, Surgeon (1878), with Hurst and Blackett and secured him a higher return than what Strahan was able to offer. Thereby, he provided his friend with much-needed income 21 and in 1892, Macdonald thanked Watt for more than ten years of [taking] the weight of business off [his] shoulders. 22 The idea of easing strained relationships was not new. Watt simply wished to fulfil a role professionally that others had been fulfilling for as long as authors have had friends. 23 Stevenson, for instance, was not only helped by his friends Ernest William Henley and Sidney Colvin in negotiating with publishers but they also urged him to change publishers when the relations with Paul began to deteriorate and then negotiated the change. 24 Most prominent among such friends in the nineteenth century, however, was John Forster, trusted friend, literary adviser, and unofficial representative of Charles Dickens. Forster himself was a writer, critic, and journalist. But more importantly, he entertained friendships with some of the most renowned literary personalities of his time. 25 Forster and Dickens had made each other s acquaintance at Christmas 1836, and Dickens soon after expressed [the donor s] desire to cultivate and avail himself of a friendship which has been so pleasantly thrown in his way 26 by 20 See Nicoll, London Letter, 249; see also F. W., An Interview with Mr. A. P. Watt, The Bookman, 3.13 (1892), 20-22, 20; Glenn Edward Sadler, MacDonald, George ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < 2004, accessed 28 July See Mary Ann Gillies, The Professional Literary Agent in Britain, (Toronto, 2007), 40-63, especially George MacDonald to A. P. Watt, 10 June 1892, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt (London, 1909), The agent Albert Curtis Brown had a similar start in business, see Curtis Brown, Contacts (New York, 1935), James Hepburn, The Author s Empty Purse and the Rise of the Literary Agent (London, 1968), 22; see also Gillies, The Professional Literary Agent, 34-35, and Gillies, A. P. Watt, Literary Agent, Publishing Research Quarterly, 9.1 (1993), 20-33, See Henley to Stevenson, 17 December 1881, The Letters of William Ernest Henley, ed. Atkinson, 150; see also Bradford Allen Booth and Ernest Mehew, The Main Correspondents, The Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson, eds Booth and Mehew, I, See James A. Davies, Forster, John ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < 2004, accessed 3 July 2012; see also Linda Marie Fritschner, Literary Agents and Literary Traditions: The Role of the Philistine, Paying the Piper: Causes and Consequences of Art Patronage, ed. Judith Huggins Balfe (Urbana, 1993), 54-72, Charles Dickens to John Forster, 23 March 1837, The Letters of Charles Dickens: Vol. I, , eds Madeline House and Graham Storey (Oxford, 1965), 243; see also John Forster, The Life of Charles Dickens (London, [1910]), 51; Richard Renton, John Forster and his Friendships (London, 1912), 49-51, 54, and James A. Davies, John Forster: A Literary Life (Leicester, 1983), 159.

108 82 Sandra Simon sending Forster copies of his operetta Village Coquettes (1836) and the Sketches of Boz (1836). Their friendship quickly became closer and Forster began to negotiate with Dickens s publishers and advised his friend on his writing. But Forster was more than just the middleman between the author and his publishers as [t]here was nothing written by [Dickens] which [Forster] did not see before the world did, either in manuscript or proofs. 27 For Robert Lowry Patten, especially Forster s dealing with publishers suffices to dub him Dickens s unofficial literary agent. 28 It is interesting that Forster is not best remembered for his own literary merit but rather for befriending illustrious literary figures of the Victorian age. However, his value for his friends should not be underestimated. His journalistic aptitude and his connections with editors and publishers as well as his understanding of Victorian literary tastes rendered him and his advice indispensable. 29 Until Dickens s death in 1870, Forster assumed the role of literary agent, forty years before A. P. Watt appeared, and before anybody acknowledged the value of such a service in terms of financial remuneration. Unlike the emerging professional literary agent, Forster fulfilled his role without significant or direct financial gain. Nonetheless, he profited from his connections and advice: He gained the post as literary adviser to the publishers Chapman and Hall, 30 he contributed to the Edinburgh Review as well as the Daily News, which he also edited, and he held shares in Household Worlds, which was edited by Dickens. 31 In this niche Alexander Watt saw a market for the professional adviser and his standards opened new perspectives on author-publisher relations. 32 Issues of author compensation had become more pressing over the course of the century. While an increasing number of readers compelled more authors to attempt to live from their pens, authors assumed that they would gain both economically as well as in prestige from their profession. 33 However, agreements between authors and publishers often left authors thinking that they missed out on the publisher s financial profit. The nature of these agreements provoked a sense of 27 Forster, The Life of Charles Dickens, 55; see also Davies, John Forster, Robert Lowry Patten, Charles Dickens and his Publishers (Oxford, 1978), See Davies, Forster, John. 30 See Arthur Waugh, A Hundred Years of Publishing: Being the Story of Chapman & Hall, Ltd. (London, 1930), See Davies, John Forster, More important it seems, however, is the friend Forster gained in Dickens. 32 For a detailed account of the aspects influencing the emergence of the literary agent, see Gillies, The Professional Literary Agent, Apart from the professionalization of authorship, Gillies lists taxation policies, technological innovations and changes in readership as influencing factors. Also the progressive division of literary labor taking responsibilities from the publisher, most of all the reading of manuscripts, supported this development (Fritschner, Literary Agents and Literary Traditions, 58, 68-69). 33 See Gillies, The Professional Literary Agent,

109 Authors, Publishers, and the Literary Agent 83 inequality; none of the prevalent types was to the utter advantage of the author. 34 The outright sale, still the commonest type in the nineteenth century, meant that authors parted with the copyright of their work for an agreed sum paid by the publisher. Half-profits agreements stipulated that any profit was to be shared between author and publisher, and royalties, perceived as the fairest type of agreement, meant that the author would earn a fixed percentage of the profit of each copy sold. In any of these cases the publisher paid for the expenses of publication, that is, the printing, binding, advertising, and distribution. It was the publisher who retained the copyright in the work and who took the entire risk: If the work in question was not a success it was his money that was lost. But it was also the publisher who profited directly if the work turned out to be a success. Whether or not the publisher shared this profit with the author depended on his generosity and the type of agreement, but often the brain that created the work 35 was not properly compensated. With the outright sale, the author might not receive anything apart from the initial sale. Half of the profits did not mean that the author received half of the profits but that profits were to be shared equally after the publisher s costs were covered. Whatever these costs were was specified by the publisher, as testified to by Thomas Hardy: On any half-profit system the publisher gives you practically what he pleases. 36 Even royalty agreements that allowed for acknowledgement of a successful work meant that payment was only expected after costs were covered. These costs were detailed in the publisher s account books. In theory, authors had access to these, in practice they had to ask for consulting the books and of course, they had to be able to understand the bookkeeping. Furthermore, authors and publishers often agreed on complex combinations of payment methods. For instance, Stevenson and Paul agreed on the outright sale of the copyright of An Inland Voyage, however, they also agreed that Paul would pay Stevenson a royalty of one shilling per copy on all copies sold after the sale of 1,000 copies. 37 This seemed a fair contract with Paul being compensated for his outlay of capital and also acknowledging the author s work if it proved successful. However, it was not a fair contract. And Stevenson blamed Paul: Roughly 400 copies of the work were sold in three months, only some eighty more until the next year, and Stevenson felt played like a fish by a publisher. 38 To make matters worse, he seems not to have known that Paul, 34 See Samuel Squire Sprigge, The Methods of Publishing, 2nd ed. (London, 1891), especially Sprigge, The Methods of Publishing, Hardy to Florence Henniker, 25 October 1893, The Collected Letters of Thomas Hardy: Vol. II, , eds Richard Little Purdy and Michael Millgate (Oxford, 1980), See Publication Books: An Inland Voyage, fol Stevenson to Arthur Patchett Martin, September 1878, The Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson, eds Booth and Mehew, II, 269, 289, 302; III, 119, 129, 134, 258, 260, 268, 271.

110 84 Sandra Simon maybe cautiously, had only paid for the production of 750 copies. Neither, it seems, was he aware of his publisher s loss. 39 Not all agreements between authors and publishers were to the disadvantage of the author, many authors were capable of negotiating with their publishers, taking their works to the highest bidder. The example of Stevenson and Paul is one in which the author voiced his dissatisfaction the loudest. Despite possible contractual difficulties, other authors maintained cordial relations, even friendships with their publishers. Some of whom provided services beyond the business of publishing an author s work: They entertained authors as guests, offered advice on writing and life in general, and acted as bankers and creditors. 40 However, these authors and publishers were not the primary target of the literary agent, whose emergence coincided with a vivid discussion of authors rights and their proper compensation at the end of the nineteenth century. The founder of the Society of Authors (1884), Sir Walter Besant, was among the first major writers to employ A. P. Watt as his representative in He urged that authors needed better representation as well as compensation and advocated the reform of domestic copyright, the promotion of international copyright, and the defence of authors rights. However, Besant made clear that despite their fraudulent reputation publishers had rights, too: [An author] who enters a publisher s house and entrusts his book to him for publication, will have to pay for the services he engages just as much as if he had gone to his solicitor and entrusted him with the management of his affairs. 42 In this Besant is seconded by the publisher Thomas Werner Laurie who made clear that [t]he publisher... finds capital for the failures as well as the successes 43 and also by the literary agent Albert Curtis Brown who 39 See H. S. King (Kegan Paul) Publication Account Books, : An Inland Voyage. By R. L. Stephenson <sic>. cr. 8vo. 1/6, The Archives of Kegan Paul, ed. Maidment, VII, fol. 25 (reel 6). The unhappy episode with Paul finally ended with the purchase of copyrights for Stevenson s Inland Voyage, Travels with a Donkey and Virginibus Puerisque as well as the plates for the first two books by Chatto and Windus for 102 in 1884 (The Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson, eds Booth and Mehew, V, 155 n. 2). 40 See Fritschner, Literary Agents and Literary Tradition, William Heinemann even acted as best man at the wedding of his friend Rudyard Kipling (Whyte, William Heinemann, 100 n. 1). 41 See Simon Eliot, Author, Publisher and Literary Agent: Making Walter Besant s Novels Pay in the Provincial and International Markets of the 1890s, Publishing History, 46 (1999), 35-65, and Eliot, Besant, Sir Walter ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < January 2008, accessed 26 June Walter Besant, The Maintenance of Literary Property, The Grievances between Authors and Publishers: Being the Report of the Conferences of the Incorporated Society of Authors Held at Willis s Rooms in March 1887 (London, 1887), 14-46, Thomas Werner Laurie, Author, Agent, and Publisher, The Nineteenth Century, 38 (1895), , 855.

111 Authors, Publishers, and the Literary Agent 85 acknowledged that [t]he publisher isn t a charitable institution any more than the agent, or than the author who writes for money. 44 Even though authors wrote for money, many of them simply felt not able to cope with the business side of their profession. They were mostly interested in the creative process of writing and found it difficult to acknowledge the complexity of steps and capital involved in converting their handwritten pieces of paper into saleable objects. For some it was a painful experience to assess the value of their work, their Children of the Brain, 45 in terms of money. A neutral negotiator, not emotionally involved in the literary production, might find it easier to work out solid business deals than an author who is reluctant to part with his child for money. Moreover, the complexity of agreements and rights necessitated legal proficiency most authors did not possess. The literary agent, the unknown factor in the world of letters, 46 was not an author s agent from the beginning. 47 But already the so-called second wave of agents, James Brand Pinker (1896) and Albert Curtis Brown (1899), perceived themselves as authors agents and like Alexander Watt were reputable agents who shaped the role of literary agents as they are perceived today. 48 Initially, however, Watt provided services for both authors and publishers. Moreover, he recognized the fact that [the best possible] bargain is not a good one and not in the best interest of the author unless there is room for a fair profit to the publisher. 49 The self-perception of Watt as a literary agent strongly committed to both his clients was the secret of his success. For him, the basic function of the agent was to negotiate the buying and selling of copyrights for his clients. He conducted all business arrangements for authors from the placing of manuscripts, the securing of publishing deals, the sale of copyrights, the negotiating of transatlantic deals to the collection of royalties and even to advice on manuscripts. His service for publishers included appraisals of businesses for sale, that is appraising their assets in stock, materials, and copyrights, and especially dealing with foreign or translation rights, 50 as well as finding authors for commissioned works. 51 For these services, to either authors 44 [Albert Curtis Brown], The Commercialisation of Literature and the Literary Agent, The Fortnightly Review, 1 August 1906, , Jonathan Swift, A Tale of a Tub and Other Works, ed. Marcus Walsh (Cambridge, 2010), W., Interview with Mr. A. P. Watt, See Gillies, The Professional Literary Agent, See Fritschner, Literary Agents and Literary Traditions, W., Interview with Mr. A. P. Watt, 21; see also [Brown], The Commercialisation of Literature and the Literary Agent, For the publisher C. Kegan Paul Watt negotiated the sale of foreign rights for the Journals of Charles George Gordon; for the Boston publisher Houghton Mifflin and Co. he negotiated all European transactions ( H. S. King [Kegan Paul] Publication Books, : The Journals of Mr. G. C. G. Gordon CB. Edited by Egmont Hake. 8vo. 1/1/-, The Archives of Kegan Paul, ed. Maidment, V, fol. 294, [reel 3]; W., Interview with Mr. A. P. Watt, 2o, and English Authors and American Royalties: A Chat with Mr. A. P. Watt, The Bookman, 7 [1895], 175). 51 See Gillies, A. P. Watt, 21-24; see also Gillies, The Professional Literary Agent, 20-33; W., Interview with Mr. A. P. Watt, 21, and Fore Words, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, v.

112 86 Sandra Simon or publishers, he first charged fees for specific tasks until he established a commission system by claiming a fee of ten per cent on anything his clients earned. With this standard fee, Watt established a system still employed today. 52 Authors and publishers alike valued the services Watt provided and he quickly gained the reputation of being an ethical agent for working to the benefit of his respective client. Publishers acknowledged the meticulous care with which Watt prepared authors and manuscripts before they were introduced to them. In 1925, Michael Joseph claimed that 85 per cent of manuscripts offered to a particular agent were rejected. He emphasized the gatekeeping function of reputable agents who were often as hard to satisfy as the publisher himself. 53 Consequently, the literary agency functioned as a cultural clearing house 54 assessing the author s status, the value of his text, and its prospective audience before even starting negotiations with a publisher. Watt s success, then, may be summarized in the simple formula: Part wellinformed, practical good sense, part hypothetical adventure, and part cultural savoir-faire. 55 While many publishers acknowledged the expertise of the agent and valued the quality of the manuscripts he passed on, others doubted the usefulness and in fact the raison d être of the agent. A controversy over the literary agent ensued in the 1890s: Publishers feared that agents gained too much insight into their businesses when working for them, which the agent could hold against them when working for authors. Moreover, they felt that the agent trespassed on their expertise regarding the book-market and they were afraid of losing power with authors and other publishers. Discussions in the literary magazines of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century centred on the dishonesty of agents and especially on the loss of the trusted author-publisher relationship. Publishers tried to fend off the acceptance of the agent with aggressive rhetoric, not only calling him superfluous but even assigning parasitic qualities to him. The publisher William Henry Heinemann ( ), who only had established his business in 1890, was one of the strongest opponents of literary agents. 56 While Henry James once described Heinemann as the most swindling 52 See Gillies, The Professional Literary Agent, 28-35; also Gillies, A. P. Watt, 24. Regarding Watt s service fee, the publisher Arthur Waugh identifies him as financial literary agent (A Hundred Years of Publishing, 204). 53 Joseph, The Commercial Side of Literature, Peter D. McDonald, The Adventures of a Literary Agent: Conan Doyle, A. P. Watt, Holmes, and the Strand in 1891, Victorian Periodicals Review, 30.1 (1997), 17-26, 23; see also The Naughty Agent, The Academy, 15 August 1908, McDonald, The Adventures of a Literary Agent, 23. On the expert knowledge of the literary agent, see also John Brookshire Thompson, Merchants of Culture: The Publishing Business in the Twenty-First Century, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 2012), See Linda Marie Fritschner, Heinemann, William Henry ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < October 2009, accessed 1 August 2013.

113 Authors, Publishers, and the Literary Agent 87 of all publishers, 57 he had the general reputation of being honest and generous with authors, especially young authors. It remains uncertain why Heinemann vented his anger for the literary agent in but he did so (and continued to do so) most emphatically: He is generally a parasite. He always flourishes. 59 For Heinemann literary agents were dabblers whose only achievement it was to rent an office; unlike publishers they did not need any capital to start business, their only qualification being a healthy amount of confidence: You have made one author wealthy (you, not his work; oh no, not his work!). 60 The parasite metaphor was reiterated by others, such as the publisher Spencer Collison Blackett, who agreed with Heinemann that the literary parasites are not to be relied on for now the literary parasite is fully recognized as the grossest abuse of modern innovations. Addressing authors, Blackett urged: [A]void them if you wish to succeed. 61 An anonymous contributor to The National Observer maintained, though less harshly, that [the literary agent] is the quintessence of the middleman, the type and exemplar of the unproductive labourer. 62 Surprisingly, in his response to Henry Holt s essay on The Commercialization of Literature (1905), the literary agent Brown agreed with Holt s description of the literary agent as a very serious detriment to literature and a leech on the author 63 : Unhappily all these things, and many more that have been and could be said, are quite true. Brown only lessens the impact of his agreement by adding: of some literary agents. 64 In his Truth about Publishing (1926), the publisher Stanley Unwin repeated some of the arguments brought forward by Heinemann. He maintained that [f]or this profitable occupation no qualifications seem to be required 65 and that only [t]o a few authors an agent is indispensable; to some others a great convenience; but to the majority unnecessary. Unwin remained unconvinced that the literary agent constituted a significant or meaningful improvement to the book-trade, even though he acknowledged that there were some good agents. For him, the good agent was someone with actual publishing or 57 John St John, William Heinemann: A Century of Publishing, (London, 1990), 69; see also Whyte, William Heinemann, 29, Heinemann himself appointed an agent to handle his American business contacts as well as to scout for new authors overseas. However, he lost several authors through the influence of literary agents because they were offered more money elsewhere (St John, William Heinemann, 67, 90, 94; Whyte, William Heinemann, 36, 128). 59 William Heinemann, The Middleman as Viewed by a Publisher, The Athenæum, 11 November 1893, 663, my emphasis. 60 Heinemann, The Middleman as Viewed by a Publisher, 663, emphasis in the original. 61 Spencer Collison Blackett, The Middleman in Publishing, The Athenæum, 18 November 1893, The Literary Agent, The National Observer, 16 July 1892, , Henry Holt, The Commercialization of Literature, The Atlantic Monthly, 96.5 (1905), , [Brown], The Commercialisation of Literature and the Literary Agent, 355, my emphasis. 65 Stanley Unwin, The Truth about Publishing, 2nd ed. (London, 1926), 299.

114 88 Sandra Simon bookselling experience, 66 somebody equipped with the necessary expertise to represent authors on the literary market. Again the lack of qualification is alluded to. In addition, Unwin argued that the primary task of the agent was to place manuscripts with publishers while in reality he often assumed the role of saviour of authors, protecting the innocent author from the wicked publisher. 67 Other publishers were equally harsh in their judgements. In 1936, M. E. H. Warendorf criticized the working methods of some agencies which failed to update their contacts and sent offers to addresses which ceased to exist. Moreover, he found it a nuisance to navigate through a complex network of subagents, employed by agents to dispose of, for instance, translation rights, extending the identification of a contact to weeks of correspondence; in this case the work in question was not translated at all. Warendorf was not opposed to the literary agent but he was concerned with the deficiencies of the system. As a solution to the problems publishers encountered with unreliable, dubious agents he proposed the establishment of an arbitration board that collaborated with the Association of Literary Agents and the Society of Authors. 68 In the same vein, Heinemann was hopeful that the Society of Authors could help to kill the canker that [was] eating itself into the very heart of [their] mutual interests. 69 Moreover, in 1901 in a contribution to The Author, the Society s journal, Heinemann collected reasons why the literary agent neither helped authors nor publishers nor literature in general. Apart from claims that he had never met a single honest literary agent, accusations that agents were in the business only for the money and in fact fostered greed in authors, Heinemann s main concern was that the literary agent prevented free and intimate intercourse between author and publisher. 70 Publishers feared that authors would distance themselves from them and that the employment of an agent would be detrimental to the traditional author-publisher relation. Blackett feared that the agent, by means of blackmail and malicious fraud, could cause a breach of the author with his publisher. 71 However, the early literary agents did not perceive themselves as supporters of authors but as middlemen. In fact, while the service of the literary agent compelled him to act as an intermediary between authors and publishers he also served as negotiator. In this capacity, he could enable cordial relationships 66 Unwin, The Truth about Publishing, 298, Unwin, The Truth about Publishing, , See M. E. H. Warendorf, Literary Agents, The Publishers Circular, 19 September 1936, Heinemann, The Middleman as Viewed by a Publisher, 663. Laurie contradicts Heinemann in his hopes by stating that he saw the Society of Authors at the root of all evil as it laid the grounds for the unleashing of the literary agent (see Author, Agent, and Publisher, 850; see also Nicoll, London Letter, 249). 70 Quoted in St John, William Heinemann, 94-95, 94. In fact, Heinemann perceived the literary agent as a virus [that] is so poisonous that the publisher had better disinfect himself and avoid contagion (quoted in Whyte, William Heinemann, 124). 71 See Blackett, The Middleman in Publishing, 699.

115 Authors, Publishers, and the Literary Agent 89 between the two by simply relieving both from business negotiations and ensuring that both received satisfactory deals. Brown even saw it as his duty to enforce friendly relations and he was ready to act as buffer for the parties in times of conflict. 72 Also Besant acknowledged the balancing property of the agent to make a true friendship possible, one without the infestation of business negotiations, 73 a view supported by Watt s self-perception. 74 Shortly after setting up business, A. P. Watt had become a successful literary agency, so successful that part of the business scheme was not to advertise its services; however, promotional brochures were issued quoting letters by satisfied clients. 75 Moreover, collections of these letters were published from 1893 onwards. One of these, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt (1909), contains letters by 154 correspondents, among them established authors, first-time writers as well as publishers. This collection sheds light on the gratefulness of Watt s clients and the services he rendered. The Letters are introduced by a passage from Walter Besant s Autobiography (1902) in which he sums up the key function of the literary agent and claims his necessity for any author: [T]he agent who does know his business, who knows also editors, publishers and their arrangements, may be of immense use to the novelist, the essayist, the traveller in short, to the author of any book that can command a circulation and a public demand. And such an agent is Mr. A. P. Watt. 76 The main asset of the literary agent and especially of Watt was the knowledge of the trade as well as his business connections to editors and publishers. This network proved not only beneficial to authors trying to find a publisher but also to publishers trying to commission work. Young authors or those who had not established a name in the literary field yet profited from the literary agent s services in many ways. First and foremost, it was the literary agent who was able to smooth their way into the market and to introduce the author to a publisher interested in producing the author s work. They were relieved of wearisome business dealings that forced them to petition for the goodwill of the publisher. Many of the authors acknowledging Watt s work bring forward their views of the business side of their work as detaining and complicating their literary work. In the Letters, business dealings are described as the irritating and disagreeable part of... literary labours, See [Brown], The Commercialisation of Literature and the Literary Agent, ; see also Brown, Contacts, See Besant, The Maintenance of Literary Property, ; see also Nicoll, London Letter, See W., Interview with Mr. A. P. Watt, See the archival collection of A. P. Watt & Son Letters, (MS#1310) at Columbia University, New York < > accessed 31 July Michael Joseph claims that reputable agents, who do not advertise, are known to all authors of experience (The Commercial Side of Literature, 95). 76 Walter Besant, Autobiography (London, 1902), ; see also Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, v-vi. 77 Louis Becke, 5 August 1896, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, 15; see also Walter Besant, 26 February 1892, who valued Watt because he had enabled him to avoid the only

116 90 Sandra Simon business worry, 78 [a] big burden 79 or more emphatically as an Atlas-like task. 80 The reluctance to deal with the business side originated in experiences and frequently, authors regretted that they had not come to Watt earlier. Apparently their signing with the agent resulted in pecuniary improvement almost immediately. 81 Others felt that the saving of business trouble rejuvenated them, taking several years of their age, 82 suddenly their work did not have a business side at all, 83 and of course, they lamented the late acquaintance: I have but one regret... namely, that our relations should not have begun many years ago. I think I would be a richer man to-day, and perhaps would not have so many grey hairs! 84 It is obvious that many authors did not perceive themselves as fit to deal business. On the contrary, many felt out of their depth when having to negotiate the best terms for their literary property, they saw themselves as very unbusiness-like creatures 85 who [knew] nothing of [the] publishing business and its ways. 86 The best solution was presented by author Bret Harte: [I]t seems better that [authors] should employ a business man to represent them with those other business men, the publishers in order to give the author that perfect freedom essential to literary composition. 87 Authors valued the expertise of the literary agent and felt they lacked his business aptitude necessary to trade for the best deal. Furthermore, the dreaded negotiations absorbed their creative energy and hindered their writing. Especially this point of time-consuming and wearisome business is emphasized by many authors. 88 Those authors who maintained a long-standing relationship with their agent were grateful, some of them even considering Watt their friend, as Wilkie Collins did: When I first employed you, you were my agent: you are now my agent and my friend. Apparently, this friendship was built on the trust that Watt was the best spokesperson for his literary interests and wishes, a trust extended beyond Collins s death as Watt was appointed executor of his literary estate. 89 disagreeable part of the literary calling viz., the placing and the publishing of [his] books (20). 78 John Davidson, 18 June 1895, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, Charles Garvice, 14 March 1907, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, John Guille Millais, 8 April 1900, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, See, for instance, William Livingston Alden, 17 July 1898, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, 4, and Wymond Carey, 29 October 1907, 37; Garvice, 76-77; Dodgson Hamilton Madden, 13 November 1897, 130; Arthur Williams Marchmont, 4 October 1901, See Julian Ralph, 17 June 1899, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, See Morley Roberts, 2 August 1897, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, Egerton Castle, 9 February 1903, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, Justin Huntly McCarthy, 11 April 1907, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, Walter Raymond, 13 July 1899, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, Bret Harte, 21 May 1885, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, 93, emphasis in the original. 88 See, for instance, C. M. Aikman, 8 February 1897, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, 3, as well as Carey, 37, and Castle, Wilkie Collins, 22 August 1883, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, 45, and the memorandum attached to the will of Collins, dated 1 January 1887, 46. See also The Letters of Wilkie

117 Authors, Publishers, and the Literary Agent 91 With the modernization of the literary trade as well as its professionalization it is evident that the literary agent was perceived as a valuable, almost indispensable intermediary. 90 The literary agent did what he did best: negotiating with the other most important player on the literary market, the publisher. As such he used his network of contacts and made an effort to find the perfect match. For some authors this meant finding a more renowned publisher, 91 for others this meant finding outlets they had not thought about, 92 and yet others profited with respect to their livelihood. 93 William Livingston Alden put it bluntly: Authorship without Messrs. A. P. Watt & Son would be very much like surgery without chloroform... After six years experience... I should as soon think of having a leg cut off without anæsthetics as of trying to earn a living by writing without [their] aid. 94 Authors were not only relieved from the burden of business dealings when trying to write but the literary agent also enabled a peaceful relationship between author and publisher. Exactly the kind of relationship publishers feared would be lost with the literary agent. Besant claimed that since placing his business with A. P. Watt: [M]y relations with my publishers have been, and are, of a most friendly character. 95 And Charles Garvice urged: [T]he author needs someone between him and the publisher. 96 Frequently, authors recommended Watt to their friends. The Australian novelist Guy Boothby recalled that one of Watt s clients called out to him: Goodbye! work hard, and put your trust in Watt. Boothby did so and acknowledged that the agent worked wonders for him. 97 Others asked the agent to place a friend s work. William Butler Yeats reassured W. J. Stanton Collins: Vol. II, , eds William Baker and William M. Clarke (Houndmills, Basingstoke, 1999), 486 and 566 n. 1, and on the aspect of friendship, Carey, who claims that literary business can also be a bond of friendship (Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, 37). 90 Thomas Alexander Browne, 28 August 1899, Letters Addresssed to A. P. Watt, 29. Of course, there were authors, such as George Bernard Shaw and H. G. Wells, who disagreed. For instance, Shaw deemed agents only necessary for hack writers and beginners. However, both authors also employed agents whenever it suited them, that is they employed literary agents for specific jobs only (Fritschner, Literary Agents and Literary Traditions, 59-60). 91 J. H. M. Abbott thinks that taking his work to Watt was reasonable and that the services of the agent ensured that Abbott s work [was] published by good publishers, which... [was] important (2 January 1904, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, 2). 92 See Grant Allen, 17 April 1891, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, 6, and John Bloundelle- Burton, 16 December 1895, See Gilbert Keith Chesterton, n.d., Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, 42; Garvice, 77; Arthur W. Marchmont, 4 October 1901, Alden, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, Besant, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, 20-21; see also Rose Champion de Crespigny, 26 October 1907, 53, and Henry Rider Haggard, 4 June 1892, Garvice, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, Guy Boothby, 10 November 1894, Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, 26.

118 92 Sandra Simon Pyper that he should be safe with Watt because [under Watt s] terms it is to his advantage to get you a publisher & as much money as possible. If he does not get you a publisher he gets nothing at all. 98 Also Thomas Hardy served as middleman and offered his help: Whenever you want to drive a bargain for a new novel I can recommend you to a man [that is, to A. P. Watt] who will get you the best price possible. 99 That is, if Watt could manage to place the manuscript: An agent is not a miraculous person who can persuade a publisher to accept a manuscript just because he, and not the author, submits it. 100 The agent s selection process and the publisher s trust in his expertise aside, it was still the publisher who decided whether to take on a manuscript or not. Despite the verbal attacks of publishers like Heinemann on literary agents, their value was also acknowledged by some publishers who expressed their gratitude to Watt. Among them, the most striking remark is by Oswald Crawfurd for the publishers Chapman and Hall: I wish that every author in the land who is worth anything would employ a Literary Agent. It would save an immense amount of friction and delay. 101 Here again the tedious business negotiations are referred to which, apparently, publishers hoped and tried to avoid as much as authors did. The publishers Chatto and Windus valued the services of A. P. Watt so highly that they recommended him to their authors. 102 Today, publishers generally refuse unsolicited submissions and recommend contacting an agent. 103 Michael Joseph argued for friendly relations between author, publisher, and agent. Joseph started as a writer, worked for the literary agent Curtis Brown from 1924 to 1935 and only then established his own publishing company. In his advice to authors, The Commercial Side of Literature (1925), he acknowledges the rapid changes of the modern market and the difficulties both authors and publishers had to address. He claims that only the competition of publishers and the vigilance of the author s agent prevent some publishers from taking the lion s share. 104 In opposition to Putnam s view that [t]he interests of authors and publishers are practically identical, Joseph states that the author realises that the agent s interest and his own are identical. 105 He repeatedly claims that 98 William Butler Yeats to W. J. Stanton Pyper, [22 December 1900], The Collected Letters of W. B. Yeats: Vol. II, , eds Warwick Gould, John Kelly, and Deirdre Toomey (Oxford, 1997), , Hardy to Mary Harrison, 18 March 1892, The Collected Letters of Thomas Hardy: Vol. VII, , eds Richard Little Purdy and Michael Millgate (Oxford, 1988), , and to Florence Henniker, 22 October 1893, II, Joseph, The Commercial Side of Literature, Oswald Crawfurd, n.d., Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, 53. Heinemann claimed to have refused a young author simply based on the outrageous demands of his agent ( The Hardships of Publishing, The Athenæum, 3 December 1892, 779). 102 See Leonard Merrick, n.d., Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, See, for instance, John Murray Publishers < accessed 4 November Joseph, The Commercial Side of Literature, Putnam, Authors and Publishers, 8; Joseph, The Commercial Side of Literature, 63, 98.

119 Authors, Publishers, and the Literary Agent 93 the publisher first and foremost is a businessman, a fact often forgotten by authors. But he assures his readers: I doubt whether a more honourable body of business men could be found anywhere. 106 Joseph gives sound advice to authors and advocates the ideal literary relationship as that of the trinity of author, publisher and agent. 107 He convincingly argues that the publisher is not the wicked spider who entices the unwary author into his web 108 but that he also experiences difficulties with the commercial side of the literary trade. If the placing of a manuscript with a publisher had remained the sole task of the agent he would have soon dwindled into obscurity. But the increasing complexity of business has supported and in effect strengthened the role of the agent who has to deal with more than just the right to publish in book form, as the plethora of rights included foreign rights but also serial and dramatic rights and more increasingly film rights. 109 Therefore, his suggestion is that authors should maintain cordial relations with both agent and publisher, differentiating between the best addressee for the matter at hand: Discuss business matters with your agent, literary matters with your publisher. 110 The emergence of the literary agent led to a re-adjustment of power on the literary market by adding a rather neutral force. Accusations against publishers who failed to compensate their authors with their due share of the profits of a publication were levied by the services of the agent. For Yeats it [was] a great comfort to know that even if one s books [were] not making very much, at all events one s publisher [was] not making more than his fair share out of them. 111 Without doubt the book-market of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was affected by serious changes. It is at this time that the professional literary agent, a businessman at heart, emerged as a middleman and negotiator to deal with the commercial side of literature, not only in order to relieve both the author and the publisher from the complexity of pure business but also in order to grant both of them their due share for their work and make sure that cordial relations could be maintained. The renegotiation of power on the bookmarket led to different perceptions of the literary agent which range from strongly expressed misconceptions about the usefulness and qualifications of 106 Joseph, The Commercial Side of Literature, 83, see also 64, 82, and Joseph, The Commercial Side of Literature, Joseph, The Commercial Side of Literature, See Alexis Weedon, From Three-Deckers to Film-Rights: A Turn in British Publishing Strategies, , Book History, 2 (1999), Joseph claims that cordial relationships between author and publisher [were] founded on the simplicity of their business dealing and relates the example of a novel of international interest for which 26 different kinds of rights were negotiated (The Commercial Side of Literature, 92, 103). 110 Joseph, The Commercial Side of Literature, 99. Joseph is careful to point out that this does not mean that the literary agent should not be addressed with matters literary as he is an expert in assessing the potential of a work not least because of his experience in and knowledge of the market. However, it should be kept in mind that the agent is neither a publisher s reader nor a literary editor. 111 William Butler Yeats, n.d., Letters Addressed to A. P. Watt, 202.

120 94 Sandra Simon the agent to heavy idolizing of his impact and power. Both these views are still present today. Then and now, the literary agent is more than just a negotiator between authors and publishers: He is a parasite, a leech, a jackal. He is a poacher. He is the best friend and fearsome advocate of authors. He is the villain of the publishing world, a nuisance, a serious detriment to authorpublisher relations. He is a secret sovereign and an agent of change. He offers (literary) mothercare and a home. He is a literary godfather. He makes authors. However, the accusations brought forward against the literary agent being a parasite that leeches on authors and has nothing of his own to offer has to be put into perspective. While it is certainly true that not every author needs an agent, it is also true that for some authors the agent with his knowledge of the market and his network of contacts is indispensable.

121 Book Value Categories in Television Comedy Shows Simon Rosenberg, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Abstract Effective humour almost always works best if a commonly accepted premise is addressed and then broken by some form of incongruity. This article argues that by using book value categories, bookish aspects in TV comedy shows can shed more light on our understanding of the book in past and present. A monk is sitting in a dark room in a monastery, dimly lit by candles. Sitting in front of a book that is lying on the table, the monk seems anxious. Suddenly, someone knocks on the door. Another monk enters and asks for a monk named Ansgar. The monk with the book turns around and eagerly asks the other to sit down. It is revealed that the monk is distressed because he is having difficulty with a new medium: the book in codex form. He does not know how to handle it properly, especially how to open it and how to turn the pages back and forth. Most importantly, he is unsure whether the content is safe when he closes the book. Luckily, the man who just entered the room is a member of the help desk (an anachronistically used term describing the service of assistance for customers concerning information technology) and can successfully and patiently answer all the questions and solve all the problems, even though the monk he leaves behind is still somewhat sceptical of the new object. Years after its creation, the Norwegian sketch Medieval Helpdesk went viral internationally on online video platforms from 2007 onwards with subtitles in various languages. 1 Not only can the success of this sketch be ascribed to a rather spot-on commentary on present-day IT-support for new media systems, it also creates awareness that the book in codex form, probably the most ubiquitous medium nowadays, was at one point also new and had to struggle with a comparison to its predecessor, the scroll. The popularity of this sketch also shows that not only is the world of the book very compatible with humour, it also shows that humour can, and most often does, reveal aspects of certain concepts and issues taken for granted. The audience is forced to look at something familiar from a different angle. This, in effect, can lead to an enhanced understanding of the concept in question. 1 Medieval Helpdesk < (26 February 2007, accessed: 23 April 2014). The sketch was re-filmed with British actors, albeit not with the similar impact as the Norwegian original: Medieval Helpdesk in English < (23 February 2008, accessed: 23 April 2014).

122 96 Simon Rosenberg In her definition of Buchwissenschaft, Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser emphasizes the various different aspects that book studies (or book history) as a field of study can encompass: Der Gegenstandsbereich Buch wird, je nach Disziplin und im Vergleich mit anderen Printmedien wie auch im Kontrast mit Non-Printmedien, in seinen verschiedenen Merkmalen und entsprechenden sozio-kulturellen Funktionen unter einer Vielfalt von Aspekten untersucht (vgl. das Buch als Kulturgut, als ästhetisches Objekt, als Ware auf dem Markt, als Medium der Speicherung, der Informationsvermittlung, der Kommunikation usw.). 2 It seems not too far-fetched, then, that the scope of aspects of the book as a subject of investigation can also be analysed within fictional narratives in any form. Book historians, as a rule, are quite sensitive to books displayed in a variety of social and cultural settings. Ursula Rautenberg, in a contribution to a Festschrift for Reinhard Wittmann, briefly analysed the book in everyday life, albeit with the caution that her contribution must be described as rudimentary and consequently the topic needs more attention. 3 Rautenberg s approach assumes that the primary function of the book that is the storage and distribution of ideas in present day ephemera (advertisements, photographic series, etc.) is oftentimes overshadowed by its secondary function, that is the reading of symbolic book signs. 4 Indeed, this can oftentimes be observed in novels, a fact which is hardly surprising if one considers that authors have a rather prominent relationship to books. As a consequence, books can play either major or minor roles in novels and sometimes, they even can be the main focus of the whole narrative. A suitable example of this is the Thursday Next-series by Jasper Fforde, 5 in which physical books, as well as (fictional) characters from famous novels become important in the story-telling. Another, perhaps more well-known example, is Umberto Eco s Name of the Rose. In this novel, the location of the story, a Benedictine monastery, its library and its books, can be regarded as a major character. These are just a few of many examples where books as physical objects assume important roles in novels. 6 Books, as well as different aspects of book culture in general, also feature prominently in television comedy shows. 2 Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser, Buchwissenschaft, Metzler Lexikon Literatur- und Kulturtheorie: Ansätze Personen Grundbegriffe, ed. Ansgar Nünning, 5th ed. (Stuttgart, 2013), 91-92, Ursula Rautenberg, Das Buch in der Alltagskultur: Eine Annäherung an zeichenhaften Buchgebrauch und die Medialität des Buches, Buchkulturen: Beiträge zur Geschichte der Literaturvermittlung. Festschrift für Reinhard Wittmann, eds Monika Estermann, Ernst Fischer and Ute Schneider (Wiesbaden, 2005), Rautenberg, Das Buch in der Alltagskultur, 488. Vereinfachend kann man sagen, dass im Fall der primären Buchnutzung Sprach- und Bildzeichen im Buch gelesen werden, während die sekundäre Buchnutzung ein Lesen symbolischer Buchzeichen ist. 5 For example Jasper Fforde, The Eyre Affair, London, A useful list of quotations of novels which are concerned with books and reading can be found in Julie Rugg and Lynda Murphy, A Book Addict s Treasury, London, 2006.

123 Book Value Categories in Television Comedy Shows 97 Sometimes, books are portrayed as a basis for humour, either for just a short sketch or as a foundation of a longer narrative. It will be argued that the core of these humorous situations is almost always based on playing with the various value categories of books. 7 Value is probably one of the most problematic terms in cultural studies. It underwent several shifts in meaning and nowadays it basically refers to two ideas: The oldest and first definition simply states X is worth Y. In this formula, the value involves an exchange that is economic in nature. The second one complicates the concept of value: worth based on esteem; quality viewed in terms of importance, usefulness, desirability, etc. 8 It complicates the concept of value because this definition depends on subjective estimation and has a strong emotional element and is consequently only seldom negotiable by individuals. Further, this sort of value oftentimes appears in symbolic form and then might unfold its potential more effectively. Both concepts of value are mostly inextricably linked and should not be analysed individually but always in accordance with each other. Since the introduction of the printing press, the business of book production has gradually turned from a relatively bespoke trade with manuscripts (where the number and often also the identity of buyers were generally known) to a risky business on speculation with an unknown and highly unpredictable market. The perspective of the producer (that is the publisher) then raises the question of the value of the product and how this value can be maintained or even enhanced to incentivize its purchase. Usually, the starting point of discussions about the value of books is the value chain of publishing as it is, for example, elaborated in John Thompson s introduction to his monograph Merchants of Culture. 9 The model is straight forward: Every commodity, not just the book, follows several steps of production and each step adds some sort of value to the product. Added value then refers to certain added qualities to a product which results in a higher incentive for customers to purchase it. The added value may be real for the customer or just perceived. 10 What counts is the increase of desirability. The term added value, however, is almost euphemistic in character. The goal is to increase the appeal of the product, as this may result in higher sales figures or willingness of customers to pay more for the product. In other words, the added value is mainly concentrated on the producer and strictly economic in 7 The concept of book value categories stems from my dissertation Book Value Categories and the Adoption of Technological Changes in English Book Production, University of Münster, This article only briefly introduces this concept. 8 [V]alue, n., Oxford English Dictionary < (March 2013, accessed: 04 March 2013). 9 John Brookshire Thompson, Merchants of Culture: The Publishing Business in the Twenty- First Century, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 2012), The concepts of the value chain and its criterion of added value stem from economist Michael Porter s Competitive Advantage: Creating and Sustaining Superior Performance, New York, In fact, from the producer s point of view, only the perceived added value of the customer is of interest.

124 98 Simon Rosenberg character; any real added value for the customer can be described as a sideeffect or a means to better market the product. Thompson further uses the idea of added value to make sense of possible advantages for digital publishing, and with the reader clearly in mind, he considers the advantages of features like portability or multimedia. However, the term value itself remains vague. Thompson never clearly explains what exactly is added to what, nor does he seem to consider that the transition from analogue to digital might also have devaluating consequences. 11 The value of the book can be subdivided into three main categories: economic, content and symbolic value. Depending on the socio-cultural circumstances and the publishing category, the importance of each of these values shifts: Economic value reflects the idea that a book remains a commercial commodity after it has been purchased. Book owners retain the possibility to resell their books. This value must not be underestimated despite the fact that it is not the primary function of a book to remain a commodity. They are generally not bought to be sold again, even though certain books might increase their economic value with the passing of time. 12 Content value, especially in modern times, addresses the book s utility value 13 and focuses on the main function of the book as a container of texts, illustrations, charts etc. that can inform, entertain or edify the reader. The book functions as a tool in various specific capacities depending on the content. The content value for the reader is affected by several factors, both directly and indirectly. The format of the book may enhance the pragmatic quality. Smaller books are portable and can therefore be read in several locations, while larger books are more suitable for stationary reading or depictions of detailed maps. Illustrations may further enhance the content value if they help the 11 Thompson, Merchants of Culture, Abebooks, an online marketplace for books, offers a monthly list of their most expensive sales. In April 2014, a signed first edition of John Le Carré s Call for the Dead (London, 1961) was leading the list and was sold for USD 22,500. This illustrates that also modern novels may retain the possibility to become cherished and costly collectors items. Most Expensive Sales in April 2014 < (accessed: 8 June 2014). Interestingly, this does not apply to electronic books, where merely the licence to have access to the file is bought. 13 For the term utility value and especially the different understandings of utilitas in the Middle Ages and utility in modern times, see Ann W. Astell, On the Usefulness and Use Value of Books: A Medieval and Modern Inquiry, Medieval Rhetoric: A Casebook, ed. Scott D. Troyan (New York, 2004), Further useful contributions to the discourse of utilitas, albeit mainly on medieval and early modern books, are Klaus Schreiner, Bücher, Bibliotheken und gemeiner Nutzen im Spätmittelalter und in der Frühneuzeit: Geistesund Sozialgeschichtliche Beiträge zur Frage nach der utilitas librorum, Bibliothek und Wissenschaft, 9 (1975), ; Hagen Keller, Einführung zum Kolloquium, Der Codex im Gebrauch: Akten des internationalen Kolloquiums Juni 1992, eds Christel Meier, Dagmar Hüpper and Hagen Keller (München, 1996), 11-20, and Natalie Zemon Davis, Beyond the Market: Books as Gifts in Sixteenth-Century France, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 33 (1983),

125 Book Value Categories in Television Comedy Shows 99 understanding of the text. A sensible use of typographic features also increases the usability especially in reference works like dictionaries. Indirectly, the availability of the book is important: the faster and cheaper the book can be acquired, the easier the access to the content becomes. It even might enable more people to gain access with reduced costs. Symbolic value addresses the function of books to represent ideas, convictions and beliefs of the owner. The primary function of a book might be to disseminate and store ideas in form of signs. However, the concept of media always needs to be linked to the social and material dimension. Seen from this perspective, books are not simply tools for communication; rather, they are signs themselves, both in their symbolic and their material dimension. 14 All three values can be, and usually are, interconnected. Easy availability and a low price may enhance the content value of the book for the reader, but this, at the same time, usually decreases its economic value. Further, a book with a high economic value might automatically have a high symbolic value precisely because of its costliness as it symbolizes that the owner is wealthy and (at least supposedly) knows how to value the uniqueness of a rare book. Symbolic and economic value in this case become inseparable. This, however, depends on the content as well. If the owner has spent much money on a text that is not accepted in a specific social group, then the economic value does not increase the symbolic value. A striking, albeit fictional, example to illustrate differences in value is offered in Paul Auster s novel Moon Palace, published in The narrator of the story, Marco Fogg, describes his feelings when selling the books he inherited from his uncle to the New York bookseller Chandler: Chandler drove hard bargains, and his understanding of books was so different from mine that I barely knew what to say to him. For me, books were not the containers of words so much as the words themselves, and the value of a given book was determined by its spiritual quality rather than its physical condition. A dog-eared Homer was worth more than a spanking Virgil, for example; three volumes of Descartes were worth less than one by Pascal. Those were essential distinctions for me, but for Chandler they did not exist. A book was no more than an object to him, a thing that belonged to the world of things, and as such it was not radically different from a shoebox, a toilet plunger, or a coffeepot. Each time I brought in another portion of Uncle Victor s library, the old man would go into his routine. Fingering the books with contempt, perusing the spines, hunting for marks and blemishes, he never failed to give the impression of someone handling a pile of filth. That was how the game worked. By degrading the goods, Chandler could offer rock-bottom prices. After thirty years of practice, he had the pose down pat, a repertoire of mutterings and asides, of wincings, tongue-clicks, and sad shakes of the head. The act was designed to make me feel the worthlessness of my own judgment, to shame me into recognizing the audacity of having presented these books to him in the first place. 14 Christian J. Emden and Gabriele Rippl, Introduction: Image, Text and Simulation, ImageScapes: Studies in Intermediality, eds Christian J. Emden and Gabriele Rippl (Bern, 2010), 1-18, Paul Auster, Moon Palace, London, 1989.

126 100 Simon Rosenberg Are you telling me you want money for these things? Do you expect money from the garbage man when he carts away your trash? 16 This passage is interesting because Auster obviously plays with the various concepts of book value. The narrator evaluates the books purely by the content or spiritual quality and completely disregards any blemishes of the physical product, whereas Chandler, the bookseller, is interested in the physical quality of the containers. Even if this can be ascribed to the behaviour of a cold businessman, the dichotomy of these two characters concerning the value of the book is telling. The value and general understanding of books and reading in society are often used in comedy to create humorous situations. The idea of humour itself has been extensively discussed by scholars of several disciplines (for example philosophy, psychology and philology) for a long time. The term itself derives from the Latin word humor, fluid, and the ancient concept of the four bodily fluids of blood, phlegm, black bile and yellow bile. It was assumed that the balance of these fluids affected the temper of a person. The term humour then had a derogatory notion implying that the person would suffer from a deviation of the normal temperament. 17 Ancient philosophers, most prominently Aristotle and Plato, argued that laughter derived from a feeling of superiority and was consequently a sign of arrogance and vanity and can almost be described as aggressive. It is interesting to note that modern philosophers and psychologists have still not agreed whether humour is an emotion or not. 18 Also, and perhaps even more interesting, there is still no generally accepted theory of what humour is and how it works. That has not stopped people from trying to theorize the nature of humour. Today there are three main approaches to this topic. 19 The first, the above-mentioned notion that laughter signifies vanity, may be ascribed to the modern superiority theory, which is the oldest approach to humour. This theory claims that laughter as a result from humour is instilled by the idea that persons in the brunt of the joke show a lack of intelligence with their deeds or words. 20 Representatives of this theory are Aristotle, Thomas Hobbes and Henri Bergson. However, this theory is not applicable to all forms of humour. Humorous puns or epigrams, for example, may create a humorous stimulus that does not enable a comparison to create a feeling of superiority. The second theory can be labelled as release theory, of which Sigmund Freud is the most prominent representative. This theory puts the recipient of a humorous story at the centre. According to this theory, laughter is merely an 16 Auster, Moon Palace, Noël Carroll, Humour: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2014), Carroll, Humour, Beate Müller, Komik und Komiktheorien, Metzler Lexikon Literatur- und Kulturtheorie: Ansätze Personen Grundbegriffe, ed. Ansgar Nünning, 5th ed. (Stuttgart, 2013), , Carroll, Humour, 6-16.

127 Book Value Categories in Television Comedy Shows 101 outlet for conflicts between culture and instinct-driven urges which can be defined as Triebwelt. 21 However, the third theory is the most accepted and is known as the incongruity theory. In essence, it claims that a situation becomes comic when something happens that does not suit the generally accepted concept of what the narrative is describing: According to the incongruity theory, what is key to comic amusement is a deviation from some presupposed norm that is to say, an anomaly or an incongruity relative to some framework governing the ways in which we think the world is or should be. Sometimes this idea is stated in terms of a subversion of expectation. 22 In order to understand the humour in a joke or sketch, the recipients are required to think simultaneously on two levels, and hopefully, they are quick enough to see the connection. 23 The incongruity theory is especially helpful to analyse humorous situations in television comedy shows with book-related material at its core. Probably the most obvious example can be found in the British sitcom Black Books, created by Dylan Moran and Gary Linehan in The series is set in a London bookstore owned by the Irish shopkeeper Bernard Black. The first moments of the first episode set the tone for the whole series. 24 Black, sitting at his improvised cash register (a table with many books, a filled ashtray and rubbish on it) and smoking a cigarette, is talking on the phone to his accountant when a customer approaches him. Black is obviously annoyed by the customer, and rather than asking the customer to wait for a moment, he writes down the words on phone on a note and sticks it on his forehead, leaving the customer dumbfounded. When the phone conversation is over, the customer is finally able to ask his question: CUSTOMER Those books how much the leather-bound ones. BLACK Yes, Dickens. The collected works of Charles Dickens. CUSTOMER Are they real leather? BLACK They re real Dickens! CUSTOMER I have to know if they re real leather because they have to go with the sofa. Everything else in my house is real. I ll give you 200 for them. Black, now finally convinced that his bad feeling about this customer was right all along, rubs his eyes trying to get this situation over as soon as possible. BLACK 200 what? CUSTOMER 200 pounds! BLACK Are they leather-bound pounds? CUSTOMER No! 21 Müller, Komik und Komiktheorien, Carroll, Humour, Müller, Komik und Komiktheorien, Black Books, Season 1, Episode 1, Cooking the Books, first aired 29 September 2000.

128 102 Simon Rosenberg BLACK Sorry, I need leather-bound pounds to go with my wallet. Next! [Rings the bell on his desk.] The scene not only reveals the misanthropic character of Bernard Black, but also Black the bibliophile. Detecting an obviously wealthy man only interested in books as wallpaper to impress guests is not a good enough customer for his books. The situation is quite an obvious play on economic and content value: Charles Dickens, one of the most highly regarded British authors of all time, does not need any justification. The potential purchaser, however, is exclusively interested in the materiality of the binding. Black is trying to express the value of the content with his answer: They re real Dickens! But for the customer, it is not even about the symbolic value, in this case cultural capital, of the books. 25 Since the potential client is putting the utmost importance on the binding ( it has to go with the sofa ) and refers to the books simply as [t]hose books, he completely devalues the collected works of Charles Dickens by reducing the books to nothing more than expensive decoration. Black is so outraged by this that he is not interested in the money of this philistine, which in essence makes him a bad salesman as it should not be of his concern why a customer wants to buy something from him. According to the superiority theory, the scene is funny because it reveals the customer s unawareness of and indifference towards Dickens s worth in the literary world. However, the incongruity theory reveals a more interesting situation, wherein the bookseller sarcastically equates his attitude to money with that of the customer s attitude towards Dickens: the importance of the materiality combined with the aesthetic compatibility to the area surrounding it. The Simpsons, the world s longest-running cartoon series until today with 25 seasons to date, offers many examples where the book and elements surrounding the world of the book play a vital part. The show s success can be attributed to its sometimes wicked commentary on contemporary social, cultural and political developments in America, but also around the world. 26 In the classic Simpsons episode HOMR, 27 the main character Homer Simpson, devoted husband, loving father with a weakness for food and an inclination to laziness, finds out that a crayon which he had inserted through 25 For Bourdieu s different forms of capital, see Pierre Bourdieu, Ökonomisches Kapital, kulturelles Kapital, soziales Kapital, Soziale Ungleichheiten, ed. Reinhard Kreckel (Göttingen, 1983), ; Bourdieu, Sozialer Sinn: Kritik der theoretischen Vernunft (Frankfurt am Main, 1987), Over the years, The Simpsons have been subject to numerous books which approach scientific topics exemplified by the Simpsons. Notably Steven Keslowitz, The World According to the Simpsons: What Our Favorite TV Family Says About Life, Love and the Pursuit of the Perfect Donut, Naperville, Illinois, 2006, and Simon Singh, The Simpsons and their Mathematical Secrets, London, The series also affected politics as George Bush uttered in a speech in 1992 the famous words: We are going to keep on trying to strengthen the American family to make American families a lot more like the Waltons and a lot less like the Simpsons. Quoted in Singh, The Simpsons and their Mathematical Secrets, The Simpsons, Season 12, Episode 9, HOMR, first aired 7 January 2001.

129 Book Value Categories in Television Comedy Shows 103 his nose as a kid is still stuck in his brain. As it turns out, the crayon is responsible for Homer s limited intelligence. After it has been removed, his capability to think and to access stored information quickly resumes. When he returns to his family after the removal of the crayon, he proudly announces his improved intelligence. It quickly becomes obvious that along with the resumed intelligence, his habits change, too. Usually, Homer Simpson is seen on the couch watching television or drinking beer at a bar, when he is not working. However, after he announces the removal of the crayon, he asks his family: Now, who s up for a trip to the library tomorrow? What is broken here and can thus be ascribed to the incongruity theory is the deviation from Homer s usual pastime habits. The added notion after the invitation to the library stresses this: Notice? I no longer say liberry. Homer is obviously aware of his past disinterest in libraries as he either did not know how to accurately pronounce the word or did not care in the first place. In the same episode, the stereotypical and uneducated hillbilly Cletus Delroy Spuckler enters the library while Homer and his eight-year-old daughter, the bright, liberal and intellectually gifted Lisa Simpson, 28 are already enjoying their books. Lisa expresses her surprise to see the yokel in there, as it seems unlikely that he would be interested in reading. However, as the camera follows Spuckler, the audience witnesses how he puts a live turtle on a table, takes a big book from a library shelf, holds it above his head while addressing the animal: Now hold still, nothing cracks a turtle like Leon Uris. This joke works on several levels: on the one hand, the use of the material book to smash the shell of the turtle rather than just reading the book s content; and, on the other hand, the ridiculing remark about the author Leon Uris, who was famous for his rather extensive novels of historical fiction. 29 While it can almost be expected that Cletus is not visiting the library for reading, the actual reason is so bizarre that it still surprises the audience. Added to that, the audience probably cannot help realizing that the joke is about cruelly killing an innocent animal, probably in order to be eaten. The fact that the hillbilly knows Leon Uris and obviously the extent of his novels, clearly contradicts the persona of the dim-witted yokel. In another Simpsons episode, The Monkey Suit, 30 the controversial (and still on-going) discussion of Evolution versus Creationism in America s educational system is addressed. In order to draw more people into the church, Reverend Lovejoy, pastor of the Protestant Church in Springfield, the (fictional) hometown of the Simpson family, includes creationism in the curriculum of Springfield s elementary school. Lisa Simpson is outraged that something unscientific can be taught in school to compete with Darwin s evolution theory. Consequently, she brings up the topic in class by asking: How can you teach the Book of Genesis as a scientific theory? Her question is answered by school principle Skinner who shows the class a video entitled So You re Calling God a 28 It needs to be stressed that the characters in The Simpsons do not age. 29 The novel that Cletus uses to smash the turtle is Uris Ireland-saga Trinity published in Its first edition extended to 700 pages. 30 The Simpsons, Season 17, Episode 21, The Monkey Suit, first aired 14 May 2006.

130 104 Simon Rosenberg Liar: An Unbiased Comparison of Evolution and Creationism. The video briefly compares the Bible and Darwin s theory by juxtaposing the books and its authors. It begins with an introduction to the books in question on a theatre stage: The Bible slowly descends from above, gently hovering mid-air in a spotlight with a halo above it, emanating gentle beams of light. On its cover, the words Holy Bible are depicted in golden Gothic type with a thin decorative frame surrounding the title. A red ribbon between the pages functioning as a bookmark can be seen. The copy is clearly a hardcover. The whole presentation is accompanied by an ethereal choir singing soothing harmonies. The introduction of The Origin of Species is less delicate. Next to the Bible, flames shoot up from the floor and a filthy, greyish book, apparently a paperback and an overall less exquisite book, emerges from the flames. On its cover, in red dripping letters, suggesting blood, the title Origin of Species is depicted. The previous sung harmonies are instantly replaced by heavily distorted and aggressive electric guitar chords. Although the point that the video is trying to make is clear, the narrator introduces the books as such: Let s say hi to two books: One, the Bible, was written by our Lord. The other, The Origin of Species, was written by a cowardly drunk named Charles Darwin. Enraged and disappointed, Lisa raises the issue the next week in a town meeting. However, her claim that it is not acceptable to teach one single truth is not met with the desired outcome. After her teacher, Miss Hoover, announces that it has been decided that only creationism is to be taught in school, she adds: Now please hand in your evolution books to groundskeeper Willie while I beat this ominous drum. In the next shot, Miss Hoover is seen from a low angle beating a slow rhythm on a huge drum. The light throws a large and threatening shadow behind her, which creates a bleak and dangerous atmosphere reminiscent of an execution of a convicted person. Groundskeeper Willie then comes into the classroom and collects all the books in a sack, while Lisa surreptitiously clings to her copy of Origin of Species and successfully saves it. Later, she starts disseminating pamphlets in school, addressed to the Dear Seekers of Truth and urges pupils to congregate in the school s single purpose room (a comedic nod to multi-purpose rooms in schools). With only a handful of pupils present, she starts the meeting by opening her copy of Origin of Species and starts reading from it. Only a few seconds later, the door is kicked open by the Springfield police and they immediately arrest Lisa for the teaching of nonbiblical science. Consequently, Lisa is being accused of breaking the law and has to defend her convictions. Obviously, this episode addresses several aspects that are discussed in book history. The presentation of the books in question is ridiculously excessive to stress the credibility of their contents: A cheap, nasty looking paperback in juxtaposition with a de luxe bible copy with a (literal) halo effect leaves almost no room for discussion which book is to be preferred. The more serious topic addresses the oppression of freedom of speech and censorship which is, again, excessively demonstrated with the clandestine reading group consisting of

131 Book Value Categories in Television Comedy Shows 105 eight-year-olds, who are consequently arrested for spreading and discussing illegal reading material. The next example is set in the future and also broaches the issue of the materiality of the book. In 1998, Matt Groening, creator of The Simpsons, launched a television cartoon sitcom named Futurama. It is set in the United States in the thirty-first century, to be more precise in New New York; the Old New York having been destroyed by an alien invasion and New New York built atop its ruins. The main protagonist, Philip J. Fry, was accidentally frozen in New York in the late twentieth century and, when unfrozen, finds himself in the thirty-first century. He eventually befriends Professor Farnsworth (who is actually his very distant nephew), 31 the robot Bender and the one-eyed and purple-haired woman Leela. Fry starts working with them as a delivery boy for Planet Express, an intergalactic delivery service. In the eleventh episode of this series, 32 Fry and his new colleagues visit Mars University to deliver a package. While the crew is walking towards their destination, Professor Farnsworth lectures his employees on the importance of the university. Within its walls, the university also holds the Wong Library, which is famous for the largest collection of literature in the Western universe. The audience witnesses how Fry is looking awestruck through a window of the library, and afterwards his view is revealed. He sees a large room with four pillars reminiscent of ancient buildings like the Parthenon. However, the room appears to be empty except for a table which is located at the other side of the room. The camera zooms in to reveal two discs on the table, one labelled FICTION and the other NON-FICTION. Fry approvingly whistles in admiration. This example obviously plays with the idea of book collections. Hearing the term largest collection of literature, one might be reminded of the Library of Alexandria, itself known as the largest and most significant library in ancient times. When it is revealed that the literature is simply stored as digital files on two discs, separated into fiction and non-fiction, the expectations of the viewer are violently crushed. The scene cleverly plays with the incongruity that is created in the mind of the audience: What can be expected is miles of library shelves filled with leather-bound folios from the bottom to the top. This would indicate that literature is still not seen as just the content, but that it is also related to a material object in the form of the codex, either handwritten or printed. From the audience s perspective, a digital storage device in form of a little disc which contains all of the fictional texts in the world might not be impressive at all and ultimately disappointing. The presence of physical books itself is also a vital part of what makes texts valuable. Various studies have indicated a correlation between the mere presence of physical books in a household and school success 31 The professor s name is obviously a nod to the American electronic television pioneer Philo Farnsworth. 32 Futurama, Season 1, Episode 11, Mars University, first aired 3 October 1999.

132 106 Simon Rosenberg of children living in it. 33 Whether two discs containing the largest collection of literature in the Western universe can have the same effect remains to be seen. Libraries have further effects as places of book humour as the next example illustrates. It is taken from the popular US sitcom Friends, which first aired in The show deals with a group of six main characters and their everyday lives. The example in question focuses on the character Ross, who has a PhD in palaeontology. 34 When he finds out that the area in the library where his doctoral dissertation is located is being used by young students to fool around, he is agitated and adamant in protecting the sanctity of the library and his doctoral thesis. The librarians admit that they are aware of the problem but that they are unable to prevent this from happening as they are understaffed. As a consequence, Ross decides to play vigilante and patrols the library, accosting every student who might be a potential threat to the library s code of conduct. On one occasion, when he sees an attractive woman in the vicinity of his book, he quickly questions her as well. Since she acts like she is in this part of the library for research purposes only, Ross decides to quiz her in order to convict her of the crime by disclosing insufficient knowledge about palaeontology. As it turns out, the woman is actually very well informed in the topic, and not only is she familiar with Ross s dissertation, but she admires it and has always wondered what the author looked like. As can be expected from here on, Ross succumbs to the lure of spontaneous sexual desire and, ironically, is caught by security and presented to the librarian. Obviously, libraries have a special charm of their own, and next to economic, content and symbolic value other values too. The erotic charm of the library is also a theme in other narratives. Siri Hustvedt briefly focuses on this in her novel The Summer without Men: Libraries are sexual dream factories. The languor brings it on. The body must adjust its position a leg crossed, a palm leaned upon, a back stretched but the body is going nowhere. The reading and the looking up from one s reading brings it on; the mind leaves the book and meanders onto a thigh or an elbow, real or imagined. The gloom of the stacks brings it on with its suggestion of the hidden. The dry odor of paper and bindings and very possibly the smell of old glue bring it on. 35 Apparently, Ross, initially trying to protect the sacred palace of knowledge from indecency and gross misbehaviour, eventually gives in to the temptation described by Hustvedt. The episode plays with the symbolic value of the book. In the case of Ross s dissertation, the location in the university library enhances this symbolic value. The fact that students use the aisle of Ross s book to fool around threatens this enhanced value. The irony that Ross is trying to protect his book from this danger and at the same time succumbs to sexual desire which 33 Adriaan van der Weel, e-roads and i-ways: A Sociotechnical Look at User Acceptance of E-Books, Logos, (2010), 47-57, Friends, Season 7, Episode 7, The One with Ross s Library Book, first aired 16 November Siri Hustvedt, The Summer without Men (New York, 2011), 61.

133 Book Value Categories in Television Comedy Shows 107 is only enabled precisely because the symbolic value of his dissertation is evident. Eroticism also plays a part in the next example, albeit in quite a different form. This example is taken from the series Seinfeld, which was created by Larry David and Jerry Seinfeld in The series focuses on the everyday life of Jerry Seinfeld, a New York comedian, and his friends in New York City. In an early episode, Seinfeld s best friend George visits him after he broke up with his girlfriend. 36 Despite his relief that he finally got rid of her, George is somewhat annoyed that she still has some of his books in her apartment. According to George, it would be too dangerous to return there to get them, as something sexual might happen and he would be forced to re-start the relationship. Jerry s advice is to forget about the books: JERRY Did you read them? GEORGE Yes. JERRY So, what do you need em for? GEORGE Well, they re books! JERRY What is this obsession people have with books? They put em in their houses like they are trophies. What do you need it for after you read it? GEORGE They re my books! Finally, George convinces Jerry to get his books for him. Ultimately, Jerry indeed succumbs to the sexual attraction of George s ex-girlfriend and has to maintain a somewhat superficial relationship with her, which very soon wears him down. George cannot help but feel a bit smug witnessing this development and halfheartedly explains that it is not his fault. Jerry replies in a sarcastic tone: No, no, it s not your fault and then mimics George: Books, books! I need my books! Finally, to emphasize his initial point concerning the uselessness of clinging to books, Jerry exclaims: Have you read those books yet by the way? You see, the great thing when you read Moby Dick the second time: Ahab and the whale become good friends! Jerry, aware of the dangers of getting back possessions from the ex-partner, is initially hesitant about George s plea to retrieve the books. Since George has already read the books that he wants back, Jerry fails to see the significance of the books. George s reply Well, they re books! does indeed sound a bit weak in comparison to the inquiry of Jerry. In his argument, books are mere containers of information that, once read, are basically useless and probably even a waste of space. He even ridicules George when he ironically states that Ahab and the whale become good friends when reading Moby Dick the second time. Obviously, the content in the (physical) book does not change; something which weakens the idea of a book in Jerry s mind. George, on the other hand, sees more in books: Maybe he will cherish a second reading or at least he will use the books as trophies in his bookshelf, as Jerry puts it. In other words, George treasures the content and symbolic value of his books, Jerry does not see 36 Seinfeld, Season 2, Episode 1, The Ex-Girlfriend, first aired 23 January 1991.

134 108 Simon Rosenberg the relevance of symbolic value at all and only sees their limited content value once the books have been read. Therefore, he is degrading the book as a flawed and maybe even outdated medium. A proverbial goldmine of book-related gags can be found in the classic comedy series Monty Python s Flying Circus, which aired from The show achieved fame by consciously breaking many rules of (then) traditional television and by applying humour from the very silly side of the humour spectrum to the intellectual side. 37 While in some sketches, physical books play a vital role, in others, it is the practice of reading that provides the basis for comic relief. For centuries, reading books out loud has been used to enable illiterate people access to written material. In a group of people, only one person needs to be literate and everybody else can listen to the text. The power of the reader then is potentially large: From an entertaining perspective, a good reader can enhance the impact of the text by adequately using his or her voice to enhance the atmosphere of a story. The reader has even more power as he can change the content of the text or leave out passages to protect the listeners from inappropriate content. In their third season, Monty Python made fun of the popular BBC4 radio show Book at Bedtime. 38 The opening of the show is established as being rather serious with the reader, introduced as Jeremy Toogood and played by Michael Palin, sitting in a big brown leather armchair in a distinguished room with a serious look on his face, about to read from Sir Walter Scott s Redgauntlet. But it soon becomes apparent that the gag drifts into silliness when he has trouble reading out the second word, sunset, and even struggles with the pronunciation of was. It gets worse with the next word dying, and it becomes clear that the reader is not able to read aloud (or able to read in general). At this point a man walks into the room, grabs the book and re-reads the first sentence in a professional manner. However, he also has his problems with the second sentence and is equally flawed as a reader. Suddenly, a third person enters the scene, looks over the shoulder of the second reader and helps with the right pronunciation of crimson-streaked sky. Almost annoyed, he takes the book and continues the reading for a second, before he also struggles with the next words. This gag stretches over the whole episode, interrupted by several other gags. Whenever the gag is re-visited, even more people are busy trying to decipher the words and find the right meaning and pronunciation. The gag is concluded at the end of the episode, where approximately 20 people slowly but 37 The relevance of Monty Python s humour in British popular culture is stressed by the inclusion of the term Pythonesque in the Oxford English Dictionary which is defined as [r]elating to, characteristic of, or reminiscent of Monty Python s Flying Circus, a popular British television comedy series of the 1970s, noted esp. for its absurd or surreal humour. Pythonesque, adj., Oxford English Dictionary < (December 2007, accessed: 7 May 2014). 38 Monty Python s Flying Circus, Season 3, Episode 12, A Book at Bedtime, first aired 11 January 1973; Book at Bedtime < (accessed: 7 May 2014). The first episode of the radio show aired in 1949.

135 Book Value Categories in Television Comedy Shows 109 steadily read in unison the last words of the book. The initial idea of reading out loud to a television audience has taken a rather bizarre turn. Not only is the apparent incongruity between the rather serious looks of the readers and their infantile behaviour a reason for comic effect, but also the curious development of readers who become listeners themselves, who are curious as to where the story is leading and amazed at the melodies and pronunciation of the words. The quality of the joke is subtly enhanced by the physical aspect of the book: It fits perfectly well into this serious-looking surrounding. It is a leather-bound tome that initially rests on the lap of the reader, but the more the sketch progresses, the more the book is held like a children s book. The symbolic value that is hinted at with the material aspect is incongruous with the handling of it. This incongruity is reversed in another Monty Python-sketch. Whereas Book at Bedtime is mainly addressed to adults, the fictitious show Storytime is a reading programme for young children. 39 This is forced upon the audience right from the beginning, where animated bunnies jump around in a friendly cartoon-like landscape with giant flowers and a big bright sun in the background. The accompanying music, an upbeat childlike melody guarantees that this point is not missed. The introduction cuts to the reader of the show, in this case Eric Idle, who is sitting in a very friendly brightly-coloured children s room decorated with wallpaper with flower patterns. The reader looks into the camera and asks the children if they are ready so he can begin the story. Picking up the book from his lap he starts reading. All seems to go well at first as the listeners are confronted with stereotypical names of characters and places: One day, Ricky the magic Pixie went to visit Daisy Bumble in her tumble-down cottage. However, the story takes a sharp turn into a steamy erotic, if not pornographic narrative: He found her in the bedroom. Roughly he grabbed her heaving shoulders, pulling her down onto the bed and ripping off her The reader, initially unaware of the content of the story, decides to stop reading before he discloses even more inappropriate material. He then skips to another story and the gag is effectively repeated several times again: Each time, the story starts with typical fairy tale characters and then introduces a gross sexual reference. Unnerved, the reader flips through the book, uttering in awe and disgust all the inappropriate developments of the alleged children s stories. The incongruity here again is obvious as the inappropriate story-lines clearly diverge from traditional children s stories. The effect is strengthened by the introduction of the sketch, the overall presentation of the surrounding of the reader as well as his fairy-tale telling voice, which he maintains even while reading the inappropriate content. The sketch ends with the reader pausing at one page, then holding the book vertically and exclaiming: With a melon? The audience do not get to see what the reader is seeing, but the way the reader holds the book, reminiscent of centrefolds of nude pin-up girls suggests an illustration of deeply erotic if not a pornographic nature. One can clearly see that the reader is holding a children s book suggesting symbolic value signifying 39 Monty Python s Flying Circus, Season 1, Episode 3, How to Recognise Different Types of Trees From Quite a Long Way Away, first aired 19 October 1969.

136 110 Simon Rosenberg innocent stories with illustrations. The way the book is handled is strongly incongruous and concludes the sketch with a non-verbal punch-line. Fig. 1: Monty Python s Flying Circus, Storytime. Courtesy of Python (Monty) Pictures Limited 40 An awareness of the different categories of book values is certainly helpful for a better understanding of the role of the book in the past and the present. They can help, for instance, to discuss the adoption of technological innovations in book production. 41 They can also help to address the role of the book in fiction. The examined examples are, obviously, only fragmentary and could be expanded: The famous Hungarian phrasebook sketch by Monty Python, in which a dictionary translates the most mundane questions into nonsensical ( my hovercraft is full of eels! ) or inappropriate references ( Please fondle my bum! ), plays with content value and the trust of people using it. 42 The American show The Office shows a character buying an e-reader as he sees the added values in the new technology. However, as he works for a paper company, he hides the newly bought gadget from his fellow workers and pretends that he has bought disturbing pornographic magazines so they will not look into his shopping bag. 43 In Little Britain, the recurring character Mr Mann, who always has a too specific idea of the product he wants to buy, enters a bookstore and asks for a book about medieval English music dating between 1356 and Though he is indifferent about the book being a paperback or hardback, he is 40 I would like to express my gratitude to Holly Gilliam for permission to reproduce the screenshot from Monty Python s Flying Circus; copyright is held by Python (Monty) Pictures Limited. 41 Rosenberg, Book Value Categories and the Adoption of Technological Changes. 42 Monty Python s Flying Circus, Season 2, Episode 12, Spam, first aired 15 December The sketch concludes with the publisher pleading incompetence. 43 The Office, Season 7, Episode 13, Ultimatum, first aired 20 January Little Britain, Season 2, Episode 4, first aired 9 November 2004.

137 Book Value Categories in Television Comedy Shows 111 disappointed that the book has 312 pages, as he was hoping for 306 pages and wonders whether the author might rewrite the book leaving out all the o s to save six pages. The sketch concludes with Mr Mann dropping all limitations of his request and buying every book in the shop. It seems almost ironic that the medium television uses the medium book at the core of some comedic narratives, since television has always been, and still remains, one of the most potent competitors of the book for attention in leisure activities. Nevertheless, all these examples show that the book is highly compatible with humour. This can be explained that every joke needs a premise for the audience to understand. Only then, this premise can be broken to achieve comic amusement. Book value categories form this premise in most of the discussed sketches. As has been pointed out, incongruity of these values is mostly the reason for comic effect. It can be concluded that the authors of these sketches play with a commonly accepted set of values, at least for their anticipated audience. From the doubted usability of the then new codex format in the early Middle Ages to the praise of solely digitally stored content in a future library, comedy enables the audience in the present to become aware of their concepts of book values.

138

139 II. Moments

140

141 A Tale of Two Odos: The Development of a Lollard Authority Anne Hudson, University of Oxford Abstract An analysis of Wycliffite writings ascribed to Odo reveals two possible authors: the wellknown Odo of Cheriton, author of sermons quoted in several Latin and English texts, and the lesser known Odo of Chateauroux, whose commentary on the Psalter only survives in one manuscript in England. De Odonibus. Odones multos in Britannia nostra floruisse, omnesque uiros clarae eruditionis fuisse ex antiquorum autorum lectione probe didici Ego tamen, ne magnum scriptorum numerum adfectare uidear, ex multis paucos pro meo instituto ab iniuria obliuionis uindicabo [The Odos. Many men having the name Odo have flourished in our land of Britain, and I have learnt well from my reading of ancient authorities that they were all men of brilliant scholarship. In order not to seem to aim at a vast number of writers, however, I shall defend for my purposes only a few of the many from the damage of oblivion]. 1 Wyclif s followers in England were in no doubt about the proper order of authorities. The primacy of the Bible, especially of the gospels and epistles, was absolute and unchallenged; after this the early fathers, Augustine, Jerome, Gregory, Ambrose are cited (roughly in that order of frequency) who were the best witnesses to the understanding and practice of the early church; slightly later writers such as Bede, Rabanus Maurus, Remigius were respected, but often declaredly as reiterating or transmitting the teaching of the four fathers. 2 The commentary on Matthew accepted by them as genuine Chrysostom, but in its Latin form pseudonymous, was a considerable favourite. 3 Closer to their own time, and after the decline of church practice that they perceived, the preeminent author was Grosseteste, Lincolniensis, whom they saw as a 1 John Leland: De uiris illustribus / On Famous Men, ed. and trans. James P. Carley (Toronto, 2010), , no 180. For more on Leland s knowledge, see below Section III. For British writers with this first name, see Richard Sharpe, A Handlist of the Latin Writers of Great Britain and Ireland before 1540 (Turnhout, 1997), , nos See Gustav A. Benrath, Wyclifs Bibelkommentar, Berlin, 1966, references in Anne Hudson, The Premature Reformation: Wycliffite Texts and Lollard History (Oxford, 1988), , , and Kantik Ghosh, The Wycliffite Heresy: Authority and the Interpretation of Texts, Oxford, 2002, and A Companion to John Wyclif, ed. Ian C. Levy, Leiden, For the acknowledged secondary status of Bede and others, see Hudson, Five Problems in Wycliffite Texts and a Suggestion, Medium Aevum, 80 (2011), , For the text, see pseudo-chrysostomus, Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum, in Patrologia Graeca, vol. 56, ed. Jacques Paul Migne (Paris, 1859), cols ; the introduction to a new edition by Joop van Banning, Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum, Turnhout, 1988, is very helpful on manuscripts, but unfortunately the promised text has never appeared.

142 116 Anne Hudson precursor of their own views and whom they quoted with considerable frequency whether in English or in Latin. 4 Less cited but still writers to whom respect was felt to be due were Anselm, Bernard, FitzRalph 5 ; rarely named but used in more fundamental ways than the silence might be thought to imply were Lombard and, perhaps more surprisingly, Aquinas. 6 Most of these names are familiar enough now to anyone working in the medieval period. Less easy for many to place is Odo, a name attached to a number of quotations, some of them of considerable length, in various Lollard works. The purpose of this paper is to try to sort out the sources of the quotations that are attributed to Odo, and to explain briefly the reasons for Lollard interest in them. Important in that attempt is that passages are of named attribution; there is no attempt here to chart unsignalled borrowings. To an English medievalist Odo as a writer is likely to be conjectured as Odo of Cheriton, living from the 1180s until 1247, student and then master at the University of Paris, and for around the last 14 years of his life working in England. This Odo is the last mentioned by Leland, and his only comment is that he was multarum concionum non infelix scriptor [a stylistically gifted author of many sermons]. He left nearly two hundred sermons, most of them attested in several manuscripts, and a much more popular collection of Narrationes usually known now as his fables, a collection that was widely influential on later didactic collections; a commentary Super cantica canticorum survives in four continental manuscripts. 7 As might be expected, Lollard writers show no interest in the last work, and would be expected to have disapproved of 4 The work of Samuel Harrison Thomson on Grosseteste (notably The Writings of Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, , Cambridge, 1940) was in the first place an offshoot of his study of Wyclif. For a summary of the debt to Grosseteste, see Hudson, Wyclif and the Grosseteste Legacy at Oxford Greyfriars, Robert Grosseteste: His Thought and its Impact, ed. Jack P. Cunningham (Toronto, 2012), and references there given. 5 These three appear in several places in the Glossed Gospels, a Lollard group of texts used here in the second part of the essay, and in numerous other Lollard texts. 6 Lombard appears in the same group of texts under the usual medieval title of Master of Sentences. Aquinas is cited by Wyclif occasionally, but almost always with respect, sometimes as St Thomas (as, for instance, De civili dominio, eds Reginald L. Poole and Johann Loserth, 4 vols [London, ], I, 331/29, 339/5, 423/9; II, 63/26 etc.; the first number refers to the page number, the second to the line number). 7 For Cheriton we are still heavily dependent on the work of Albert C. Friend. Best known is his paper Master Odo of Cheriton, Speculum, 23 (1948), , and this draws on his otherwise unpublished Oxford DPhil thesis The Life and Unprinted Works of Master Odo of Cheriton, Diss. Oxford University, 1936; the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography entry by Brian J. Levy ( Cheriton, Odo of [1180s-1246] < January 2008, accessed: 6 December 2013) provides little new information on his life. No systematic edition of any of Odo s writings has yet been published, though studies of medieval exemplary stories and editions of sermons that draw upon them often mention Odo s fables.

143 A Tale of Two Odos 117 the popular fables. 8 As will emerge, Cheriton s sermons were quoted at least occasionally; unfortunately, those sermons have not been edited, and it is clear from the cataloguing work so far done that manuscripts often preserve only a selection, and that the selection can vary considerably. 9 It becomes clear, however, that not all Lollard references to Odo can be identified with Cheriton. In two copies of the Lollard Glossed Gospels as these are preserved are found a number of quotations, many long, of Odo on the Psalms with the relevant number always provided. Cheriton is not known to have written either commentary or sermons on the Psalter. But Odo of Chateauroux, better known with his first name in French guise as Eudes, did compose such a commentary on the Psalms, very well distributed in France but with only a single copy now extant in England. 10 Chateauroux turns out to have been the source for the Glossed Gospels. These writers lived long before the late fourteenth century, and only the first, and he, despite the words of John Leland quoted at the head of this paper, only by a generous estimate, can be considered a familiar figure in later biblical exegesis in England; ironically this is the fifth Odo in Leland. It will be worth examining each case in more detail with various questions in mind. Given that use of both can be proved, how and where are the citations deployed? Why should a Lollard writer have found those citations useful or attractive? What does the use of the author imply about the circumstances in which the citation was acquired? Are there any similarities to other favourite sources of the Lollards? The first composite question needs to be considered separately for each; the remainder can be taken together. To avoid ambiguity over Odo, I will normally use the forms Cheriton and Chateauroux to refer to each of them but it is important to remember that those locations are not found in the medieval texts scribes, and necessarily their readers, know both writers simply as Odo. I Cheriton appears to be the source of five passages ascribed simply to Odo in the Lollard handbook known as Floretum 11 ; this latter was almost certainly in turn 8 Lollard views on fables are summarized in Hudson, Premature Reformation, , 387, reflecting Wyclif s views in, for instance, Polemical Works, ed. Rudolf Buddensieg, 2 vols (London, 1883), I, 52/11, 183/9. 9 The most useful listing is in Johannes Baptist Schneyer, Repertorium der lateinischen Sermones des Mittelalters, vol. 4 (Münster, 1972), I have checked the passages discussed below in Cambridge University Library, Kk.1.11, Cambridge Peterhouse, 109, London, British Library, Egerton MS 2890, Oxford Balliol College, MS 38, and Bodleian Library, Bodley MS 420; for reasons of brevity I give folio references only to the first (here denoted as K) and last (here denoted as B) of these (it should be noted that the last is probably later in production than the Wycliffite texts in which quotations appear). 10 See below Section II. 11 For the text, see my papers in Lollards and their Books (London, 1985), 13-42, and Christina von Nolcken s edition of parts of the abbreviated version, the Rosarium, The Middle

144 118 Anne Hudson the immediate basis for two quotations in one vernacular Lollard text, and for one in another. As with most of its authorities, the Floretum gives clear indications of the source. Thus the first instance to occur (British Library, Harley MS 401, fol. 51v, under columba) is located Hic Odo super isto textu Eiecit Iesus vendentes et ementes de templo Luc.19, Mt.21. This extract was in turn taken over into the Lanterne of Liȝt (92/28-93/10) with a reference back to an earlier comment on the same gospel story; as usual in the Lanterne the quotation is given first in Latin and then in English. 12 Two other Cheriton passages in An Apology for Lollard Doctrines are brought close to each other: the first (56/9-14) derives from Floretum (fol. 245, under prelacia), the second (57/21-58/23) from the entry under symonia (fol. 291r-v); but these are quoted in the vernacular derivative, the Apology, only in English and neither is attributed more closely than to Odo. 13 In the Floretum, however, the locations for each are in the same form of the text and biblical chapter noted for the first above. 14 In all of these instances the vernacular citations are almost certainly secondary, taken over from the Lollard handbook rather than cited directly from a copy of Cheriton s sermons; the first found in the Apology is there expanded by material not found (at least immediately) in Cheriton. In the Floretum two further passages are cited under the heading of religio (fols 261r and 262v), the first deriving from a sermon on Luke 7[:36], Iesum rogabat quidem phariseus, and the second from one on John 15[:12] on Hoc est preceptum meum. 15 So far I have not traced these in vernacular Lollard texts, though their sentiments would be at home in such a place. English Translation of the Rosarium theologie, Heidelberg, 1979, and her papers Some Alphabetical Compendia and How Preachers Used them in Fourteenth-Century England, Viator, 12 (1981), , and Notes on Lollard Citation of John Wyclif s Writings, Journal of Theological Studies, NS 39 (1988), Here I refer always to the Latin text of the full Floretum in British Library, Harley MS 401: this manuscript, declaredly completed by the scribe in 1401, but including extracts from Wyclif s Opus evangelicum on which he was working at his death in 1384, provides the time limits for the compilation of this handbook. 12 The text was edited by Lilian M. Swinburn, The Lanterne of Liȝt, Early English Text Society, 151, London, 1917; in addition to the single manuscript known to Swinburn (British Library, Harley MS 2324), a second has now been identified, British Library, Harley MS 6613; the early printed edition, ESTC S ([London, 1535?]), omits the Latin material. The Cheriton sermon is Schneyer, Repertorium, 55 (K, fol. 76ra; B, fol. 161v). 13 The Middle English text was edited by James Todd from the only known copy, now Trinity College Dublin, MS 245 (here denoted as T), fols (An Apology for Lollard Doctrines, Attributed to Wycliffe, ed. James Henthorn Todd, London, 1842); the passages here are fols 190v and 191r-v respectively. The other contents of the volume are mostly of clear Wycliffite origin and some of them appear in other anthologies. 14 For the first Super Matt.16 Beatus es Simon Bariona, Schneyer, Repertorium, 181 (K, fol. 121rb; B, fol. 225v); for the second again Super Ementes et vendentes, Schneyer, Repertorium, 55 (K, fols 75vb-76ra; B, fol. 162r-v). The first of these in the Apology was noticed by Friend ( The Life and Unprinted Works of Master Odo of Cheriton, , not replicated in his Speculum paper), but he was not aware of the Floretum. 15 Schneyer, Repertorium, 186 (K, fol. 122va; B, fol. 228r-v) and 182 (K, fol. 135va; B, fol. 267v) respectively.

145 A Tale of Two Odos 119 The Floretum seems, however, not to have been the only handbook in which the English authors of the Lanterne and the Apology could have obtained Odo quotations. The Lanterne has one further passage which, unusually for that text, appears in English only and not first in Latin (35/13): [A]s Odo seiþ þat Crist Iesu tooke fleische and blood in þe maydens wombe, and was borne boþe God and man, to anfest [annex, link] oure kynde to his godheed; for whanne he took oure manhed he grauntid vs his godhed, and in þis tyme in special manere he firste ȝaue haruest to þis chirche. The passage appears to derive from the sermon for high mass on Christmas day, on the text In principio erat Verbum (John 1[:1]). Though it is possible that this quotation is to be found somewhere in a copy of the Floretum, the fact that no Latin is provided in Lanterne suggests that the author of the latter probably found it in a vernacular source. 16 More interesting is a passage found in the Apology and also in another English text. Here it is worth setting out the quotation in full, starting with the Latin original: Jereboam damnatus est quia retinuit populum (3 Reg,12[:25-33]) per duos vitulos ne adorarent dominum in Ierusalem. Isti sunt duo vituli, leges et decreta quibus clerici detinentur ne in visione sacre scripture domino sacrificent. Similiter damnabuntur qui alios retrahunt ab obsequio creatoris. 17 Here the earlier of the two Latin manuscripts which I have been citing omits the second sentence thus removing the sting of the analogy. 18 Two English versions of this are found, both having the crucial material: one is in the Apology (75/12, MS, fol. 199v). And Odo seiþ Jereboam was dampnid for he held þe peple abak by two kalfis þat þei worschipid not God in Ierusalem. Þeis two kaluis are lawis and decrees, bi wilk clerkis are haldun doun, þat þey sacrificy not to God in þe siȝt of holi writ. The second is in a long text entitled at its start þe sentence of curs expouned 19 : Þe cardynal Odo seiþ þat þe popis lawe and þe emperours ben þe tweyne caluys of gold þat lettiden Goddis peple worschipe him in Ierusalem; so þes twey lawis drawen men fro studie and knowyng of holy writt and dewe worschipynge of God. 16 Schneyer, Repertorium, 7 (abbreviated from K, fol. 27va-b; B, fol. 24r-v); the end of the quotation is not clear in the English which abbreviates, but in the Latin manuscripts of the sermon which I have consulted this appears to be all that is derived from Cheriton at this point. 17 Schneyer, Repertorium, 10, sermon on Angelus Domini apparuit (Matt. 2:13). 18 K, fol. 109ra-b; B, fol. 33v. 19 Printed by Thomas Arnold, Select English Works of John Wyclif, 3 vols (Oxford, ), III, , here 327/9-12. Only a single manuscript of the text is known, the extensive anthology of Wycliffite texts now Corpus Christi College Cambridge 296, pp , 281a. The writer cites a large number of favourite Lollard authorities, including Grosseteste (278/17, 288/17), canon law, Bernard (291/16, 304/30), John Chrysostom (pseudo-chrysostom on Matthew, 279/30, 280/11, 287/18 etc.), and most notably FitzRalph as St Richard of Armawȝ (281/13). But, though the author of all these is specified, the work is only exceptionally (and not here) given either in the text or in the margins.

146 120 Anne Hudson Although the underlying message of the two English versions is similar, the emphasis differs with the second vernacular rendering it the more evidently polemical: the emphasis continues a long disquisition on the discrepancy between God s law and men s laws, the latter at best secondary in importance, and the dangers of its dominance in current human affairs. Given the varying interest of the two English writers it seems hard to be sure whether both derive from a common vernacular rendering or are two independent translations; what is clear, however, is that the analogy derives from Cheriton despite the censorship of K. The reading cardynal in the second vernacular text is clear, and the word is spelled out in full without abbreviation. Nonetheless, it seems possible that it represents an incorrect expansion of an abbreviation in the scribe s exemplar, and that the correct reading should be canceler; the implications of this will be discussed further below. Three attributed passages in works by a single author seem likewise to be abbreviations of the similar Odo sermons but not derived from the Floretum. Two of these occur in the tract known from the first modern edition as The Clergy may not own Property ; both are precisely located. 20 The first in the vernacular only (L ) is said to derive from a sermon beginning Ecce nos reliquimus omnia, attributed at start and finish to þe holy/goode doctour(e Odo. 21 The other comes towards the end of the English tract where a further set of authorities is quoted in Latin (L ): here first (L ) is given a second Cheriton quotation from a sermon said to be on Estote misericordes and this is followed (L ) by the Latin for the earlier citation (at L ). The passage refers to the story of Constantine s gift to the pope and quotes the angelic warning: Hodie infusum est venenum in ecclesia. 22 The citations in this text are notable for their detail and precision; these initially confirm the suggestion that the vaguer references in Lanterne and Apology come from a secondary source. But a citation of Odo in the long Tractatus de oblacione iugis sacrificii written by the same author later is not so exactly placed: a relatively short passage in English only is quoted, announced as Odo Parisiensis seiþ upon þe gospellus (T ). 23 Presumably this author, in so many ways highly 20 This was edited from a single copy, now Lambeth Palace Library, 551 (here denoted as L), by Frederic D. Matthew, The English Works of Wyclif hitherto Unprinted, rev. ed., Early English Text Society, 74 (London, 1902), ; I have reedited this and the longer sermon version closely related to it, and found in four medieval manuscripts, in The Works of a Lollard Preacher, Early English Text Society, 317 (London, 2001), (line references here are to the edition in L). 21 Schneyer, Repertorium, 183 (K, fol. 131vb; B, fol. 271v). 22 Schneyer, Repertorium, 49 (the text is K, fol. 64vb-65ra; B, fol. 142); K s use of this passage occurs in Schneyer, Repertorium, 44 on John 3:1 Erat homo ex phariseis Nicodemus (K, fols 62vb-65va); for the story, see Hudson, The Works of a Lollard Preacher, here 270 and references there given. 23 See Hudson, The Works of a Lollard Preacher, ; the chronology of the texts and the evidence about their author are discussed in the introduction (xlviii-lxiii). There are passages with similar points in Schneyer, Repertorium, 181 (K, fol. 121ra; B, fol. 225v), but this cannot be regarded as certainly the source of the English text.

147 A Tale of Two Odos 121 erudite, did not have a text of Odo in front of him when he wrote the De oblacione and relied on a note previously taken and inadequately referenced. Cheriton s sermons have not been edited, and their occurrence in manuscripts, though frequent, is not consistently in the same order. Schneyer in his listing provides the text of each sermon, and attributes that to a liturgical occasion when that seems standard, but it is clear that his ordering does not derive from a single exemplar. 24 Looking at a number of copies currently in English libraries it is possible to locate all the direct quotations mentioned above. Even when provision of the passage in Latin makes recognition simpler, it is clear that some copies cited by Schneyer are abbreviated or condensed versions it seems improbable that the Lollard author has enlarged the Latin so the fuller form was the source, whatever may be the case when only the vernacular is in question. With varying degrees of reservation it also seems feasible to locate the passages which are found only in English translation. So far Odo seems reasonably to be identified with Cheriton. II The second instance is initially more difficult. Odo appears in two Lollard manuscripts as the author of comments, many of them extensive, on the Psalms. Cheriton did not write a commentary on Psalms. The only text, or rather group of texts, in which I have found reference to this Odo on Psalms is the Glossed Gospels, and always in the form Odo on psalm 48 (or whichever psalm is relevant, the number being given in either roman or arabic numerals). Many of the quotations are long, and would extend in print to well over a page. The Glossed Gospels consist of commentaries (rather than anything that could be termed glosses ) on each of the four gospels: two versions of varying length for the commentary for each can be shown to have existed, though the long forms for Mark and John do not survive in full; the basis of all save the longer version of Matthew is Aquinas s Catena aurea but that source is expanded, both by the amplification of materials already used there and by addition of new authorities, as well as being in other places abbreviated or tidied up. 25 Odo on the psalms is only exhibited for us in the short form of the commentary on Mark and in a copy now in York (the only one to survive) which provides the commentary 24 For instance, Schneyer highlights Balliol College MS 38 as one of his preferred sources: this certainly contains his nos 1-71 mostly in that order, but his nos appear before the start of that sequence (rather than later as his layout implies), nos 74, 76-84, at various points towards the end of the item. Schneyer s nos 92 and 93, said to derive from this manuscript, I could not locate. 25 For a summary of the situation, see Hudson, Premature Reformation, , though the version of the Matthew commentary described as intermediate should rather be called abbreviated it is a version, shortened towards the end, of the long, non-catena aurea derived version extant in British Library, Additional MS I am currently completing a monograph on the Glossed Gospels which will deal with the inter-relations between the various versions, their sources and background.

148 122 Anne Hudson material for the Sunday gospel lections according to the Sarum rite; there is some overlap between the material in these two places but a good deal in each is unique. 26 Some thirty years ago, Henry Hargreaves suggested that the Odo in question was of Chateauroux, and pointed out that only a single manuscript, now Balliol College MS 37, survives today in England. 27 Hargreaves s suggestion is undoubtedly correct, but, as he indicated, there are certain difficulties about demonstrating the proximity to the Lollard quotations from that manuscript. Almost all manuscripts belonging to Balliol College were rebound in the 1720s; it was probably at that point that MS 37 was incorrectly assembled with quires 2-33 bound in reverse order a mistake the more extraordinary in that catchwords on all but seven of the central quires make the correct order absolutely clear. Because of this misbinding some references here may appear misleadingly to imply a failure of sequence. 28 The mistake would be less disruptive if there were any running heads or regular side-notes to indicate the author s progress from one psalm to the next. 29 The Psalter is divided into four sections on the four virtues, Psalms 1-35 on Justitia, on Fortitudo, on Prudencia, and from there to 150 on Temporancia 30 ; but these divisions are not all marked in the English copy. Given 26 The short form of Mark is extant in a single copy, now British Library, Additional MS 41175, fols , following the short commentary on Matthew; the well-presented copy is a companion volume to Oxford, Bodley MS 243 which contains the short commentaries on Luke and John. The York manuscript is York Minster Library, XVI.D.2 (here denoted as Y), and is unique. For the pre-reformation ownership of the last, see my comments in Studies in the Transmission of Wyclif s Writings (Aldershot, 2008), ch. XV, See Henry Hargreaves, Popularising Biblical Scholarship: The Role of the Wycliffite Glossed Gospels, The Bible and Medieval Culture, eds W. Lourdaux and D. Verhelst (Louvain, 1979), , ; his earlier paper, The Wycliffite Versions, The Cambridge History of the Bible: Vol. 2, The West from the Fathers to the Reformation, ed. George W. H. Lampe (Cambridge, 1969), , , describes the Glossed Gospels but does not mention Odo. 28 The misbinding is briefly noticed by Roger A. B. Mynors, Catalogue of the Manuscripts of Balliol College Oxford (Oxford, 1963), 26-27, and the rebinding of the collection between is mentioned in the introduction (lii). The quires lacking catchwords are nos in the corrected order but the sequence is quite clear whichever end is examined first. I am greatly indebted to the present Archivist of Balliol College, Ms Anna Sander, who provided me with printed-out digital images of the manuscript; these I was able to reassemble in the correct order but this does not remove the awkwardness of reference. 29 Gilbert Dahan, who mentions the Psalm commentary in his L exégèse chrétienne de la Bible en Occident médiévale XIIe-XIVe siècle (Paris, 1999), 149, 157, , using a Paris manuscript, states that, rather than a consecutive commentary on each psalm in turn, the writer selects a small number of distinctiones sous une forme schématique (149) for each, and hence quotes only a limited part of the biblical verses. 30 See fols 197r and 126r for the first two sections. The change from the third to the fourth virtue should come after Psalm 108 according to the account of a manuscript now in Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, 1748 (in Michael Denis, Codices Manuscripti Theologici Bibliothecae Palatinae Vindobonensis Latini, vol. 2, Vienna, 1793), but in Balliol MS 37 commentary on Psalm 108:24 on fol. 55v runs on to material on Psalm 109:4 on fol.

149 A Tale of Two Odos 123 the regularity and correctness of the Glossed Gospels attributions, it seems quite clear that Balliol MS 37 was not the copy of the Latin text used. The location by psalm number is worth further comment: a recent manuscript historian has observed that no thirteenth-century Bible, and by implication no later medieval Bible, had running heads through the Psalter or used numbers to mark the separate psalms rather their first word(s were the location device. 31 Even if exceptions might be found, this suggests the attributions by number in the English text are unusual. 32 Numbers certainly are not found in Balliol MS 37, and only occasionally are first words found to mark the progress of the text through the Psalms, and these often overshadowed by much other marginalia. 33 The manuscript is of English origin; hence this copy has been used rather than one of the more numerous copies now located in French libraries and probably of continental origin. 34 Unlike the majority of the quotations from Cheriton, the Psalm commentaries here are only cited in English, and hence are the more difficult to locate with certainty. But, with the exception of one passage on Psalm 113 lost in a missing quire from Balliol, 35 it is possible to find the 14 passages cited with some certainty. The situation is complicated when the passage is only found in short Mark, British Library, Additional MS 41175, since the compiler here compresses the Odo passages in similar ways to his treatment of all other authorities his method emerges when he cites the same passages as York. 36 Locating the original is simpler when Chateauroux provides a list of biblical 56r without any indication of a shift. A quire is missing after fol. 58v, covering Psalms , but this would be irrelevant to the shift here. 31 See Christopher de Hamel, The Book: A History of the Bible (London, 2001), and cf Two exceptions to de Hamel s claim are Cambridge Trinity College, B.5.25, and Oxford, Bodley MS 288, both of the Lollard revision of Rolle s Psalter commentary (see my edition, Two Revised Versions of Rolle s English Psalter Commentary and the Related Canticles, vol. 1, Early English Text Society, 340 [London, 2012], xxxvii and xxxix): these number the Psalms regularly (even if in the second case mistakenly) in either Arabic or Roman numerals, and other copies sporadically use numbers. 33 For instance, Balliol MS 37, fols 5r (Psalm 2[:1]), 8r (Psalm 3[:2] followed by Psalm 3[:6]), 9v (Psalm 4[:2]) etc. 34 The commentary is listed by Fridericus Stegmüller, Repertorium biblicum medii aevi, vol. 4 (Madrid, 1954), no 6082, with a considerable number of continental copies but only the single Balliol manuscript from England. Schneyer lists 1077 sermons by Chateauroux (pp but recording no English copies), but obviously does not include the Psalter commentary. 35 Mynors (Catalogue, 26) conjectured this, and the contents bear out his suggestion (this is within the quires that have no catchwords): quire 28 (fols 51-58) covers Psalms 106[:10]- 111[:2], and quire 29 (fols 43-50) Psalms 117[:24]-118[:75]; it is just possible that two quires, rather than one, have been lost. 36 There are three such overlapping cases: on Psalm 48[:5] in Add., fol. 147rb-va abbreviated from Y, fols 9rb-10ra; Psalm 49[:21] in Add., fol. 147ra shortened from Y, fols 8vb-9rb; Psalm 113[:12] in Add., fols 142vb-143ra abbreviated from Y, fols 161vb-162rb. The first of these is Balliol, fol. 185r-v, the second fol. 173r-v, but the third is missing because of the loss of a quire.

150 124 Anne Hudson quotations: thus Y, fol. 196ra-va, a passage of 35 lines in all as transcribed, has 18 biblical references, all of which derive from Chateauroux on Psalm 106 as in Balliol, fols 66v, 51r. In a long quotation from the commentary on Psalm 48, corresponding to Balliol, fol. 185r-v, Y, fols 9rb-va has 28 references to other biblical sections in a passage of 178 lines, but this number is reduced in Add., fols 147rb-va to ten in 32 lines. With this degree of abbreviation, derivation can be hard to establish especially in those cases where only Additional is available; but it is the sequence of biblical references (even if much shortened) that make the source absolutely clear. A single example from each of the vernacular works may give a fair picture of the handling of Chateauroux in the English text. 37 Expounding on Psalm 71[:8], Et dominabiter a mari vsque ad mare et a flumine usque ad terminos terrarum, Chateauroux identifies the sea as hell for a number of reasons: among them the Balliol text (fol. 116r-v) lists Mare omnes aquas dulces recipit, nec tamen quidquid in mundo sed absorbet, non tamen dulcescit. Sic infernus omnes malos recipit nec tamen quicquid in mundo delectacionis habuerunt erit ibi eis delectacionem, set pocius ad dolorem Vnde dicitur de predati Sap.v[: 8] Quid nobis profuit superbia etc. Et sequitur (vv.9-10): Omnia transierunt tanquam nauis que pertransit fluctuantem aquam cuius cum preterierit non est vestigium inuenire etc. In mari nulla est misericordia; sic nec in inferno, et si exoretur nichil proderit sicut in mari clamans, nihilominus submergitur. Iob xv[:22] Non credat quod reuerti possit de tenebris ad lucem; et ibidem [:31] Non credat frustra errore detentus quod precio redimendus sit. Mare recipit personam; sic infernus ita deuorabit regem, sic vilissimum garcionem Ys.xxiiij[.2] Erit sicut populus sic sacerdos. Ecc. xl[.4 ] Ab eo qui vtitur iacinto et portat coronam vsque ad eum qui cooperitur lino crudo. Intrantes mare nauseant et que cum magna delectacione commederant cum anxietate euomunt. Ita continget dampnatis in inferno. This becomes in York (fol. 208rb-va): Þe fourþe cause is þis: for þe see resseyueþ and swolewiþ alle swete watris, neþeles it wexiþ not swete. So helle resseyueþ alle yuele men and neþeles no þing of liking whateuere þei hadden in þe world schal be þere in likyng to hem but raþere to sorewe, for þe malice of oon our schal make to for3ete alle likingus bifore, as Ecclesiasticus seiþ in xi c o. Wherfor dampned men seyn in v c o of Wisdom What profitide oure pride to us, eiþer what brou3te þe boost of richessis to us? Alle þingis passiden as a schip þat passiþ þe flowynge watir, of which it is not to fynde a step whanne it haþ passid. Þe fyueþe cause is þis: for in þe see is no merci, so neiþer in helle, 3he þou3 a man be skynned eiþer his skyn drawe of, it schal no þing profite, as a man criynge in þe see is neuereþelesse drenchid. Wherfor Iob seiþ in xv c o spekyng of a wickid man Bileue he not þat he mai turne a3en fro derknesse to li3t, bileue not he in veyn disseyued bi errour þat he schal be sou3t a3en bi priis. Þe sixte cause is þis: for þe see outakiþ no persoone, so neiþer helle; but it shal deuoure so a kyng as þe vilest knaue. Ysaie seiþ in xxiiii c o It schal be as þe puple, so þe prest, in Ecclesiasticus xl c o 37 Abbreviations are expanded without notice in both Latin and English texts, and modern punctuation has been added. Verse references are only supplied to the Latin. A few readings in the Latin depart from the modern Vulgate text: in Job 15[:31] detentus for deceptus was not taken over into the English text disseyued, again showing that Balliol was not the copy used.

151 A Tale of Two Odos 125 Fro hym þat vsiþ iasinct and beriþ coroun til to him þat is hilid wiþ rawe lynnen cloþ. Also þei þat entren into þe see wlaten mete and wiþ angwisch þei spuen out þo þingis whiche þei eten wiþ greet delityng, so it shal bifalle to men dampned in helle. The second instance is introduced in Balliol (fol. 21r-v) at Psalm 140[:7] with a side note <Ossa dicuntur Claustrales quia>: Dissipata sunt ossa nostra secus in infernum. Ossa non senciunt, sic et claustrales debent insensibiles inueniri quantum ad gloriam in contumeliam, Ideo dicitur 1 Cor.4[.12] Persecutionem patimur et sustinemus. Ossa diaboli sunt mali qui comparantur fistulis eris que tacte resonant; sic et ipsi pulsati contumeliis respondent. Vnde Iob xl [.13] Ossa eius velut fistule eris. Ossa absconduntur in sepulcris et ipsi in claustris. Vnde quando claustralis uidetur extra claustrum, deberet cantari requiem eternam. Per se non exemit educi possunt ex causa bene sepulcri violator est qui ossa trahit de sepulcro. Sic qui claustrales de claustro sine causa quando scilicet vocat eos necessitatis caritatis. Here Additional (fol. 131ra) omits the quotation from Job, though retaining the criticism of monks: Also as deed bonys feelen not, so religiouse men schulen be wiþout feelyng as to glorie and dispisyng. For Poul seiþ We ben pursued and we suffren paciently. But yuele religiouse ben bonys of þe deuel, for þei, hurlid wiþ dispisyngis, answeren and 3yuen yuel for yuel; as bonys ben hid in sepulcris, so þei ben hid in cloistris. And þerfor whanne a cloistrere is seien wiþout his cloistre þou schuldest synge requyem eternam, and so forþ as to brynge a deed careyne to sepulcre; as he is a defoulere of sepulcre þat drawiþ bonys of þe sepulcre, so is he þat drawiþ out cloistreris wiþout þe nede of charite. III How much did the English writers of the late fourteenth to early fifteenth centuries know about the Odo they quoted, let alone how much could they expect their readers to know? Were either writers or readers aware that more than a single Odo might be in question? The Floretum author shows no knowledge of his Odo beyond the name, and those vernacular texts that drew from the Floretum seem to have been in the same position. The anonymous writer of the Lambeth tract gives his Odo the title of doctour; the same Lollard in the De oblacione calls the author he quotes Odo Parisiensis but whether he intended these two descriptions for one and the same person, and what either specification implied for the writer is uncertain. The Glossed Gospels usually give a single name only; but Add. Mark at one point calls the writer Odo þe chaunceler of Paris (Additional 41175, fol. 131ra). Cheriton s association with Paris seems to have lasted for about twenty years around the period , though it is not clear that he was ever chancellor there. 38 Chateauroux also studied at Paris from around 1210, and was chancellor All three 38 See B. J. Levy, Cheriton, Odo of (1180s-1246). 39 According to the entry for him by Marie-Madeleine Lebreton, in Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, vol. 4 (Paris, 1961), cols ; see further Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, vol. 1, eds Heinrich Denifle and Emile Chatelain (Paris, 1889), 162, 167, 170 etc.

152 126 Anne Hudson comments, that Odo was a doctor, associated with Paris, and of high standing there, seem possible descriptors of either Cheriton or Chateauroux; both, however, could be seen as somewhat vague means of justifying the reliability and orthodoxy of a source about which little or nothing was known. Only the latter was ascertainably chancellor. A third title for Odo appears only in the single Grete Sentence of Curs : namely, that Odo was a cardinal. As it happens, this was appropriate to Chateauroux, advanced to that position by Pope Innocent IV in But this in fact endorses the conclusion that the terms are expressions of approbation rather than precise descriptions, since the Odo of the quotation to which cardynal is attached is Cheriton and not Chateauroux. The text in which it occurs is less precise in its specification of other authorities than Floretum, Glossed Gospels or indeed any of the other vernacular texts in question here, and it seems possible that the designation is the result of a misreading of an abbreviated form in the scribe s exemplar. 40 It thus seems very uncertain that more was known about Odo than his name and assumed scholarly standing even by the writers here, let alone by their readers. Deducing from the academic range and precision of the Lollard writers involved here that they were drawing on resources available in Oxford, in the case of Cheriton it would not be surprising if they had encountered his writings amongst the manuscripts available in college or individual collections. 41 As Helen Spencer has demonstrated, unacknowledged recourse to Cheriton in a considerable number of English Wycliffite sermons (hitherto unprinted) is common: in her words, Odo of Cheriton is emerging as a Lollard favourite. 42 Chateauroux is another matter: his career was entirely on the continent, and despite the vast number of his sermons, none of the surviving manuscripts can 40 The reading is not abbreviated in the Corpus Christi College manuscript, so, if this is the explanation, it must go back one stage in the text s transmission. 41 I have developed the claim for an Oxford home for early Lollard writings in my paper Five Problems in Wycliffite Texts and a Suggestion, Balliol MSS 37 (Chateauroux) and 38 (Cheriton) were both given to the college by Robert Roke, a fellow there in and later holding a number of ecclesiastical positions in London and various other parts of the country. His will was proved in December Roke gave 16 books in all including these two and four other surviving Balliol manuscripts (MSS 22, 196, 220, 277), for which see Mynors descriptions of these in Catalogue and also xxi. He was also a benefactor of Syon, see Vincent Gillespie, Sacerdotis predicacio operibus confirmanda est: The Lections in the Latin Martiloge of the Syon Brethren, Preaching the Word in Manuscript and Print in Late Medieval England: Essays in Honour of Susan Powell, eds Martha Westcott Driver and Veronica O Mara (Turnhout, 2013), , See Helen Spencer, English Preaching in the Late Middle Ages (Oxford, 1993), especially 296, and also her earlier article The Fortunes of a Lollard Sermon-Cycle in the Later Fifteenth Century, Medieval Studies, 48 (1986), In her contribution Middle English Sermons, The Sermon, ed. Beverly Mayne Kienzle (Turnhout, 2000), , , she prints Schneyer, 1 from Cambridge, Peterhouse 109 alongside the Middle English derivative found in Oxford, Bodley MS 806. See also the paper by Bella Millett, The Songs of Entertainers and the Song of the Angels: Vernacular Lyric Fragments in Odo of Cheriton s Sermones de festis, Medium Aevum, 64 (1995),

153 A Tale of Two Odos 127 be shown to derive from England. 43 Richard Sharpe in his List of Identifications (London, 1993 and updates) from the ongoing Corpus of British Medieval Library Catalogues provides references for the Benedictine Battle Abbey attributed by Leland in his listing of Battle books to Odo of Canterbury, 44 for Syon Abbey and for two Franciscan copies. 45 Leland, whose awareness of a multiplicity of authors with the name of Odo began the story here, spent most of his entry in De viris illustribus praising Odo of Canterbury, a figure somewhat earlier than either Cheriton or Chateauroux, and Abbot of Battle from 1175 till his death in Though it is possible that Canterbury like Chateauroux wrote a commentary on the Psalter, it is more likely that Leland assumed the author s surname otherwise he shows no knowledge of the later writer, and does not include him in his De viris illustribus. Because of the implacable hostility between Wyclif and the Benedictine order, hostility inherited by his followers, it is unlikely that the compilers of the Glossed Gospels would have plundered a Psalter commentary that they knew to be of Benedictine origin. Bale in his Index also attributes a commentary on the Psalter to Odo, Abbot of Battle, but his source is declaredly Leland and he gives no incipit 47 ; in his Catalogus the same information is listed under Odo of Canterbury. 48 More information is provided by Bale about Cheriton, much of it dependent on Leland, but with no mention of a Psalter commentary. 49 Chateauroux, since he was not British, does not appear by name in either antiquarians writings. The question remains, however, of the reasons for Wycliffite use, and open acknowledgement of, two orthodox writers deriving from a period of which they might be instinctively suspicious. The extracts already given probably indicate 43 Schneyer, Repertorium, 434, Chateauroux is, of course, not in Sharpe s Handlist since he is from France; Richard Sharpe, List of Identifications (London, 1995), 146, accessible on Sharpe s webpage < pdf> accessed: 23 July 2013; see also English Benedictine Libraries: The Shorter Catalogues, eds Richard Sharpe, et al., Corpus of British Medieval Library Catalogues, 4 (London, 1996), B9.1 (19). 45 For Syon, see Vincent Gillespie, Syon Abbey, Corpus of British Medieval Library Catalogues, 9 (London, 2001), SS1.696b; for the Franciscan libraries, see the online update to Sharpe, List of Identifications. It seems possible that a text described as Distinctiones Odonis super Psalterium in St Augustine s Canterbury (see Bruce Barker-Benfield, ed., St Augustine s Abbey, Canterbury, 3 vols, Corpus of British Medieval Library Catalogues, 13 [London, 2008], I, , no 287) could be another copy, though the editor mentions this possibility along with two others. 46 See Rodney M. Thomson, Canterbury, Odo of (d. 1200), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < October 2006, accessed: 6 December Index Britanniae scriptorum, eds Reginald L. Poole and Mary Bateson, rev. Caroline Brett and James P. Carley (Cambridge, 1990), John Bale, Scriptorum illustrium maioris Brytannie Catalogus, 2 vols (Basel, ), I, 207: here thirteen titles are given, only the first (not the text here of concern) with an incipit. 49 Index, eds Poole, et al., ; Bale, Catalogus, I,

154 128 Anne Hudson some part of the answer to this question: both Cheriton and Chateauroux have sharp things to say about the clergy and their contemporary departure from the model taught by Christ, and both rely heavily on biblical citation and regard Scripture as the only authoritative guide. It is worth observing that with neither writer is there an obvious correlation between the basis of the Latin work and the form of the vernacular: Chateauroux s work is a Psalter commentary, the texts which quote him are gospel commentary, and though the extracts from Cheriton are from sermons, the Floretum is a set of distinctiones which supplied some of the vernacular works and these are tracts rather than direct preaching material. Since it has so far been impossible to trace the exact manuscript of either Odo used by the various English writers, any comment on the format of either Latin text is risky but, though it has been argued above that Balliol MS 37 is very unlikely to have been the copy used for the Glossed Gospels, it is worth noticing that it has side-notes of a kind that could have attracted Lollard attention, side-notes such as Prelati comparantur vitulo quia (fol. 231v on Psalm 21[:13]), Contra clericos religiosos (fol. 163r on Psalm 54[:20]) and again Contra religiosos (fol. 107r on Psalm 72[:28]). Balliol MS 37 also has an index, which provides an elaborate introduction explaining how the references work; again some entries could have interested Lollards: predicator or prelatus (both fol. 274ra), and religiosus (fol. 274rb) are examples. Following the subject index is a further index of sources cited (fols 275vb-276rb): some of these would perhaps have surprised a Lollard (classical authors such as Ovid, Priscian, Seneca and Virgil), but most would have been familiar enough (Ambrose, Augustine, Bernard, Bede etc.) and none of the Christian authorities would have met with Lollard disapproval. Comparably the manuscript of Cheriton here chiefly used, Cambridge University Library, Kk.1.11, divides up the text with rubricated headings, some of which could have helped a compiler to identify useful passages. 50 Obviously it is not clear whether these access tools travelled with the text into all surviving manuscripts, let alone into the lost source of the Glossed Gospels, but they are, with that reservation, perhaps indicative of the type of milieu in which the commentary originated and circulated, a milieu common to the source and its derivatives. A comment in Glossed Gospels on another author sets out the rationale. After a long quotation the immediate compiler writes: A clerk tretyng of vices and vertues seiþ þis in þe chapiter of blis. Som men supposen þat Parisience made þis tretis, but I am not certeyn þerof. Neþeles whoeuere made it, it semeþ þst he aleggiþ wel holi scripture, resoun and hooli doctours, and þis suffisiþ to resonable men For instance, fol. 76ra: Prelatus quilibet debet esse fortis. 51 In Y, fol. 193vb, in Add., fols 163vb-164ra, in Add. the final statement of the commentary on Mark; Parisience is Peraldus, a frequently cited source.

155 Patterns of Collaboration among the Makers of the Auchinleck Manuscript (National Library of Scotland, Advocates MS ) Jessica Hardenberger, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Abstract This article is concerned with the collaboration patterns among the scribes and paraphers of the Auchinleck manuscript. It suggests a comparatively balanced view of the responsibilities shared by the different individuals, challenging the idea that the major scribe was also the central organizer. Among the extensive holdings of the National Library of Scotland there is one codex that can be considered one of the most intriguing documents of Middle English literary history. 1 On more than three hundred folios, National Library of Scotland, Advocates MS (frequently referred to as Auchinleck manuscript after an eighteenth-century owner) assembles a highly heterogeneous collection of almost exclusively Middle English texts, often translations from French. These include hagiography, moral and didactic items, humorous tales and a chronicle, debates, and religious instructional texts, to name just a few. The manuscript has received particular scholarly attention for its impressive number of eighteen romances, about half of which can be attested in Auchinleck only. Finally, with a production date around 1330, it constitutes one of the oldest surviving examples of a commercially produced manuscript in the vernacular, located at an early point in a new phase of gradually more pronounced lay production that is to complement the earlier monastic production pattern with increasing frequency. A significant number of scribes and paraphers very likely six each were at work on the manuscript. This fact is the more striking because copies of fifteenth-century vernacular literary texts tend to be written by one single scribe despite the wide-spread medieval practice of sharing out text portions with the aim of speeding up textual production. 2 The article consists of two sections: The first one will be dedicated to the scribal hands in the book and All images in this article are published by courtesy of the National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh. I owe particular gratitude to Dr Ulrike Hogg, Senior Curator of Manuscripts, for her kind assistance. 1 For the online facsimile edition with transcriptions, commentary, and extensive bibliography, see Alison Wiggins and David Burnley, eds, The Auchinleck Manuscript, vers. 1.1, National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh < ( , accessed: ). 2 Anthony Stockwell Garfield Edwards and Derek Pearsall, The Manuscripts of the Major English Poetic Texts, Book Production and Publishing in Britain, , eds Jeremy Griffiths and Derek Pearsall (Cambridge, 1989), , 270.

156 130 Jessica Hardenberger the ways these scribes interacted; the second will do the same for the paraphers. It will be shown that the boundaries between the two professional branches are not always clear-cut and that the production of this manuscript was very likely not as centred around one individual as many earlier studies suggest. I Based on codicological evidence, some of the major studies on Auchinleck have investigated the provable extent of direct contact between the scribes and attempted to reconstruct the most likely order of copying, 3 an ambitious and very complex undertaking because the scribal hands at first glance seem to follow one another without any discernible organization (1, 2, 1, 3, 2, 4, 1, 5, 1, 6, 1, 2). 4 Of the twelve booklets in the manuscript, eight have been copied by one individual in their entirety (six by the major scribe, 1, one by scribe 2, one by scribe 6), the other four show varying combinations of scribal hands. 5 None of the Auchinleck scribes ever shared a textual item, although they did share quires. At least, as regards scribes 1 and 5, the distribution of texts in the manuscript really proves some form of interaction either direct or through a mediator because both scribes continued one another s stints and thus precede and follow one another s work in different fascicles. 6 Patterns, however, do not emerge as readily for the other scribes. For instance, scribe 6 s hand occurs only in one single booklet that stands completely isolated from the rest of the manuscript. Unfortunately, possible traces of collaboration with other scribes were lost from this fascicle along with its final leaves so that what remains of Otuel a kniȝt does in itself not allow any placement within any temporal framework. Scribes 2, 3, and 4 likewise never occur in booklets in a position that doubtlessly reveals direct contact between them and the main scribe. The portions of text copied by scribe 2 mostly occur at the beginning of fascicles, and the layout is sufficiently different to assume that both the Speculum Guy and Þe Simonie were written at a time when scribe 2 had not yet established contact with the Auchinleck team or were integrated 3 Notably Judith Crounse Mordkoff, The Making of the Auchinleck Manuscript: The Scribes at Work (Diss. University of Connecticut, 1981; Ann Arbor, 1981), For an attempt at reconstructing the order of copying for the Auchinleck texts, see Timothy Allen Shonk, A Study of the Auchinleck Manuscript: Bookmen and Bookmaking in the Early Fourteenth Century, Speculum, 60.1 (1985), 71-91, Judith Mordkoff offers an overview of the succession of scribal hands as relating to the quire structure of the manuscript. Mordkoff, The Making of the Auchinleck Manuscript, Fascicle II: 2, 1; fascicle III: 3, 2, 4; fascicle IV: 1, 5, and fascicle V: 5, 1. For a detailed overview of the distribution of scribal hands in each fascicle, see the table appended to this article. 6 Mordkoff, The Making of the Auchinleck Manuscript, 64. If a manuscript does not prove such an alternation of hands but a mere succession, this does, of course, not provide sufficient grounds for excluding personal contact between scribes.

157 Patterns of Collaboration among the Makers of the Auchinleck Manuscript 131 into the manuscript without any intention of incorporating them at the time of their production. As will be seen below, there are a number of other aspects supporting the idea that scribe 2 occupied a special role in the production process of the manuscript. One scenario that has been suggested earlier to explain the deviations in layout concerns a possible gradual emergence of a standard layout to be followed for the manuscript. 7 This standard layout has been attributed to scribe 1, generally acknowledged as the driving force behind the enterprise. It is commonly understood to mean a two-column layout with detached litterae notabiliores highlighted in red, with every column being ruled to approximately 44 lines. The beginning of at least the major textual items is underlined by the insertion of a column-wide miniature whereas minor text breaks are marked by blue Lombard initials with red pen-flourishing (usually two lines in height) and by paraph marks in alternating red and blue colours. The miniatures are preceded by rubricated titles and chapter numerals have been added to allow an easier use of the massive book. 8 According to the aforementioned hypothesis, a one-column layout may have been used at a very early point in the manuscript s production both by scribes 1 and 2 and may have been abandoned after some time, possibly because two columns were perceived to be aesthetically more pleasing. Deviations, wherever they occur, have been interpreted to mean that the other scribes did not adhere to the standard layout devised by scribe 1 or that it took the standard layout some time to emerge. 9 At a first superficial glance at the manuscript, the book seems to march forward leaf after leaf with few noticeable changes, 10 an impression that soon gives way to a more complex and stimulating picture of the manuscript s composition. In fact, there are various deviations in layout that call for an explanation. Scribe 2, for instance, never leaves any space for a miniature and due to his larger script rules between 25 and 31 lines to the column, considerably fewer than scribe 1; the only exception is The Sayings of the Four Philosophers, covering only one folio where scribe 2 probably adapts to scribe 3 s ruling. Neither does he rule a separate column for the initial letter of every line. Where scribe 3 s items begin intact, he usually does not leave space for miniatures (only concerning Sir Degare, it seems fairly certain that a once existing illumination has been excised, leaving a square hole on fol. 78). Scribe 4 has ruled a fourcolumn layout (probably in order to economize space 11 ), uses capitals instead of detached litterae notabiliores and no colour at all. There is no miniature and no 7 Mordkoff, The Making of the Auchinleck Manuscript, For examples, see fol. 7r (the opening folio of the King of Tars) and fol. 49r (a text page from Amis and Amiloun). 9 Mordkoff, The Making of the Auchinleck Manuscript, Timothy Allen Shonk, A Study of the Auchinleck Manuscript: Investigations into the Processes of Book Making in the Fourteenth Century (Diss. University of Tennessee, 1981; Ann Arbor, 1981), The text consists of a mere list of names, which makes the individual lines relatively short and thus the use of a four-column layout advisable for reasons of economy.

158 132 Jessica Hardenberger other decoration or minor initial. Scribe 5 in one case, in Reinbrun gij sone of warwike, allows for a miniature on fol. 167r but in his only other text, Sir beues of hamtoun, merely indents the initial six lines of text on fol. 176 where the only historiated initial and bar-frame border of the entire manuscript have been inserted. The only deviations in scribe 1 s work concern the Legend of Pope Gregory in single-columns and the Liber Regum Anglie which has a foliated initial h and a four-line rubric heading the text on fol. 304r because the scribe uniquely indented six lines of text instead of leaving space for a miniature. It is possible that both are relatively early work, copied before scribe 1 had made any final decision about the format he wished to follow for himself. The number of deviations within scribe 1 s portions is negligible when keeping in mind the total of 29 items in scribe 1 s hand. The degree of uniformity is therefore much higher for scribe 1 s work considered alone than when including the remaining scribes. This has a significant impact on the perception of the reader: Auchinleck seems to be more uniform in appearance than it actually is. Considerable caution is required when interpreting a supposed standard layout as evidence of a centrally organized production project. The idea that Auchinleck has been produced in a sequence of fascicles that were finally put together to form one coherent book has first been proposed by Pamela Robinson 12 and it has been argued that some of the fascicles through their layout strongly suggest either an earlier production date than others or an unrelated production context, again deducible from the extent to which they adhere to the standard layout. It should, however, also be taken into consideration that the idea of a standard layout may at least to a certain extent project into Auchinleck what scholars wish to see in it. This is a result of the simple fact that so much of the book is attributable to one individual who quite naturally soon developed a routine way of organizing his copying. It is possible, of course, that in the concluding stages of production, some efforts have been made to enforce a greater continuity in layout throughout the book. Yet, it is questionable whether the participating scribes have really been made subject to the previously fixed rules devised by a single mastermind. They may just as well have been left to make their own decisions (maybe, but not necessarily, along the lines of certain general rules of thumb) and may have resorted to a layout that was a general standard in thirteenth century manuscripts containing French verse, [appearing] in the principle English verse manuscripts of the first half of the fourteenth century. 13 Accordingly, by the time there must have been an earlier generation of manuscripts on which the scribes could draw in questions of layout and arrangement of text on the page. Ralph Hanna names a number of early fourteenth-century vernacular English manuscripts all of which share certain 12 Pamela Robinson, A Study of Some Aspects of the Transmission of English Verse Texts in Late Mediaeval Manuscripts (B. Litt. thesis St Hugh s College, Oxford, 1972), Robinson, A Study of Some Aspects of the Transmission of English Verse Texts, 78.

159 Patterns of Collaboration among the Makers of the Auchinleck Manuscript 133 features with Auchinleck, including folio and double-column format, with 40 or more lines to the column, and detached capitals: All of these features recur in Auchinleck, and wherever they occur, they are imitative: this textual presentation developed very early on in Anglo-Norman books and has simply been carried over into English. In essence, format follows content: the romances for which Auchinleck is best known are, after all, translations from Anglo- Norman sources. 14 The manuscript material compiled by Jane Roberts confirms the general tendency of this particular layout to occur in combination with secular English texts, especially literary texts and historical writings. Examples of fourteenthand fifteenth-century texts in double-columns, with litterae notabiliores and Lombard initials, include The Owl and the Nightingale, Matthew Paris s Historia Anglorum, Layamon s Brut, Havelok the Dane, Dame Siriz, Mandeville s Travels, Gower s Confessio Amantis, and Lydgate s Troy Book. 15 Especially lavish manuscripts in their exceptionality prove the rule, such as the Ellesmere Chaucer or the Corpus Troilus, 16 where space is used rather luxuriously and only one column of text is placed on every page. It seems that at least to some extent format was dictated by content, which may have pre-determined some of the choices for the layout of the Auchinleck manuscript, even provided that in the 1330s, standards were not yet as well-established as later in the century. Therefore, two scribes copying material in English especially secularly tinged material may have chosen a similar mise-en-page although otherwise working completely independently. Less emphasis should therefore be placed on the apparent uniformity in Auchinleck. The remaining scribes more often deviated from what has been interpreted as a standard layout than they factually adhered to it. Yet, their work blends in with that of the main scribe because they all resort to similar models that share a number of aspects as their lowest common denominator. Taking all previous arguments into account, it seems advisable to slightly readjust the scribal collaboration model established in the early 1980s which has been widely accepted in Auchinleck scholarship. It has been concluded that scribe I, having accepted a contract for a large volume, hired professional scribes to assist him. He decided upon the format, which the others followed, and after putting the book into its final order wrote the numbers for the items, most of the titles, and the catchwords Ralph Hanna, Reconsidering the Auchinleck Manuscript, New Directions in Later Medieval Manuscript Studies: Essays from the 1998 Harvard Conference, ed. Derek Pearsall (York, 2000), , Jane Roberts, Guide to Scripts Used in English Writings up to 1500 (London, 2005), 147, 149, 151, 153, 157, 159, 165, 199, 203, 221, Roberts, Guide to Scripts, 189, 193. The latter manuscript is also unusual in using a formal textura variant at a time when cursiva was indeed the norm for Middle English literary texts (142). 17 Shonk, Investigations into the Processes of Book Making, 137.

160 134 Jessica Hardenberger It has already been questioned whether scribe 1 can really be held solely responsible for the manuscript s overall layout, and whether there was any such thing as an agreed-upon overall layout at all. Moreover, some other aspects discussed by Timothy Shonk could be viewed in a different light as well, for instance when one resorts to new possibilities of investigation arising from modern technology. The chapter numbers constitute a case in point. They originally occurred on the recto of every folio but in the manuscript s earlier history have not seldom fallen prey to the severe cropping done by an early binder. On a number of folios, the chapter numbering has disappeared altogether as in the case of scribe 3 s Seven Sages of Rome where only the lower part of a blue paraph mark on fol. 95 indicates that chapter numerals ever existed. Yet, where such numerals are clearly visible they serve as a basis for palaeographical investigation. Admittedly, numerals are composed of a limited number of letters x, i, j, and l and minims may not constitute a secure foundation for palaeographical comparison. The letter x on the other hand is idiosyncratic enough to at least serve as a hint towards the identification of a particular scribal hand. Alison Wiggins s transcription of all Auchinleck texts on the website of the National Library of Scotland allows the realization of a systematic and exhaustive search for the letter x in different scribal hands and a subsequent comparison with the shape of the letter found in the numberings. The results are significant. Fig. 1: Shapes of the letter x used by the Auchinleck scribes A comparison of the different scribal hands involved reveals that every single scribe has his own characteristic way of forming this letter. The shape of the letter x as found in scribe 1 s texts, for instance, coincides with the x found in the catchwords but not with the letter of the chapter numerals. Scribe 1 s x displays one unbroken vertical minim-shaped stroke forming the upper left and lower right limbs of the letter, with the left lower arm descending significantly below the base line in a fine hairline stroke which ends in a downward-bending hook. The letter x in the chapter numberings does not have the crooked lower left limb typical for scribe 1 s hand but rather consists of a straight hairline,

161 Patterns of Collaboration among the Makers of the Auchinleck Manuscript 135 although extending below the base line as well. This particular type of x most closely resembles the one used by scribe 6 although they still do not seem to be by the same hand whereas scribe 6 s descenders are completely straight, the ones found in the numberings display a minuscule hook at the tip. This could imply that the major scribe was nonetheless the one to insert the chapter numberings, switching between different realizations of a particular letter for different purposes, that is the text proper on the one hand and the numbering on the other. It is certainly not unusual for a fourteenth-century scribe to be able to use a variety of scripts for the customer to select from, each of them possibly also available in a number of registers, depending on the training and ability of the individual scribe. 18 Yet, the assumption that scribe 1 may have been switching seems rather illfounded evidently, proof positive is not possible. 19 Scribe 1 s involvement in other parts of the editorial work does no more than strongly suggest him for the insertion of the numbers on top of his remaining contributions. Such a conclusion is therefore not based on a palaeographical analysis but on what seems to be a logical assumption. It cannot be ruled out with certainty that another individual maybe even a complete outsider not otherwise related to the production of Auchinleck took over this part of the manuscript s completion. What is more, the letter v as found in the numbering is considerably more angular than scribe 1 s and equally different in shape from scribe 6 s letter v, with a more pronounced ascender and less rounded. Taking into consideration that the shade of ink used for the numbering occurs nowhere else in the manuscript one even has to acknowledge the possibility that the chapter numerals constitute a later, though (considering the script) closely contemporary, addition. All the extant catchwords were inserted by scribe 1. Alan Bliss assumes the catchword on fol. 99v to have been written by scribe 3 but this does not seem to be compatible with a palaeographical analysis. The Tironic symbol (searchable as ampersand in Wiggins) is the most idiosyncratic character in the catchword and it clearly resembles the hand of scribe 1, not that of scribe 3 (see also the Latin line on fol. 72vb). However, Bliss also suggests that scribes 2, 3, and 6 placed their own catchwords so low on the page that they were lost through trimming. 20 Even if this has to remain conjecture, scribe 1 may not have been the only one to insert catchwords. There is at least a possibility that others engaged in the distribution of catchwords as well, although substantial loss of leaves makes it impossible to arrive at a secure conclusion. Scribe 1 also inserted most but not all of the rubricated titles. One characteristic feature persistently used by scribe 1 proves this, namely his ligature of the letters d and e, which is significantly different from this very 18 Erik Kwakkel, Commercial Organization and Economic Innovation, The Production of Books in England, , eds Alexandra Gillespie and Daniel Wakelin (Cambridge, 2011), , Shonk, Investigations into the Processes of Book Making, Alan Bliss, Notes on the Auchinleck Manuscript, Speculum, 26.4 (1951), , 657.

162 136 Jessica Hardenberger combination of letters used by the other scribes. The two letters are connected by a straight unbroken stroke drawn at a neat forty-five degree angle, with the opposite ends of the two loops joined together. Fig. 2: de-ligatures used by the Auchinleck scribes This recurs both in catchwords (an example being the word moder on fol. 4v) and in titles (like þe desputisoun bituen þe bodi 7 þe soule on fol. 31v). On the other hand, scribe 3 also inserted at least two titles of his own all his other texts begin imperfect, so he could possibly have inserted as many as six titles in total. As indicated above, he may even have inserted his own catchwords, locating them so low on the page that they were cropped during the original binding process or a later rebinding. 21 It should also be borne in mind that scribe 1 does not function as proofreader (generally also a major coordinating activity), a responsibility that lies with every scribe himself. As a consequence, there is no homogeneous way of executing corrections that could be traced throughout the codex. All this evidence considered in combination creates a different distribution of roles among the scribes involved in the copying process. Scribe 1 is doubtlessly of considerable importance due to the sheer amount of his copying in relation to that of the remaining scribes. Yet, the possibility emerges that he did not operate alone with regard to the formal coordination of the entire manuscript but rather was supported to varying degrees by other fellow artisans. Such a hypothesis does not exclude earlier assumptions of scribe 1 as the individual accepting contractual and financial responsibility for the production of the Auchinleck manuscript. According to Sylvia Thrupp, contractors are found relatively frequently in the construction trades, like masonry and carpentry, for the coordination of craftsmen in large-scale projects. 22 Certainly, individuals who could take charge of an entire operation 23 were sought after in other sectors as well, notably one as highly diversified as the production of 21 Bliss, Notes on the Auchinleck Manuscript, Sylvia L. Thrupp, The Merchant Class of Medieval London, (Ann Arbor, 1962), Thrupp, The Merchant Class of Medieval London, 4.

163 Patterns of Collaboration among the Makers of the Auchinleck Manuscript 137 books, with as many as six or seven subordinate branches, the majority of which were involved in Auchinleck. For a project of such an impressive scope, a coordinator seems desirable for the fortunate outcome of the undertaking. Some preliminary assumptions concerning the status of scribes of secular vernacular texts in the early fourteenth-century are helpful when trying to place the Auchinleck scribes in the larger community of copyists in the late-medieval metropolis. Linne Mooney suggests that with the arrival of the guild system within the boundaries of their craft the copying of steady-sellers for which a comparatively broad clientele could be found was to a large extent monopolized by members of the guild. This included, among other texts, indulgences, Bibles, Latin rites, and breviaries, with secular vernacular texts being turned into a rather marginalized strand of scribal activity. 24 No guild could hitherto be proved with regard to the book trade as early as but it is still likely that even at such an early date craftsmen of London origin had certain advantages over migrants who settled in the capital only as adults. Thrupp confirms that in many trades farming out work to foreigners non-londoners of English origin was fairly common because the latter frequently had only few customers and could thus be employed as relatively cheap wage-workers by other craftsmen. 26 On the other hand, all crafts probably had an interest in keeping the established trade community as small as possible to ensure the best possible chances of employment for each individual member. This is well imaginable even at a time when London book artisans were not yet bound in a formal guild framework. The London weavers constitute a case in point, severely restricting trade membership and keeping prices and demand artificially high by decreasing the number of looms from three hundred to a mere eighty within the final decade of the thirteenth century. 27 These facts are of some relevance for the Auchinleck manuscript as well because they shed at least some fragmentary light on the possible professional positions of its scribes. It has been noted above that scribe 1 is the prime 24 Linne R. Mooney, Locating Scribal Activity in Late Medieval London, Design and Distribution of Late Medieval Manuscripts in England, eds Margaret Connolly and Linne R. Mooney (York, 2000), , Henry Bell assumes the existence of a gild of those engaged in book production in London in the reign of Henry IV, that is, between 1399 and 1413 (Henry Esmond Bell, The Price of Books in Medieval England, The Library, 4th ser., 17 [1936], , 313). Shonk s reference to the year 1376 is obviously a misreading since in Bell s article this date refers to York, not London (Shonk, Investigations into the Processes of Book Making, 135; Bell, Price of Books, 313). According to Pollard, the guild of the Writers of Court-Letter first appears in public records on 26 September 1373 (Graham Pollard, The Company of Stationers before 1557, The Library, 4th ser., 18.1 [1937], 1-38, 6). The origins of other guilds, such as the limners and the Writers of Text-Letter, remain obscure. Even in the early fifteenth century there appears to have been some confusion about the designations used for the guilds in existence: Pollard lists six variants preceding the ultimate adoption of Company of Stationers as official label in 1441 (11). For a useful recapitulation of Pollard s findings, see Mooney, Locating Scribal Activity, Thrupp, The Merchant Class of Medieval London, Lianna Farber, An Anatomy of Trade: Value, Consent, and Community (Ithaca, 2006), 169.

164 138 Jessica Hardenberger candidate emerging as potential contractor as well as the main contributor in absolute terms to the manufacture of the manuscript (though with some restrictions). Scribe 3, on the other hand, is the closest thing Auchinleck scribe 1 has to a legitimate collaborator 28 his contribution is the second largest in the manuscript, with some titles added in his hand. Interestingly, these two scribes are the ones found by Michael Louis Samuels to be representative of what he refers to as type II London English, located in the greater London area. 29 The Linguistic Atlas of Late Medieval English places the other scribes in areas at varying distances from the capital, including Essex (scribe 5) and the Gloucestershire/Worcestershire border area (scribes 2 and 6). 30 This is fully compatible with the general tendency of Londoners to subcontract foreigners in other trades. Here as well, a scribe placed by his dialectal variant in metropolitan surroundings carries out the major portion of the copying job, distributing stints of minor length to scribes 2 to 6, with the second longest textual contribution carried out by the only other London scribe on the team. In three cases, the scribal dialect reveals in what area the particular individual received his training before migrating to London. Scribe 6, though evidently a foreigner among the local craft neighbourhood, must already have spent considerable time in London prior to his participation in production of Auchinleck. His sole contribution, Otuel a kniȝt, is marked by the scattered use of typically metropolitan forms, showing his ability and willingness to adapt his language to the linguistic expectations of a new clientele. 31 Linguistic and historical evidence thus underlines the importance of two London scribes, rather than one, for Auchinleck and its production context, which should serve as a warning against establishing too one-sided a perspective in favour of one single individual. II As regards collaboration in Auchinleck, earlier scholarship has engaged in an energetic discussion about the precise number and interaction of scribes. What has hitherto been discussed only relatively superficially is the occurrence of the 28 Hanna, Reconsidering the Auchinleck Manuscript, Michael Louis Samuels, Some Applications of Middle English Dialectology, English Studies, 44 (1963), 81-94, 87. As type I London English he regards the language used in the English proclamation of Henry III whereas Chaucer s language is prototypical of type III London English. 30 Alison Wiggins, Importance, The Auchinleck Manuscript, vers. 1.1, National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh < ( , accessed: ). No dialectal analysis is possible for scribe 4, who copied no coherent text but a list of names, referred to by Wiggins as the Battle Abbey Roll. 31 Alison Wiggins, Are Auchinleck Manuscript Scribes 1 and 6 the Same Scribe? The Advantages of Whole-Data Analysis and Electronic Texts, Medium Aevum, 73.1 (2004), 10-26, 21.

165 Patterns of Collaboration among the Makers of the Auchinleck Manuscript 139 paraphers hands in the manuscript. 32 No consensus has been reached until the present day concerning the exact number of individuals to be distinguished. Hanna identified at least two paraphers. 33 Shonk first discerned at least three different rubricators 34 but later changed his mind to four. 35 Helen Marshall identifies a fifth parapher. 36 In the subsequent paragraphs, it will be argued that there is very likely even a sixth hand in the manuscript. The following is an attempt to identify these six hands by developing a catalogue of characteristics that allows distinguishing them from one another and to show that the paraph is a constituent capable of being scrutinized with the same rigour applied to scribal hands of the period. 37 The aim is to analyse the pattern after which these hands appear 38 both individually and in specific combinations and to reconstruct a working relation among the paraphers and additionally between the scribes and paraphers as far as the manuscript evidence permits. The scribes completed their textual items before passing on any unfinished quires to a fellow scribe for the addition of further material. The reverse case is found with the paraphers, who as a general rule finish complete quires only, with different hands occasionally taking care of the red and blue paraphs respectively. In fact, in 17 of the now extant 47 quires, the red paraphs occur in a hand different from the one that executed the blue ones. Generally speaking, an attribution to a specific individual is possible with relative ease almost everywhere (where uncertainties nonetheless persist, this has been indicated through question marks in the appendix). Parapher 1 39 uses top and bottom strokes that are executed at neat right angles with the vertical down-stroke (or fill-stroke), and the latter does not end in a descender below the base line. Characteristically, the bowl the half-moon shaped left part of the paraph shows an inclination towards a slightly convex shape on its straight side and the top stroke is of significant length (up to two centimetres). Both top and bottom strokes are relatively straight. 32 I am deliberately avoiding the terms flourisher and rubricator to prevent terminological confusion since a flourisher is easily associated with pen-flourished initials and a rubricator with highlighting or red-lettering. The following section is referring to paraph marks only. It is well possible that the pen-flourished initials have been done by one or several of the paraphers as well. 33 Hanna, Reconsidering the Auchinleck Manuscript, Shonk, Bookmen and Bookmaking, Helen Marshall, What s in a Paraph? A New Methodology and its Implications for the Auchinleck Manuscript, Journal of the Early Book Society for the Study of Manuscripts and Printing History, 13 (2010), 39-62, 42, 59. I am grateful to Dr Matti Peikola, University of Turku, for alerting me to this article. 36 Marshall, What s in a Paraph? Marshall, What s in a Paraph? For the precise occurrences of each parapher, see appendix. The following is an evaluation of the collected data. 39 For ease of reference, the paraphers have been numbered in the sequence of their occurrence in the manuscript.

166 140 Jessica Hardenberger Fig. 3: The different paraphers involved in the production of the Auchinleck manuscript (for the precise distribution, see appendix) Hand 2 displays descenders of up to three millimetres in height, a slightly shorter top stroke than 1 and a bottom stroke with a distinctive upward bend. Paraphers 1 and 2 can be confusingly similar from time to time. The third of the three samples for hand 2 has been selected from a quire where it stands on fairly isolated grounds as regards the absence of any discernible descender. 40 What has in the end been considered convincing proof that there must be a comparatively large degree of variation among the paraphs done by 2 is the consistent occurrence of the curved lower arm that does not appear anywhere in parapher 1 s work and the fact that the quire considered in its entirety suggests the involvement of hand 2 only. 41 On the other hand, other quires taken in their entirety display the apparently more neatly executed paraphs of hand 1, with no discernible descender to be detected anywhere. Therefore, it has ultimately been decided to treat hands 1 and 2 as belonging to two separate individuals. Whereas hand 1 has flourished eight quires all alone, executing both the red and blue paraphs, 17 quires can be attributed to hand 2 in their entirety. The two appear together in six quires, with parapher 1 invariably doing the red paraphs and parapher 2 doing the blue ones. These two hands are, in fact, exceptional in occurring both alone and together with other paraphers hands. This does not apply to hands 4 and 5. The former has as its most idiosyncratic feature the extremely long descenders of three to ten millimetres, with a slight curve to the left at their bottom ending in 40 Auchinleck Manuscript, fol. 112v. 41 Quire 17, the first quire of Guy, appears to have been paraphed entirely by hand 2. The occasional paraph has remained completely without descender but since it is highly unlikely that single paraph marks were done by another hand and since the same ink seems to have been used for the surrounding paraphs, it is assumed that such variation occurs within the work of one individual.

167 Patterns of Collaboration among the Makers of the Auchinleck Manuscript 141 a rather pronounced ink bulb. These descenders are only omitted in case of spatial constraints, as on fols 236r and 239v. Hand 5 also uses very long descenders of up to eight millimetres but straight in shape and without the distinctive ink bulb of hand 4. The bottom stroke is curving upwards and the symmetrical bowl-shaped top stroke never extends beyond the ruling for the litterae notabiliores. What is most noteworthy about these two paraphers is that there is no instance where they occur alone both are found in combination with parapher 2 only. This could imply that they did not work as autonomously as hands 1 and 2. Their relation to 2 seems to have been one of dependence, possibly that of apprentices so far allowed to work under their master s supervision only or of independently working artisans subcontracted most likely by hand 2 for the completion of the paraph marks in a number of quires. From this rough sketch, hand 2 is gradually emerging as a key figure among the group of paraphers. His paraphs occur in all the fascicles except for the last one 42 and he shares quires with paraphers 1, 4, and 5, which implies that direct contact of some form almost certainly existed between these individuals. Parapher 3 constitutes a special case, and his working practices require further investigation. The quires where he inserted paraphs first of all stand out from the remainder of the manuscript in their use of red ink only. His paraphs display the pronounced absence of a bottom stroke whereas the descender slightly curves to the left. The upper arm is always wavy in shape and curves slightly upwards at the tip, which does not usually extend significantly beyond the litterae notabiliores touched in red. Several aspects are noteworthy about this parapher. He occurs exclusively in the stints produced by scribe 2 who has inserted several Latin rubrications throughout quire seven. All these have been done in red ink of a characteristic pinkish colour not found in conjunction with the work done by any other scribe. Scribe 2 certainly also inserted the guide letters which occur in text ink and sometimes in red. Rubrications and red guide letters, attributable to scribe 2 on palaeographical grounds, are apparently in the same tinge as the paraph marks. Furthermore, no marks to the parapher have been inserted in quires seven and eight 43 and only two in quire This indicates that scribe 2 after copying out the text in brownish ink went through his work for a second time with red ink, inserting the red text portions, highlighting the first letter of each line, adding forgotten guide letters, and most importantly the paraph marks himself. 45 The conclusion seems to be that 42 Since the last fascicle is incomplete, there is unfortunately no way of finding out whether parapher 2 would maybe have occurred at a later point in the booklet. 43 Helen Marshall has identified the jagged line in front of the final paraph mark on fol. 39ra as a guide mark inserted by scribe 2. It could be discussed whether this is really the case because the mark appears only this once in all of quires seven and eight and does not seem to correspond to 2 s usual shape of pencil markings visible on fols 105r and 328v (Marshall, What s in a Paraph? 54). 44 Auchinleck Manuscript, fol. 328v. 45 Helen Marshall arrives at the same conclusion (Marshall, What s in a Paraph? 43-45), in accordance with Ian Campbell Cunningham who suggests that scribe 2 inserted his own paragraph signs in red without any substantiating evidence (Derek Pearsall and Ian

168 142 Jessica Hardenberger scribe 2 and parapher 3 were in fact the same individual. The absence of pencil marks could be interpreted as proof of the scribe s familiarity with his newly copied text. It is also possible that he relied on his exemplar for the positioning of the paraph marks, without referring to guide marks as visual aids altogether. Further evidence to support this hypothesis lies in the occurrence of a correction in parapher 3 s idiosyncratic ink and scribe 2 s handwriting. A missing letter d is added in superscript, 46 obviously not during the actual copying process but at a later time when the plain text was decorated and corrected. This process was most likely completed by the copyist himself because all the red ink used on fols 39 to 48 for lettering and minor decoration originates from the same ink bottle. Of equal importance is the fact that booklet 2 constitutes the only instance in the entire manuscript where one parapher is replaced by another one not at a quire boundary but at the end of a particular text item. Most of fol. 48 where scribe 1 must have taken over from scribe 2 has been excised but the remaining stub is only the second leaf in the quire and the following six leaves running from 49 to 54 have been filled with text in scribe 1 s hand. Quite unusually, parapher 3 (that is, scribe 2) decorated fols 47 and 48 and parapher 2 took over for blue and red paraph marks probably somewhere on fol. 48rb. This suggests that a more isolated status applies to scribe 2 than to the rest of the team. His work seems to have come to scribe 1 s hands fully rubricated and since the littera duplex initial on fol. 39r and the red Lombard on fol do not correspond to the usual blue Lombards flourished in red, probably also at least partly decorated. Marshall confirms that the two-line initial h on fol. 40r has been inserted in the same easily recognizable ink apparently used for the paraphs, which indicates that this was probably also done by the scribe. 48 This again supports the assumption that material was incorporated into the book that was not from the outset intended to form part of a larger text collection. It does, however, not necessarily imply that the booklet was produced prior to the commission of Auchinleck. It may also have been produced simultaneously but with another customer in mind, with the scribe changing plans for unspecified reasons before the finished text was handed over. Campbell Cunningham, Introduction, The Auchinleck Manuscript: National Library of Scotland, Advocates MS [London, 1977], vii-xvii, xv). This is diametrically opposed to Timothy Shonk s repeated claims that none of the scribes inserted their own paraph marks ( Bookmen and Bookmaking, 78-79). 46 Auchinleck Manuscript, fol. 46ra. This letter is almost certainly in scribe 2 s hand because of the idiosyncratic broken ascender that can also be found in the text itself. The same applies to the guide letter h (fol. 39ra), inserted next to the littera duplex initial in red ink. The forked ascender, long hairline descender, and the generally angular shape of the letter help to identify it as scribe 2 s. 47 Marshall notes that this block-initial is the only one of its kind throughout the manuscript (Marshall, What s in a Paraph? 44). This requires rectification because three similar initials occur in Auchinleck, two in the couplet Guy (fols 118v and 139r) and one in the following couplet version (fol. 157r). 48 Marshall, What s in a Paraph? 44.

169 Patterns of Collaboration among the Makers of the Auchinleck Manuscript 143 The fact that the text breaks off only two folios into a new quire supports this idea. Scribe 2 constitutes a unique instance of a provable connection between the worlds of scribes and paraphers that underlines the complexity of the collaboration network. In continuing scribe 3 s only fascicle with The Sayings of the Four Philosophers, scribe 2 gets closer to scribe 1 s predominant layout than anywhere else, using two columns of 44 lines each, probably ruled ahead by his colleague. 49 It is also the only instance where he left marks to the parapher and the text has accordingly been flourished by hands 2 and 4. Since these occur alongside one another in combination with scribes 1 and 5 as well, it is most likely that this fascicle, unlike the other two by scribe 2, was decorated not separately but along with most of the remaining manuscript. This could have happened either after the completion of the entire copying process or else while the copyists were still at work, passing on batches of finished texts to the paraphers. The last hand, parapher 6, seems to be entirely limited to the chapter numbering. These are probably the most neatly executed of all the paraph marks in the manuscript. The space between the fill stroke and the straight side of the bowl is always perfectly measured and regular, the top and bottom strokes are gently rounded upwards (unlike hand 1), with the top stroke extending to about twice the length of its lower counterpart. Parapher 6 does in no case use descenders, which distinguishes him from hands 2 to 5. All his paraphs are moreover done in blue. Like the scribal hand for the numbering, parapher 6 seems to be otherwise completely unrelated to the rest of the team. Although this does not allow excluding, with absolute certainty, a professional acquaintance between this and the remaining hands, all these facts considered in isolation could further support the idea that the chapter numbering was not part of the manuscript from the very beginning but rather a slightly later addition, done either by one scribe, or a scribe and a parapher. This again diminishes the central role attributed to scribe 1 in earlier scholarship which believes him to have inserted the blue paraphs next to the chapter numbering when assembling the finished manuscript. Conclusion To sum up, the scope of his copying in some respects makes scribe 1 appear to be the most prominent figure at work on the Auchinleck manuscript. His metropolitan origin, in analogy with other cases of highly diversified urban trades, supports the assumption that he must have had a significant say in the process of copying and will probably have influenced major decisions in the production of the book. Yet, a careful analysis of codicological details suggests that his hand may indeed not have been as far-reaching as one might be 49 It is possible that scribe 2 in copying his only text not in initial position in a fascicle was trying to imitate the layout of the preceding gatherings.

170 144 Jessica Hardenberger tempted to assume. It can be proved on palaeographical grounds that the chapter numerals do not originate from his quill and the respective paraphs may not do so either. The so-called standard layout attributed to him is partially an impression caused by the predominance of scribe 1 and his personal choice of a specific mise-en-page. To refer to it as scribe 1 s standard rather than standard layout in general terms may be more to the point. That the remaining text portions still blend in relatively smoothly may to a large extent be due to scribal use of pre-existing layout models for particular text genres that the copyists were likely to resort to. The countless deviations from scribe 1 s layout seem to point in this direction as well. Other scribes contributed finished booklets of text, added titles, decided on various forms of illumination, acted as their own proof-readers and in at least one case (scribe 2) added their own rubrications and paraphs. This scribe may even have provided some of the many west Midland texts in the manuscript. 50 Finally, a comparison with the work of the hitherto little-discussed paraphers in Auchinleck directs attention further away from scribe 1. A highly complex pattern of collaboration emerges, allowing the isolation of one individual hand among this professional group that is at least as prominent as the major scribe. Just as for the scribes, tentative statements can be made about hierarchical structures, probably based on factors such as age and origin. It has become evident that when dealing with large teams of craftsmen, an investigation of paraphers hands and their distribution and frequency in the manuscript may be revealing as regards professional interrelations between individual artisans. On a larger scale, a thorough investigation may turn out to be a rewarding enterprise for enhancing the understanding of collaborative patterns in late-medieval bookmaking. With almost 170 different possible shapes of paraph marks 51 and a particularly high diversity especially in connection with vernacular texts, it may open a new perspective in manuscript studies to identify paraphers recurring across different manuscripts and to further investigate their relation with other craftsmen to create a fuller picture of how medieval artisans interacted in networks of high complexity. 50 Wiggins, Are Auchinleck Manuscript Scribes 1 and 6 the Same Scribe? Marshall, What s in a Paraph? 48.

171 Patterns of Collaboration among the Makers of the Auchinleck Manuscript 145 Appendix: The Distribution of Paraphers and Scribal Hands in the Auchinleck Manuscript The table visualizes the relations among paraphers, and between scribes and paraphers. With regard to paraph marks, variations in colour have also been taken into account (see columns red and blue ). For complementary information (including folio references and text items), the table can be used alongside Judith Mordkoff s Appendix A ( ). Fasc. Quire Red Blue Scribe 1 1 1/2? 1/2? Fasc. Quire Red Blue Scribe * * 50* 51* Missing quire. London fragment, St Andrews fragment. Includes fragments.

172

173 A Mute(d) King: Emotions Inferred in Shakespeare s Edward III Marga Munkelt, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Abstract The Scottish King s silence in 5.1 of Edward III is paralleled by that of the English Queen. His muteness foregrounds questions of kingship and morality and he can be read as a visualized didactic mirror. To achieve this effect, the emotional and cognitive cooperation of the audience is necessary. I Introduction Since the re-admission of King Edward III (E3), in the 1990s, into the Shakespeare canon, most discussions of the play have focussed on authorship questions and stylistic investigations as arguments for or against its inclusion in the canon or for the identification of passages that may have been composed by Shakespeare alone, by others or in collaboration with others. This study assumes the play s legitimacy and investigates a phenomenon that is, at first sight, a performance problem, but which invites thinking about Shakespeare s concern with the connection of kingship, morality, and political honesty. In E3, the second part of Act 5, Scene 1 (ll ) 1 features the appearance of John Copland before King Edward III with his prisoner, King David II of Scotland, and King David remains on stage until the end of the play without any noted verbal or non-verbal response. In technical terms, King David in Act 5 may be, thus, called a mute, 2 that is, a character with a non-speaking rôle. 3 King David s muteness is unusual in two respects: On the one hand, he is only a temporary mute, because he has a speaking role in the first section of the play; on the other hand, mutes tend to be servants or subordinates who receive orders, 4 not kings. The assumption that King David s long silence in Act 5, Scene 1 might be the result of a scribal error can be ruled out, because he is referred to 1 Giorgio Melchiori, ed., King Edward III, The New Cambridge Shakespeare, Cambridge, All quotations and citations from the play refer to this edition, unless otherwise noted. 2 Giorgio Melchiori, Introduction, King Edward III, ed. Giorgio Melchiori, The New Cambridge Shakespeare (Cambridge, 1998), 1-51, John Lennard and Mary Luckhurst, The Drama Handbook: A Guide to Reading Plays (Oxford, 2002), For example Philostrate, the master of the revels in A Midsummer Night s Dream (MND), who enters with Theseus and Hippolyta and exits silently after Theseus s order: Go, Philostrate, / Stir up the Athenian youth to merriments ( ). All quotations from Shakespeare s works other than Edward III are from The Riverside Shakespeare, ed. G. Blakemore Evans, et al., 2nd ed., Boston, 1997.

174 148 Marga Munkelt and talked about before and after his entrance. 5 Thus, the quarto stage direction is verbally confirmed by the Earl of Derby s announcement: Copland, my lord, and David King of Scots (5.1.64). Although the stage direction and Derby s introduction do not specify that David is Copland s prisoner, his defeat and capture are mentioned as a fact in Act 4, Scene 2, where the King summons Copland to Calais, ordering him to bring his prisoner king (4.2.56). The appearance of the Scottish King as a mute concludes one of several plot lines in E3. Acts 1 and 2 of the play are embedded in the English-Scottish border conflict with King David as the non-respected enemy of both King Edward of England and King John of France, who are competing for kingship over England and France. This plot line is continued narratively in Act 4, Scene 2, where Percy reports that John Copland, who captured King David, refused to surrender his prisoner to the Queen while she was in charge during the King s absence from England ( ). 6 This is why King Edward summons both, Copland and the Queen, to Calais. Accordingly, in Act 5, Scene 1, the King greets Copland: Is this the proud presumptuous esquire of the North, / That would not yield his prisoner to my queen? ( ). At the beginning of the scene he listens to the complaints of Queen Philippa about Copland, and then promises that he will, if need be, threaten Copland to hand over the Scottish King. In the second part of the scene, however, the King not only overrules the Queen s request to punish Copland but even rewards him by knighting him. Shakespeare s historical source, Froissart s Chronicle, 7 documents that, indeed, Copland follows Edward s order to appear at Calais, but King David s appearance at Calais is as unhistorical as that of Queen Philippa. 8 Moreover, according to Froissart, King Edward does not offer a reward to Copland without a condition: He insists on Copland s handing over the captive Scottish King to the Queen (who remains in England, as does King David guarded in a stronge 5 In the early printings of Shakespeare s plays, not infrequently, all the characters of one scene are mentioned in the opening stage direction although they enter, speak or are addressed, in fact, much later. These so-called massed entries were practised particularly by Ralph Crane, one of the scribes of the First Folio (F1). See Stanley Wells, Shakespeare: An Illustrated Dictionary (London, 1978), 35, 107. In the case of Act 5, Scene 1 in E3, this possibility must be excluded because the silent character is addressed and referred to before and after his entrance. Also, E3 is, of course, not included in F1. Linda McJannet explains that massed entries are, strictly speaking, no stage directions as the text takes no notice of the theatrical facts of entrances and exits once the scene is underway. The Voice of Elizabethan Stage Directions: The Evolution of a Theatrical Code (Newark, 1999), The similarity with The First Part of Henry the Fourth (1H4) is obvious, where it is Hotspur who refuses to hand over his Scottish prisoners to the King (1H4, 1.3). For strategic reasons, however, Hotspur follows the advice of his co-rebels and ultimately delivers them ( ). See also Riverside, E3, , n. 7 Jean Froissart, The Chronicle of Froissart, trans. John Bourchier, , ed. William Paton Ker ([London], 1901); chs reproduced in Sources of Four Plays Ascribed to Shakespeare: The Reign of King Edward III, Sir Thomas More, The History of Cardenio, The Two Noble Kinsmen, ed. G. Harold Metz (Columbia, 1989), See also E3, ed. Melchiori, n. and n.

175 A Mute(d) King 149 castell 9 ) before knighting him and granting him a lifetime pension. In Froissart, Copland presented the kyng of Scottes to the quene, and excused hym so largely, that the quene and her counsell were content. 10 Tucker Brooke s evaluation that the first two acts of Edward III concern themselves mainly with a love intrigue and that the beginning of the third act brings with it a complete change of plot and a considerable diminution in dramatic force, 11 becomes questionable when one includes the appearances of the Scottish King at the beginning and at the ending of the play as an element of dramatic and thematic unity. As will be shown, the deviations from history in combination with the extraordinary silent presence of a king as prisoner elicit thoughts about purposes and effects that go beyond staging and performance problems; they concern the play s generic characteristics as a chronicle, its link with medieval and early modern literary traditions, and its thematic connection with the question of royal conduct. II The Absence of Words A number of silences in Shakespeare s plays are well known and much discussed, because they have major impact on the meanings and the effects those plays convey. 12 Examples are the stage direction for the protagonist in Coriolanus holds her by the hand silent ( ) as well as, in the same play, Aufidius s long silence during Volumnia s plea before he responds, I was mov d withal ( ); Iago s refusal to speak after he is captured and accused in Othello ( ); or Lavinia s speechless scenes in Titus Andronicus when her tongue is cut out and her father becomes interpreter of her martyr d signs (3.2.36). King David s silence in E3 is of a different kind: It is unrecorded in the playtext and may easily remain unnoticed unless one is concerned with performance practice. 13 It is one of the so-called open silences, 14 whose precise meanings and effects, because they cannot be determined by analysis of the words of the playtext, must be established by nonverbal, extratextual features of the play that emerge only in performance Froissart, Chronicle, in Sources, ed. Metz, 87 (ch. 139). 10 Froissart, Chronicle, in Sources, ed. Metz, 88 (ch. 139). 11 C. F. Tucker Brooke, Introduction, The Shakespeare Apocrypha, Being a Collection of Fourteen Plays which Have Been Ascribed to Shakespeare, ed. C. F. Tucker Brooke (Oxford, 1908), vi-lvi, xxi. 12 Philip C. McGuire, Speechless Dialect: Shakespeare s Open Silences (Berkeley, 1985), xxiii. 13 I became aware of the length of King David s silent presence, when I formed rehearsal groups in a performance class and was confronted with the problem that no student wanted to be David because he has no verbal text. 14 Philip C. McGuire devotes his Speechless Dialect to this topic and creates the term. 15 McGuire, Speechless Dialect, xv. In addition to an extensive discussion of Hippolyta in MND, McGuire analyses examples from Measure for Measure, The Tempest and King Lear. Also, in another essay, he examines the more than surprising silences of Hermia and

176 150 Marga Munkelt Open silences are meaningful, but it is easy, for example, to lose sight of a silent presence even when that is the crucial element in the scene. 16 It is their quality of openness and flexibility which makes them challenging because their meaning and impact depend entirely on the performance and its concept. Thus, the audience s attention may be, and sometimes must be, directed to a focus on stage or to secondary areas of focus, and even to characters and scenic elements not currently stressed at all. 17 In Act 5, Scene 1 of E3, the appearance of King David of Scotland as a defeated king and prisoner is automatically a spectacle of subdued supremacy or ridicule, but the play as transmitted leaves him in an open silence, 18 although activities that concern him either directly or indirectly are enacted. Paradoxically, his apparent marginalization demands that this fact is made noticeable and that David is not ignored. An open silence, similar to a footnote or commentary, may remain marginal, unless it is accompanied by physical acting, and due to the absent notation of responses these have to be entirely inferred. It seems, therefore, appropriate to consider and weigh the availability of other resources for the indication or notation of responses in a situation like King David s. The unequivocal presentation on stage of thoughts or feelings could have been created by a verbal rendition of self-representing discourse, 19 that is, by means of soliloquies or asides. And, according to John Barton, in a Helena throughout Act 5 after their earlier outspokenness in the fight for their loves. See Philip C. McGuire, Egeus and the Implications of Silence, Shakespeare and the Sense of Performance: Essays in the Tradition of Performance Criticism in Honor of Bernard Beckerman, eds Marvin Thompson and Ruth Thompson (Newark, 1989) , Martin Meisel, How Plays Work: Reading and Performance (Oxford, 2007), Marvin Carlson, Psychic Polyphony (1986), Modern Theories of Drama: A Selection of Writings on Drama and Theatre, , ed. George W. Brandt (Oxford, 1998), , 292. This direction and control of the spectators focus can be much more authoritative in film. 18 Interestingly, the tendency in theatre reviews and performance descriptions is not to mention more than in passing, if at all, that David appears in the last scene of the play. Emphasis is, instead, on the overall anti-scottish sentiment in the play and on the presentation of comedy or farce that contrasts the Scots and the French. See, for example, Gillian E. Brennan, The Cheese and the Welsh: Foreigners in Elizabethan Literature, Renaissance Studies, 8.1 (1994), 40-64, 57-58; Ellen C. Caldwell, War in Shakespeare s Edward III, Shakespeare and War, eds Ros King and Paul J. C. M. Franssen (Houndmills, 2008), 30-42, 34; Claus Clemens, Theaterschau, Shakespeare Jahrbuch, 137 (2001), ; Michael Dobson, Shakespeare Performances in England, 2002, Shakespeare Survey, 56 (2003), ; Melchiori, Introduction, 1-51; Lois Potter, Shakespeare Performed: The Swan Theatre and Shakespeare s Contemporaries. The 2002 Season, Shakespeare Quarterly, 54 (2003), 87-96; Roger Prior, Was The Raigne of King Edward III a Compliment to Lord Hunsdon? Connotations, 3.3 ( ), , 249; Richard Proudfoot, The Reign of King Edward the Third (1596) and Shakespeare, Proceedings of the British Academy, 71 (1985), ; Joseph H. Stodder, Three Apocryphal Plays in Los Angeles, Shakespeare Quarterly, 38 (1987), Richard Hillman, Self-Speaking in Medieval and Early Modern English Drama: Subjectivity, Discourse and the Stage (Houndmills, 1997), 5.

177 A Mute(d) King 151 soliloquy a character reaches out to the audience, 20 or, in Bertolt Brecht s sense, can control the spectator s awareness 21 and guarantee the audience s attentiveness. However, if King David s silence is meant to be a sign of denigration and if he has been purposely muted, a soliloquy for David would take away from its degree. Interestingly, Richard Proudfoot s description of E3 as performed at Theatre Clwyd, Mold (Wales) in 1987, notices the skilful cutting of the play, on the one hand, and also that extra dialogue by the director picks up suggestions implicit in the text and supplies silent characters with lines, 22 on the other. As Proudfoot does not mention King David in this connection, one must assume that no text for him was added because, apart from the director s possible poetic difficulties, verbal interpolation would have limited the thematic variety in interpreting the Scottish King s silence as the impressive picture of a captured king. In E3, the verbal creation of King Edward s reference to David as prisoner king (4.2.56) is quite exceptional in its combination of nearly incompatible contrasts extreme power and total subjection. 23 For a king, the loss of kingship is the second lowest condition before death and confirms that he is yfallen out of heigh degree / Into myserie, 24 as Chaucer s Monk describes the tragic experience on the Wheel of Fortune. It is noteworthy that the only other occurrence of prisoner king in the Shakespeare corpus (in addition to this solitary instance in E3 25 ), refers to the same historical moment, also repeating its fictional alteration of the meeting in France: In Act 1, Scene 2 of Henry V (H5), King Henry s war with France and Scotland is compared to that of King Edward III, and England is praised, because She hath herself not only well defended But taken and impounded as a stray The King of Scots; whom she did send to France 20 John Barton, Playing Shakespeare: An Actor s Guide (New York, 2001), Daphna Ben Chaim, Distance in the Theatre: The Aesthetics of Audience Response (Ann Arbor, 1984), Richard Proudfoot, The Rituals of War: The Reign of King Edward III. Theatre Clwyd, Mold, The Times Literary Supplement, 17 July 1987, In the non-spoken material (stage directions and speech prefixes) of the First Folio and the preceding quarto texts, prisoners are explicitly mentioned only 35 times and most of them are group entries. The statistics are from Marvin Spevack, A Complete and Systematic Concordance to the Works of Shakespeare, 9 vols (Hildesheim, ), vol. 7 (1975). For the handling of prisoners in stage directions of non-shakespearean plays, see Alan C. Dessen and Leslie Thomson, A Dictionary of Stage Directions in English Drama, (Cambridge, 1999), s.v. prisoner. 24 The Prologue of the Monk s Tale, The Riverside Chaucer, ed. F. N. Robinson, 3rd ed. (Boston, 1987), 241 (ll ). 25 Confirmed by the statistics of Louis Ule, A Concordance to the Shakespeare Apocrypha, 3 vols (Hildesheim, 1987), vol. 1. See also Riverside, E3, n. Melchiori suspects that the general stylistic similarity of H5 and E3 may be due to a common (unknown) source used by the playwright for both plays. See Introduction, 16.

178 152 Marga Munkelt To fill King Edward s fame with prisoner kings And make [her] chronicle... rich with praise. (H5, ; emphasis added) The fact that Shakespeare uses the unhistorical appearance of David twice enacted in E3 and narrated in H5 and leaves him without words, emphasizes the structural and dramatic significance in E3 of his presence as such. 26 The scene of which he becomes a mute participant and witness, touches on the question of proper royal conduct (a choice between revenge or mercy) as well as on the question of loyalty (keeping one s conquest to oneself or handing it over to one s monarch) and honour (dying for one s country or paying for one s own release). III Living Presence or Performing Object? 27 David s political marginalization as a muted king does not automatically entail dramatic and theatrical insignificance because the inference and display of his emotions evoke, in return, responses in the audience. In Martin Meisel s terms, King David can be interpreted as an object in view or a performing object almost like the handkerchief in Othello that is, like an object symbolically charged with meaning. 28 It is, however, equally possible to see David of Scotland as a living presence 29 in the last scene. Depending on the performance concept, the actor must [in contrast to the inanimate object]... continually demonstrate to the spectator that he is in character. 30 This is more difficult silently than accompanied by speech. In E3, the Scottish King is portrayed from the beginning of the play as a non-respected enemy of both the English King Edward and the French King John and as barbaric. In Act 1, Scenes 1 and 2, several references, like the Countess of Salisbury being a scornful captive to a Scot (1.2.7), the Scot practising rough insulting barbarism (1.2.9) or vile uncivil skipping jigs (1.2.12), the boist rous boasting Scot (1.2.74) being a treacherous king ( ) or Ignoble David ( ), among others, prepare for the generally denigrating and ridiculing tone with which the Scots and their King are described throughout the play. A generally anti-scottish sentiment 31 is discernable, and 26 In E3, the positions of the scenes with David additionally make the doubling of parts easier, that is, the same actor can play David in Act 1, Charles of Normandy in Acts 3 and 4, and then again David in Act 5, where Charles does not re-appear. See Melchiori, Introduction, 8, n. 2, and Riverside, E3, n. This practical reason does not, however, explain David s silence in the last scene. 27 The terms living presence and performing object are borrowed from Marvin Carlson and Martin Meisel respectively. See Carlson, Psychic Polyphony, 292, and Meisel, How Plays Work, Meisel, How Plays Work, Carlson, Psychic Polyphony, Carlson, Psychic Polyphony, Caldwell, War in Shakespeare s Edward III, 35.

179 A Mute(d) King 153 Giorgio Melchiori calls the Scots the real villains in the play. 32 In his first personal appearance at the beginning of E3, King David confirms this advance characterization when he and Douglas negotiate how they might materially profit from and physically enjoy the Countess ( ). The Countess herself, though under the siege of the Scots, talks quite derogatorily and mockingly about her captor ( ) and even imitates his language, as King Edward recalls with admiration ( ). As a living presence, David would have to be consistent with this image of barbarity also in Act 5. But David can also illustrate the mutability of dramatic sign and embody, according to a particular theatrical convention... an abstract quality. 33 The theatrical convention of portraying a king subdued, a prisoner king, might result in David s dignified silence or in a silent but mimically shown rebellion. More difficult to enact would be an accumulation of his own faults and those of the other kings, because this cannot be achieved without the cognitive cooperation of the audience. The degree of King David s noticeability depends very much on how the actor who plays David creates his role. But, in any case, the non-verbalized emotions of a mute king have to be inferred, developed and presented on stage. In this sense, King David s physical presence can cause a psychic polyphony, 34 that is, each spectator can freely choose his or her own focus on any... presence on stage as well as individually interpret the pattern of actions and counteractions. 35 Embedded in the chosen line of argumentation, the unlimited silence of David becomes an offer to utilize the inference of emotions for a suggestion of new aspects concerning Shakespeare s presentation of kingship. As a living presence, that is, as a character enacted, David possibly illustrates an opponent to King Edward as one who does not prevail. Melchiori regards David as the antagonist of England in the first two acts 36 a factor inviting comparison with the dramatic function of Richmond in Richard III (R3). Whereas, however, Richmond in R3 is built up in the background as England s long-awaited saviour, King David in E3 is noisily introduced in the beginning and then faded down in the course of the play to end, it seems, as a mute image of loss and failure. As a performing object, however, David becomes the visible proof of King Edward s martial victory and simultaneously a sign of England s cultural superiority. Strikingly, in the first part of the play, King David of Scotland (together with the Scottish people) is characterized by his language (not only foreign but, from the English point of view, barbaric and uncivilized), whereas in the play s middle section he is marked by physical absence and in the last scene by his absent voice. 32 Melchiori, Introduction, Carlson, Psychic Polyphony, Carlson, Psychic Polyphony, Carlson, Psychic Polyphony, Melchiori, Introduction, 28.

180 154 Marga Munkelt IV Mirrors and Analogies The impact of E3, and especially its ending, can further be seen as deriving from an indebtedness to the literary didactic traditions of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, such as the Mirror for Magistrates (1559) 37 and the early morality play. Roger Prior points out that Edward III is the only extant play which depicts the military situation on the Scottish border by presenting the Scottish invasion as a kind of raid. 38 In Prior s opinion, Shakespeare was clearly fascinated by the theater s power to act as mirror, 39 and he argues convincingly that the entire play particularly the martial conquests of King Edward and the Black Prince provides a mirror, in which the patron of Shakespeare s acting company, Henry Carey, Lord Hunsdon can see himself and his own career. 40 Going beyond Prior s interpretation, this investigation recognizes the play s objective to be much more than a mirror for Queen Elizabeth s Lord Chamberlain, 41 but rather a severely critical reflection of and for kings: The following line of arguments ranges the workings of E3 with the tenor of the stories in the Mirror for Magistrates. William Baldwin, their compiler, phrases the didactic intention of the collection by explicating the mirror image in its title: [A]s in a loking glas, you shall see (if any vice be in you) howe the like hath bene punished in other heretofore, whereby admonished, I trust it will be a good occasion to move you to the soner amendment. 42 Lily B. Campbell specifies that the tragedies in the Mirror for Magistrates taught, not only the duties of subjects to their king, but also the accountability of kings to the King of Kings a part of the theory of the divine right less popular with the reigning monarchs This study does not evaluate the textual genesis and printing history of the collection. For the argumentation advanced, it is sufficient to remember that all versions of A Mirror for Magistrates are conditioned by... having been conceived as a continuation of the Fall of Princes, that is, John Lydgate s version ( ) of Boccaccio s De casibus virorum illustrium. See Lily B. Campbell, Introduction, The Mirror for Magistrates (1559), ed. Lily B. Campbell (New York, 1938), 3-60, 55. It should be noted that the entry in the Stationers Register documents the title as A Mirror for Magistrates (with an indefinite article; and so also in the subsequent versions), whereas Campbell uses a definite article in the title of her edition. 38 Prior, Was The Raigne of King Edward III a Compliment, Prior, Was The Raigne of King Edward III a Compliment, Prior, Was The Raigne of King Edward III a Compliment, 261. Prior s evidence is a copy of Froissart (Paris, 1513) in the British Library (B.L.596.L.24,25; actually 596.h.24-25) with Hunsdon s annotations, which may have been used by the playwright for the composition of E3 even when he deviated from Froissart. Especially the Scottish episodes in the play reflect Hunsdon s own interests. 41 Lord Hunsdon was Queen Elizabeth s Lord Chamberlain from 1585 to William Baldwin, Love and Lyve, The Mirror for Magistrates (1559), ed. Lily B. Campbell (New York, 1938), 63-67, For an extensive discussion of the mirror image as such, see Herbert Grabes, The Mutable Glass: Mirror-Imagery in Titles and Texts of the Middle Ages and the English Renaissance, trans. Gordon Collier, Cambridge, Campbell, Introduction, 53.

181 A Mute(d) King 155 Edward III is not himself portrayed in the Mirror s stories presumably because his reputation as model ancestor to the English kings since Richard II 44 makes him unsuitable for a warning. 45 Thomas Heywood, for example, says about E3: What English prince should he behold the true portraiture of that famous King Edward the third, foraging France, taking so great a king captive in his own country,... and would not be suddenly inflamed with so royal a spectacle, being made apt and fit for the like achievement? 46 However, in an interpretation which emanates from the mute King David of Scotland in the last scene of E3, the mirror turns out to be anything but a positive reflection. Edward s model kingship is unmasked as an illusion and illustrates indirectly the subtitle of the Mirror for Magistrates, indicating howe frayle and vnstable worldly prosperitie is founde, even of those, whom Fortune seemeth most highly to fauour. 47 It can be argued that the poetic Mirror-for- Magistrates 48 examples are complemented in the figure of King David as a visual warning. Thus, the characteristics of the morality play in the first part of E3 are picked up visually in Act 5. King David, who can be seen as a Vice figure in Act 1, becomes a mime functioning as a mirror in Act 5 perhaps a clown, but perhaps also a lesson for other kings. The debate in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries about the superiority of genres poetic or dramatic is simultaneously reflected. 49 In E3, the Mirror becomes multimodal by means of a 44 For more details, see Marga Munkelt and Beatrix Busse, Aspects of Governance in Shakespeare s Edward the Third: The Quest for Personal and Political Identity, Literature as History / History as Literature: Fact and Fiction in Medieval to Eighteenth-Century British Literature, ed. Sonja Fielitz (Frankfurt on Main, 2007), , On the basis of E3 as compared to its sources, G. Harold Metz does not see Edward s portrayal as altogether ideal because, in the play, although the King emerges as a truly regal and chivalric medieval monarch, he is nevertheless not without human weaknesses. See Introduction, Sources of Four Plays Ascribed to Shakespeare: The Reign of King Edward III, Sir Thomas More, The History of Cardenio, The Two Noble Kinsmen, ed. G. Harold Metz (Columbia, 1989), 3-42, Thomas Heywood, An Apology for Actors (1612), Shakespeare s Theater: A Sourcebook, ed. Tanya Pollard (Oxford, 2004), , The Mirror for Magistrates, ed. Campbell, The collection begins with the life story of Richard II, the grandson of Edward III, who warns his readers against repeating the mistakes which caused his fall. 49 Whereas Philip Sidney ranks poetry above drama and, referring to Aristotle s definition of mimesis, praises poesy as a speaking picture with this end, to teach and delight, Thomas Heywood advocates performance as superior to (narrative) poetry in his Apology for Actors (1612), because a description is only a shadow received by the ear, but not perceived by the eye. See Philip Sidney, An Apology for Poetry, ed. Geoffrey Shepherd (Manchester, 1973), 101, , and Thomas Heywood, An Apology for Actors, 220. Tanya Pollard concludes that for Heywood it is specifically the physical enactment, or personation, that evokes the intensity of the emotional response. See Audience Reception, The Oxford Handbook of Shakespeare, ed. Arthur F. Kinney (Oxford, 2012), , 466.

182 156 Marga Munkelt shift from narrative to play, from verbal to visual expression, 50 from printed text to performance ad libitum, from interaction among characters on stage to emotional and cognitive effects on the spectators in the auditorium. Supportive of this assumption, the phrasing in the title of the first quarto edition (Q1) of E3 seems to be an attempt at foregrounding the relevance of a king s proper conduct: Whereas the entry of the play in the Stationers Register (1 December 1595) cites A book Intitled Edward the Third and the blacke prince their warres w th kinge Iohn of Fraunce, 51 thereby calling attention to King Edward s martial conquests, the title of Q1 reads The Raigne of King Edward the third: As it hath bin sundrie times plaied about the Citie of London (1596), as if to dismiss the victories on the battlefield and emphasize the aspect of reign in both semantic orientations as government and as self-control. 52 Obviously, King David is not a so-called scene stealer, but although he is not the crucial element in terms of plot development, his presence is symbolically charged with meaning 53 and implies commentary on the activities of the other characters. A close look at the last scene suggests an analogy of King David s muteness with Queen Philippa s silence: In retrospect, the aspects of imprisonment and queenship receive new insight and help re-evaluate King Edward s earlier misconduct. In the play, the literal and metaphoric meanings of queen and prisoner support the dramatic and thematic connection between the Countess plot line and the last scene. 54 The word queen is, thus, associated with the King s immoral behaviour in Acts 1 and 2, his violation of oaths or promises. As he is ready, in the first half of the play, 55 to sacrifice his Queen s life to his lust for the queen of his heart, the Countess of Salisbury, he destroys, in the last scene, Queen Philippa s authority and dignity as royal queen (5.1.70) by his inappropriate dealing with John Copland and his prisoner king. Responding to the Queen s repeated complaint about John Copland s disobedience to her, the King first assures her that Copland, except he can excuse his fault, / Shall find displeasure written in our looks ( ). But then King Edward refrains from punishing him and breaks his earlier promise to the Queen, although, instead of excus[ing] his fault, Copland insults the Queen by insisting on his exclusive loyalty to the King ( ). Not only does Edward endorse Copland s 50 Campbell points out that already the Mirror for Magistrates itself, like its predecessor by Lydgate, showed the influences of two older literary genres: tragedy and vision literature ( Introduction, 55). 51 See Metz, Introduction, See also Munkelt and Busse, Aspects of Governance, Meisel, How Plays Work, By contrast, most critics emphasize the episodic character of the play and the absence of a thematic and structural concept. 55 King Edward makes himself the Countess emotional prisoner at , and calls her (directly or indirectly) queen in the poem he is composing with Lodowick s assistance (for example, at , 144, 168). He is reminded by others (including the Countess) that his Queen is his wife Philippa (identified as the, thy or your queen at , , 150, 172 as well as throughout 4.2 and 5.1).

183 A Mute(d) King 157 impertinence, but he even adds to it by placing his personal preferences above his consort s political claim as royal queen : I pray thee, Philippe, let displeasure pass: This man doth please me, and I like his words; For what is he that will attempt great deeds And lose the glory that ensues the same? ( ) King Edward belittles Philippa s sense of violated authority as displeasure, simultaneously prioritizing his own pleasure (5.1.89). Moreover, by implying that Copland s handing David over to the Queen would be a loss of glory, Edward seems to reward Copland s act of disobedience rather than his victory over David, and the King s reference to the Queen s royalty 56 becomes nothing but lip-service. By knighting and elevating the proud and presumptuous esquire of the North (5.1.65) King Edward denigrates both his Queen and the Scottish King the latter by transforming him into an object of negotiation in a marital disagreement, the English Queen by excluding her from a matter that concerns her politically as well as privately. Spectacularly, the English Queen does not verbally object to Copland s and her husband s overruling of her authority nor to the knighting of Copland ( ), but responds with a long silence ( ) similar to the Scottish King, who does not, according to the play-text, respond to the negotiations concerning himself. Both, the prisoner king and the Queen, are thus temporary mutes: The silenced English Queen and the muted Scottish King become visible signs of the English King s improper royal conduct. The Queen s silence also recalls the [m]anuals of civility which recommended silence for women as second only to chastity, 57 and it is perhaps not too far-fetched to see, analogously, in David s muteness a restriction of his masculinity. The defeated Scottish King and the overruled English Queen foreground, in their silent presences, that the King s reformation may not be lasting, since he gives priority to political expediency rather than principle 58 if not to personal glory. Larry S. Champion is convinced that the chronicle play (as well as Shakespeare s histories) could appeal to some in its contemporary audiences as a ratification of monarchism and the privileges of class and to others as an instrument of criticism and agitation. 59 Similar to the Scottish King being muted as a political and martial opponent, the English Queen is reduced to her function as a mother and wife, and she is perhaps not more than the possession 56 Royalty in the sense of gouernment, rule, authority according to early modern definitions. See, for example, Robert Cawdrey, A Table Alphabeticall of Hard Usual English Words (1604; repr. Gainesville, 1966), s.v. royalty. 57 Zirka Z. Filipczak, Poses and Passions: Mona Lisa s Closely Folded Hands, Reading the Early Modern Passions: Essays in the Cultural History of Emotion, eds Gail Kern Paster, Katherine Rowe, and Mary Floyd-Wilson (Philadelphia, 2004), 68-88, Larry S. Champion, The Noise of Threatening Drum : Dramatic Strategy and Political Ideology in Shakespeare and the English Chronicle Plays (Newark, 1990), Champion, The Noise of Threatening Drum, 131.

184 158 Marga Munkelt of her King, as one of the early modern definitions of royal indicates. 60 Going beyond Tillyard s statement that the education of the two main characters, Edward III and the Black Prince, is a unifying principle in the play, 61 the lasting effect of the King s reformation must be questioned. Drew Reeve s opinion that [w]hat truly makes a king is the way the other characters treat him, 62 may be modified to what identifies a good king is the way he treats others. V Emotions and Meta-Emotions Susan Feagin distinguishes two kinds of responses to art: a direct response and a meta-response, that is, how one feels about and what one thinks about one s responding. 63 And Herbert Blau confirms that at the heart of representation is the activity of perception. 64 This means that, despite its web of direct or indirect signals, a play remains ineffective if these signs are not recognized and interpreted by the spectators. Moreover, in addition to the cognitive faculties of the audience also their emotional capacity is mobilized in the theatre. Kent Cartwright assigns two primary responses to audiences, engagement and detachment, defining engagement as the audience s surrender of selfawareness through empathy, sympathy, or identification, and detachment as the audience s sense of its autonomy, experienced as doubts, evaluation, mediated emotion. 65 King David s muteness does not automatically imply a demonstration of his emotions such as guilt, remorse, shame, suffering or rage or reflect recognition. Nevertheless, he is a mime whose body functions as a sign 66 and can convey a variety of messages or meanings. Thus, instead of inferring emotions of David, it seems more rewarding to assume the audience s detachment in Cartwright s sense and infer possible audience responses to David. One direct emotional response to him may be contempt or laughter, considering that his earlier appearance in the play makes him an image of embarrassment and humiliation if not a comic character. Michael Dobson 60 [K]ingly, or belonging to the King in John Kersey, A New Dictionary (1702; repr. Anglistica & Americana 120, Hildesheim, 1974), s.v. Royal. 61 E. M. W. Tillyard, Shakespeare s History Plays (Harmondsworth, 1944), M. Tyler Sasser, Interview with Drew Reeves as King Edward III, The Shakespeare Newsletter, 62.1 (2012), 19-22, Susan Feagin, The Pleasures of Tragedy (1983), Philosophy of Literature: Contemporary and Classic Readings, eds Eileen John and Dominic McIvers Lopes (Oxford, 2008), , Herbert Blau, Virtually Yours: Presence, Liveness, Lessness, Critical Theory and Performance, eds Janelle G. Reinelt and Joseph R. Roach, rev. and enl. ed. (Ann Arbor, 2010), , Kent Cartwright, Shakespearean Tragedy and its Double: The Rhythms of Audience Response (University Park, Pennsylvania, 1991), ix (acknowledging Maynard Mack). 66 Bert O. States, The Phenomenological Attitude, Critical Theory and Performance, eds Janelle G. Reinelt and Joseph R. Roach, rev. and enl. ed. (Ann Arbor, 2007), 26-36,

185 A Mute(d) King 159 describes him, for example, as a phallic Scottish battering-ram 67 in the Royal- Shakespeare-Company production directed by Anthony Clark in According to Matthew Steggle, early modern audiences particularly laughed at clowns for their physical comedy and responded to non-verbal cues much more certainly than to verbal effect. 68 The audience s meta-response, however, might lead to a rethinking of their laughter. The emotional inference and transfer works, thus, in two steps: A first sensation of pleasure or amusement about King David as a braggart now under control is countered by the awareness that this may be an inappropriate response. 69 The meta-response checks the first direct emotion and transforms it into a cognitive assessment of the presentation of kingship. After all, a king as prisoner is an image of many things subdued power, controlled barbarity, humiliation as well as an accumulation of other kings features, a mock-king or even a scapegoat. 70 In this respect, the image of the muted king may be received by the spectators as a warning exemplum with a sense of appropriate punishment or expected poetic justice. As Evelyn B. Tribble reminds us that theatre also capitalizes on the cognitive capacities (and constraints) of the audience, which must rely upon its short-term or working memory, 71 comparison of David with other captured kings in Shakespeare may be productive, for example with Richard II. Richard eloquently shapes his future reception and reputation in the farewell scene with his wife (Richard II, ) and abandons himself to histrionic suffering. David, by contrast, silently leaves his historical reception and evaluation in the hands of the audience. Moreover, he is not the King deposed but one of two captured kings. Thereby the loss of kingship as a theme is accentuated. Depending on whether the spectators remember that Edward himself committed the same offences as the overthrown kings of Scotland and France, their responses may range from laughter via empathy to serious doubts concerning the alleged authority and stability suggested in Edward s last reference to three kings, two princes, and a queen (E3, ). Whereas in H5 the reference to David and his fellow prisoner King John of France is clearly meant to fill King Edward s fame with prisoner kings (H5, ), in E3 a critical evaluation of King Edward s handling of his prisoner kings is invited. The open silence of the Scottish King is not the result of self-deprivation, which is, according to Bert O. States, a mime s essence 72 ; it seems to be, instead, in line with the anti-scottish tone of the play and a kind of penalty for his earlier boisterousness as well as, from an English perspective, for his language, which is 67 Dobson, Shakespeare Performances in England, 2002, Matthew Steggle, Laughing and Weeping in Early Modern Theatres (Aldershot, 2007), Feagin, Pleasures of Tragedy, See Sandra Billington, Mock Kings in Medieval Society and Renaissance Drama (Oxford, 1991), Evelyn B. Tribble, Cognition in the Globe: Attention and Memory in Shakespeare s Theatre (New York, 2011), States, Phenomenological Attitude, 33.

186 160 Marga Munkelt particularly disparaged by the fact that the Countess who only imitates the accents of the Scot can do so somewhat better than the Scot could speak ( ). Additionally, King David s silence can initiate a re-interpretation of the national reception of the English King, who has become an idealized ancestor of kings in Shakespeare s plays, and whose untimely 73 death has even added to his aura of greatness. The play s ending deconstructs his reputation, and thoughts about inherited vs earned kingship are motivated as metaresponses a discussion alive in medieval treatises about the nature of princes, whose greatness could descend... from virtuous deeds as from noble blood. 74 Unlike the traditional recognition in a tragic character which precipitates a reversal 75 of the action, recognition in E3 is transferred from the muted king to the spectators who may anticipate that if Edward does not change his conduct he may become like David. On condition that the spectators remember how King Edward violated human values and abused his kingly authority, 76 they recognize the small margin between Edward and David. The audience s emotional and even more so cognitive capacity is necessary for the impact of David s appearance to become effective. VI Conclusion As has been shown, the figure of King David II can function as a reflection of themes and characters in the play, but also as a warning image of his own role within the power play of Edward III. Retrospectively, David s silent presence on stage gives unity to an otherwise episodic play. 77 Interestingly, the extensive exposure of a captured and muted king on stage seems to be not only acceptable to possible censors but even welcome, presumably, because David is not an English King Untimely, because Edward III died after his son, as a consequence of which his grandson, Richard II, became king as a child, developed into a bad king, and caused centuries of civil war in Britain. 74 T. N. Bisson, Princely Nobility in an Age of Ambition (c ), Nobles and Nobility: Concepts, Origins, Transformations, ed. Anne J. Duggan (Woodbridge, 2000), , June Schlueter, Dramatic Closure: Reading the End (London, 1995), See also Caldwell, War in Shakespeare s Edward III, See Melchiori, Introduction, Shakespeare s Richard II, for example, underwent censorship in order to avoid presentation of a king s deposition. Marlowe s Edward II, by contrast, encountered no official opposition to performance or publication, because, as Janet Clare argues, the traitor is appropriately punished. Clare, Censorship, The Oxford Handbook of Shakespeare, ed. Arthur F. Kinney (Oxford, 2012), , Some critical opinions dwell on the overall anti-scottish tendency of E3. Drew Reeves, for example, the actor of Edward III in a production of the play by the Atlanta Shakespeare Company (2009; dir. Jeff Watkins), thinks that Shakespeare s name did not stay attached to this play if King James found it offensive. Sasser, Interview with Drew Reeves as King Edward III, 21.

187 A Mute(d) King 161 As mentioned, the play-text also offers no information about King David s positions, gestures or movements. John Rouse reminds us with Brecht that the most important procedure by which the fable [that is, the plot of a play] is presented to the audience is the blocking, that is, the placing of the characters, the determination of their position regarding each other, 79 and he points out further that the German word for position, Stellung, is a pun refer[ring] both to physical and attitudinal position. 80 But even if David of Scotland is arguably not more than a bundle of clothes to represent, depending on the perspective, his own total defeat or King Edward s triumph, his presence highlights the play s concern with the responsibility that comes with power as well as with cultural differences and prejudices evolving from national pride. The Scottish King s open silence can be utilized to re-consider the English King s misconduct and reformation and illustrates one of Shakespeare s favourite topics, that nobility inherited does not automatically entail nobility of character. In the last scene of E3, all voices expressing human emotions like grief, compassion and empathy are finally silenced. Philippa s admission that inward passions will not let [her] speak ( ) marks the end of expressed or demonstrated emotions in the play. In the first half of Act 5, Scene 1, King Edward s lack of empathy and compassion with the citizens of Calais is foregrounded together with the priority he gives to revenge and increasing cruelty. Even Philippa s and Salisbury s expressions of grief upon the assumption of Prince Edward s death are transformed by King Edward into plans of revenge ( ). Additionally, he does not only grant the Black Prince s wish for more conquests ( ) but also considers the trip to England as a rest ( ) and an intercession ( ) from more wars. Moreover, those characters who are not silenced all share a behaviour no longer controlled or guided by the laws of chivalry and proper conduct but by disloyalty, expediency and even corruption. In addition to presenting the King of Scotland as a muted monarch, the final scene silences all emotional voices except those of war and revenge. 79 John Rouse, Brecht and the Contradictory Actor, Critical Theory and Performance, eds Janelle G. Reinelt and Joseph R. Roach, rev. and enl. ed. (Ann Arbor, 2010), , Rouse, Brecht and the Contradictory Actor, 299.

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189 Leiden-German Book-Trade Relations in the Seventeenth Century: The Case of Jacob Marcus Paul Hoftijzer, Leiden University Abstract Little research has been done on the book-trade connections between the Netherlands and Germany in the 17th century. This case study discusses the publishing and bookselling activities of the Leiden bookseller Jacob Marcus, which were strongly oriented towards the German states and Scandinavia. At the end of the sixteenth century, the Leiden book-trade, which had lain dormant for many decades, suddenly revived. The cause was the foundation in 1575 of the first university of the Northern Netherlands, a reward as legend has it for the brave resistance Leiden had put up during a protracted siege by Spanish troops. The new university had a humanistically oriented teaching programme and modern research facilities such as a library, a botanical garden and an anatomical theatre, and soon attracted scholars and students from all over Europe. They were followed by printers and booksellers, 1 who sensed promising business opportunities. Many of these book-trade entrepreneurs came from outside the Dutch Republic, in particular from the Southern Netherlands, which, following the recapture of much of Flanders and Brabant by the army of the Duke of Parma, lost the majority of its Protestant inhabitants. Among the thousands of religious (and economic) refugees who left the South were quite a few who had worked for prominent publishers such as Christopher Plantin in Antwerp. In fact, Plantin himself, although not an adherent of the new faith, worked for two years in Leiden as university printer, until he was succeeded in 1586 by his Calvinist son-in-law, the scholar-printer Franciscus Raphelengius, who was also appointed professor of Hebrew. At the same time, several English, French and German printers and booksellers could be found in the city. And the growth continued: By 1600, the number of booksellers and printers amounted to about ten, 50 years later it had risen to well over 25. The success of Leiden as an important centre for scholarly printing and bookselling is first and foremost explained by the flourishing state of the university. 2 But other factors played a role as well. The Dutch Republic boasted relatively high levels of literacy and a good academic infrastructure, which 1 In the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic, like elsewhere, booksellers were also publishers; often they would have their own printing facilities as well. 2 On Leiden University in the seventeenth century, see Willem Otterspeer, Groepsportret met dame: Vol. I, Het bolwerk van de vrijheid. De Leidse universiteit, , Amsterdam, 2000; Henrike L. Clotz, Hochschule für Holland: Die Universität Leiden im Spannungsfeld zwischen Provinz, Stadt und Kirche, , Stuttgart, 1998.

190 164 Paul Hoftijzer created a substantial home market. And as Latin still was the dominant language for scholarly communication, the books produced in Leiden could be sold all over Europe. Moreover, the Leiden book-trade did not suffer from strict economic or political regulation. A guild of printers and booksellers was only established in 1651, and its regulatory powers were limited. Censorship was practised, but not consistently. While the revolutionary scientific ideas of René Descartes, who worked in Leiden in the 1630s and 1640s, could not publicly be discussed in the lecture halls of the university, his books were openly printed by local publishers and available in their bookshops. Descartes s début, the Discours de la méthode, was published in Leiden in 1637 by the originally French (he came from Valenciennes) printer Jean Maire, with an official nine-year privilege of the government of the Dutch Republic in The Hague, the States General. Another factor was that while book production in neighbouring countries the Southern Netherlands, England, France and the German states suffered from war and economic instability, Leiden printers and booksellers were quick to fill the gap left by their colleagues abroad with high quality products at competitive prices. These included numerous pirated editions of foreign bestsellers and erotic and libertine texts with false imprints. Although in recent decades, research on Leiden as a city of books has produced much new information, 3 there are still aspects that demand further investigation. One of these is the book-trade with the German territories, which may well have constituted the largest and most important foreign book-market for the Leiden printers and booksellers. 4 A major obstacle for the study of Leiden-German book-trade relations, however, is a conspicuous lack of source material. Of the business archives and correspondences of the many seventeenth-century Leiden book-trade entrepreneurs, next to nothing has survived and their books are scattered in libraries all over the world. It is therefore necessary to use a wide variety of sources, both in manuscript and print. This contribution will present just one case study of the Leiden-German book-trade the activity of the little known Leiden bookseller Jacob Marcus van der Wiele based on bibliographical data and archival documents. Occasionally, they allow a glimpse on his intensive contacts with colleagues and clients in Germany. 3 The results of this research were brought together in a book that accompanied the exhibition Stad van Boeken [City of Books], held in Leiden s municipal museum De Lakenhal in 2008, see André Th. Bouwman, et al., Stad van boeken: Handschrift en druk in Leiden, , Leiden, Strikingly, in a volume of essays devoted to the seventeenth-century Elzeviers, ample attention was given to their French, English, Southern Netherlandish and Scandinavian relations, while contacts with Germany were almost entirely ignored, with the exception of an article on the acquisitions of Duke August of Braunschweig-Lüneburg ( ) at Elzevier book auctions in The Hague; see M. Keblusek, Gekocht in Den Haag: Hertog August van Wolfenbüttel en de Haagse Elzeviers, Boekverkopers van Europa: Het 17deeeuwse Nederlandse uitgevershuis Elzevier, eds Berry P. M. Dongelmans, Paul G. Hoftijzer and Otto S. Lankhorst (Zutphen, 2000),

191 Leiden-German Book-Trade Relations 165 The first mention of Jacob Marcus in the Leiden archives dates from 1605, when on 1 July of that year he took out a marriage licence with one Trijntgen Baernts from Deventer, a maidservant in the house of the law professor Everardus Bronchorstius. 5 He is described as a jonggesel bouckbinder [apprentice bookbinder] with the above-mentioned bookseller Jean Maire, who also acted as his witness. As Jacob s place of origin Hamburg is given, but the family name van der Wiele (or van der Weele) he later uses suggests a Dutch or Flemish refugee origin. 6 The next year, he appears to have set up his own business, as he was granted a privilege by the States General on an edition of Ludolffus Lithocomus well-known Grammatica Latina. For one reason or another, the book never appeared. 7 In subsequent years, Marcus, not yet having a printing press of his own, worked together with several Leiden printers, among whom the wellknown Henric Lodewijcxsoon van Haestens, 8 in the production of a small number of books of a varied nature. 9 Among them can be found a Dutch edition of the Book of Psalms in small format (1607), a collection of marriage epithalamia by Hugo Grotius and others, A Plaine and Cleere Exposition of the Second Commandement (1610) by Henry Jacob, English Puritan minister at Middelburg, and a Dutch language edition of Martin Luther s Small Catechism (1611), perhaps an indication that Marcus himself was a member of the Leiden Lutheran congregation. In the 1610s, Marcus began to extend his business into scholarly and academic publications. His publishing list in this period includes portable editions of classical or early Christian authors (for example, Publius Papinius Statius, Opera omnia, 1616, 1618; Proclus, Opuscula, 1617, 1618; Gaius Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 1618; Cebes of Thebes, Tabula, 1618), a mathematical handbook in Latin and Dutch and a treatise on the circle of the Leiden professor 5 Leiden Municipal Archives (LMA), Register of Ecclesiastical Marriages (Kerkelijke Ondertrouw), inv. no 6 ( ), fol. 46v. Interestingly, Professor Bronchorstius also came from Deventer. 6 This is suggested by Johannes G. C. A. Briels, Zuidnederlandse boekverkopers en boekdrukkers in de Republiek der Verenigde Nederlanden omstreeks, : Een bijdrage tot de kennis van de geschiedenis van het boek (Nieuwkoop, 1974), Many Protestant refugees found a temporary safe haven in Germany, in places like Emden, Bremen and Hamburg. A later document (see note 17) from 1613 gives Jacob s age 28 years, which means that he must have been born around After his first wife s death, Jacob was married again on 14 November 1640 to Marijtgen van Pee, widow of Johannes Torrentinus; LMA, Register of Ecclesiastical Marriages, inv. no 12 ( ), fol. 173v. 7 The reason may well be that the copyright was owned by the Leiden Officina Plantiniana, which published two editions in 1592 and Anna E. C. Simoni, Henrick van Haestens, from Leiden to Louvain via Cologne, Quaerendo, 15 (1985), The best, though certainly not complete, overview of Marcus s publications between 1607 and 1646 is provided by the Short-Title Catalogue, Netherlands < vide Marcus, Jacob. Alternative spellings are Marckz, Marcusz, Marci, and Officina Marciana. Additional information can be obtained from WorldCat < and VD 17: Das Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachraum erschienenen Drucke des 17. Jahrhunderts < (accessed: December 2013).

192 166 Paul Hoftijzer Ludolf van Ceulen (De arithmetische en geometrische fondamenten / Fundamemta [!] arithmetica et geometrica, 1615; Van den cirkel, 1615), Joannes Meursius history of Leiden University (Alma academia Leidensis, 1614, with his colleague Joost van Colster), the collected neo-latin poetry of the sixteenthcentury Dutch poet Janus Secundus (Opera, 1619), and a work on feudal law by the already mentioned Everardus Bronchorstius (Methodus feudorum, 1613). When on 10 February 1620 Marcus was appointed printer to the so-called States College, an institution founded and financed by the States of Holland where poor theology students could find board and accommodation, he was an established academic publisher with his own printing press. 10 This official position provided him with a steady source of income, as he had to print academic orations by theological professors, and dissertations and disputations by students of the college. A more idiosyncratic element in his publishing list, however, are the particularly among students highly popular emblem books. In 1613 and 1615, Marcus published three collections of the new genre of the love emblem, composed by the professor of Greek and politics Daniel Heinsius ( ) under the pseudonym Theocritus a Ganda, 11 as well as the charming ready-made emblem book Deliciae Batavicae (1616, 1620?), with engraved illustrations depicting life in the Netherlands collected by Marcus himself. Another remarkable category are the (re-)editions of satirical texts by Emperor Julianus, Desiderius Erasmus, Justus Lipsius, Petrus Cunaeus, Nicolaus Rigaltius and John Barclay, published both as a collection and separately. 12 From the first half of Marcus s career, some documents are available which provide more personal information. One is a reference in the autobiography of the Danish student, and later botanist, Otto Sperling ( ), who temporarily lodged in his house in He writes: Da ich nun Uhrlaub von meinen Eltern bekommen zu Leiden zu vorbleiben auf 1. Jahr, fandt ich erstlich mein Quartier bey einem Buchdrucker Jacob Marci, auss Ditmarschen gebürtig, alwo mein alter Freundt Joh. Loccenius ein alter Studiosus auch logirte, und ein gelehrter Philologus, welcher hernacher Professor zu Vpsal in Schweden geworden, vnd Notas in Curtium heraussgegeben. Weiln aber mein Hospes mein Logement verändren vnd zu gebrauch seiner Bücher weiter wolte 10 As far as is known, Marcus organized only one book sale, in The catalogue, entitled Variorum et insignium liberorum catatogus [!]: Quorum omnium auctio habebitur in officina Jacobi Marci bibliopolae ad diem 8. ianuarii, Leiden, 1625, is preserved in Cambridge University Library, Munby.d Emblemata amatoria / Afbeeldinge van minne / Emblemes d amour (1613), Emblemata amatoria nova (1613) and Het ambacht van Cupido (1615), all in oblong quarto. 12 Petrus Cunaeus, Sardi venales satyra menippea in hujus seculi homines plerosque ineptè eruditos (1616); Encomium Moriae sive Des. Eras. Roterod. Declamatio, in laudem stulticiae. Justi Lipsii Satyra menippea. Somnium. Lusus in nostri aevi Criticos. P. Cunaei sardi venales. Satyra Menippaea. In hujus saeculi homines plerosque inepte eruditos (1617, 1618); Desiderius Erasmus, Encomium moriae (1622, 1627); Euphormio Lusininus [= John Barclay], Satyricon (1619, 1623, 1627, 1628); Nicolaus Rigaltius, Justus Lipsius, Petrus Cunaeus, Emperor Julianus, Quatuor clariss. virorum satyrae (1620).

193 Leiden-German Book-Trade Relations 167 bawen lassen, so must ich mich vmb ein Anderss vmbsehen, vnd kam zu einem Cousebreeder, welche auch andre Studiosos mehr in seinem Hausse hatte. 13 Apparently Marcus, like many other Leiden printers and booksellers, rented out rooms to students, and his house appears to have been an address favoured in particular by German and Scandinavian students. 14 That Marcus s bookshop was regularly frequented by German students is demonstrated by the attempts made by him to retrieve money from students who had left Leiden without paying their debts. For instance, on 13 August 1626, Marcus, together with a number of other Leiden booksellers, among them Bonaventura Elzevier, gave power of attorney to a certain Jan Geurs in Amsterdam in order to start proceedings against one Jacob Martini from Lüneburg, who recently had been arrested in Amsterdam. In another notarial deed, dated 11 April 1633, the student Jacobus Gerson from Lithuania declared to owe Marcus 32 guilders and 7 stuivers for books he had bought in his shop. 15 Some data about Marcus s dealings with his authors can be found in the preserved Diarium of Everardus Bronchorstius, with whom he appears to have maintained close relations. Marcus published several of his books, for which Bronchorstius was paid as an honorarium a fixed number of bound and unbound copies. For instance, for his Methodus feudorum (1613) he received viginti quinque exemplaria compacta et totidem non compacta mihi pro libro, honorarii loco ; later Bronchorstius would order one hundred copies ( 80 exemplaria compacta et 20 non collecta ) for his own use. Similar entries can be found for other books in 1620 and A Leiden notarial document of 1613 sheds some light on the regular trips made by Marcus to the Frankfurt book fairs. In a declaration made on behalf of the Amsterdam woodturner Andries Abrahamsz on 16 May of that year, he states that he had travelled back from Frankfurt to the Netherlands in a barge in April (so after a visit to the Easter fair), with destination Amsterdam, and that 13 Otto Sperlings Studienjahre: Nach dem Manuskript der kgl. Bibliothek zu Kopenhagen herausgegeben, eds Walter G. Brieger and John W. S. Johnson (Kopenhagen, 1920), 19. Capitalization has been adapted to modern German use. Johannes Loccenius ( ), from Itzehoe in Holstein, studied in Leiden in and again in 1624, when he obtained his doctorate in law. He would later make his career as a professor of law and university librarian in Uppsala. In 1637, Marcus would publish his De ordinanda republica, dissertationum libri quatuor. 14 Regretfully, the location of Marcus s house is not precisely known for this period; the imprint of a publication in 1616 only refers to his shop sign: sub signo Mercurii. In later years, he owned several houses on the Rapenburg canal, in the vicinity of the university. 15 LMA, Old Notarial Archive (ONA) 312, no 145 (13 August 1626) and ONA 357, no 40 (11 April 1633). Gerson also had outstanding debts with three other booksellers Jean Maire (ƒ87.5), Joost Lievens (ƒ48.4) and Frans Hacke (ƒ40.12) as well as with his landlord Gilles de Hamer (ƒ174.2) and the apothecary Pieter Caron (ƒ20.10). Prices are in guilders and stuivers (1 guilder = 20 stuivers). 16 Diarium Everardi Bronchorstii sive adversaria omnium quae gesta sunt in Academia Leydensi ( ), ed. Jacobus C. van Slee (The Hague, 1898), 128, 132, 155, 177.

194 168 Paul Hoftijzer he had stopped in Cologne. 17 Marcus s visits to Frankfurt are amply documented by the fair catalogues. According to the analysis by the nineteenth-century publisher and book historian Gustav Schwetschke, Marcus was in Frankfurt almost without interruption from 1614 to 1650, a record surpassed by only a few other Leiden booksellers. 18 A striking aspect of the publishing list of Jacob Marcus is the growing importance of works by German (in the widest sense) authors and editors in Latin. Between 1617 and 1619, he published several classical and early medieval texts (the already mentioned Proclus and Cebes; Theodulfus Aurelianensis, Paraenesis ad Iudices, 1618, 1619), edited by the Hamburg philologist Geverhartus Elmenhorstus ( ). An even more prolific German editor working for Marcus in this period was the polyhistor Joachimus Morsius ( ), also from Hamburg, who during his stay in Leiden in produced no less than ten text editions by a wide variety of authors. 19 In 1625, Marcus published a new edition of the standard textbook on geography, Introductionis in universam geographiam, tam veterem quam novam, libri VI by Philippus Cluverius ( ), a native of Danzig who had held an honorary professorship in geography in Leiden. 20 Five years later, in 1630, he published another popular textbook, the Historiarum totius mundi epitome, by Johannes Cluverus ( ) from Holstein, at the time professor at the University of Soroe in Denmark. 21 In 1626, he printed Homo redivivus sive actus iuridicalis satyricus by the Moravian medical doctor, astronomer and philosopher Simeon Partlicius (1588-after 1640), and in 1633 Medicus microcosmus seu spagyria microcosmi by the medical doctor Daniel Beckherus ( ) from Danzig, who later would become court physician to the Great Elector Frederick William of Brandenburg and professor of medicine at Königsberg. Other German authors on Marcus s Latin 17 LMA, ONA 94, no 142 (16 May 1613). The declaration has no bearing on Marcus s book-trade activities. 18 Gustav Schwetschke, Codex nundinarius Germaniae literatae bisecularis, 2 vols (Halle, ; repr. Nieuwkoop, 1960), passim. As the notarial deed in note 17 shows, Marcus in fact visited the fair already in Paullus Merula, Oratio posthuma: De natura reip. Batavicae (1618); Carolus Clusius, Galliae Belgicae corographica descriptio posthuma (1619); Simon Simonides, Poemata aurea cum antiquitate comparanda (1619); Antonius Florebellus, Panegyricus Carolo V. Rom. imperatori dictus (1619); Caesar Baronius, Epistola ad sacram regiam catholicam maiestatem de monarchia sicula (1619); Julius Caesar Scaliger, Epistolia duo lectu dignissima (1619); Josephus Justus Scaliger, De arte critica diatriba (1619) and Loci cuiusdam Galeni difficillimi explicatio doctissima (1619); [Raphael Thorius], Epistola de viri celeberrimi Isaaci Casauboni morbi mortisque causa (1619); Franco Duyckius, Comparatio elegans venatoris et amatoris (1619). 20 Remarkably, the work had first appeared one year earlier with the Leiden Officina Elseviriana; the 1627 corrected edition published by Abraham and Bonaventura Elzevier was followed one year later by another Marcus edition. 21 An enlarged edition appeared in 1637; the third corrected edition was published by Marcus in 1640; according to the title-page it was also sold in the Elzevier bookshop in Amsterdam.

195 Leiden-German Book-Trade Relations 169 list include the jurist Arnoldus Clapmarius ( ) from Bremen, 22 the mathematician Johannes Laurembergius ( ) from Rostock, 23 and Henningus Arnisaeus ( ) from Schlanstedt near Halberstadt, former court physician to King Christian IV of Denmark. 24 Interestingly, the majority of these authors, like Marcus, had a North German (or Danish) background, as well as a Leiden academic connection, having studied or worked there for some time. It is more than likely that Marcus knew many of them personally. 25 Gradually, however, Marcus began to explore a new market, that of popular books in the German language. The first came out in 1629, Philipp Kegel s (fl ) devotional bestseller Zwolff geistliche Andachten, which had first appeared in Hamburg in 1593 and had been reprinted many times since. Marcus s edition was exceptional because of its miniature format: 608 pages in 32mo! 26 A substantial commercial success for Marcus was Peter Lauremberg s Acerra philologica: Das ist, Dreyhundert außerlesene, nützliche, lustige, und denckwürdige Historien und Discursen, first published by Marcus in 1640 and reprinted three times afterwards (1643, 1645 and 1650 [enlarged edition]). Peter Lauremberg ( ), a brother of the above-mentioned Johann Lauremberg, came from Rostock; interestingly, the 1640 edition was published by Marcus in association with the Rostock bookseller Johann Hallervord, who in previous years had repeatedly printed this and numerous other works by Lauremberg. 27 One year later, Marcus produced the German translation of another highly popular text of the period, the Ragguagli di Parnasso by the Italian political satirist Traiano Boccalini, first published in Venice in Marcus s translation, entitled Hundert ein und dreissig Relationes oder newe Zeitungen aus Parnasso was accompanied by its follow-up, Politischer Probierstein aus Parnasso (Pietra 22 Arnoldus Clapmarius, De arcanis rerumpublicarum libri sex, ed. Joannes Corvinus (1640). 23 Johannes Laurembergius, Logarithmus, seu canon numerorum, sinuum ac tangentium novus (1628). 24 Heningus Arnisaeus, Doctrina politica in genuinam methodum, quae est Aristotelis, reducta (1643). 25 According to a contract in the archive of the Leiden University Court of Justice, Marcus in 1619 was also involved in the printing of a book by, or on behalf of, the German scholar Albertus Crusius from Hamburg. Unfortunately, no further details are given. The Hague, National Archives, Academische Vierschaar, 10 (Dingboek A), fol. 170r-v (22 November 1619). For letters by Albertus Crusius to the Leiden scholars Petrus Scriverius and Petrus Cunaeus of the same year, see Leiden University Library, Bibliotheca Publica Latina (BPL), no 1745, and Cunaeus (CUN), no 2. See also Petri Cunaei & doctorum virorum ad eumdem epistolae Editio nova, ed. Petrus Burmannus (Leiden, 1732), Only one copy is known, it is in the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel (Xb 9296); its exquisite binding is described as follows in VD 17: Roter Ledereinband mit goldenen Ornamenten, silbernen Zierstücken (Bourbonenlilie) und Silberschließen. 27 The colophon reads: Gedruckt zu Leyden bey Jacob Marci, In verlegung Johan Hallervords, Im Jahr According to VD 17 Hallervord had printed the 1633 editio princeps and at least five subsequent editions of the Acerra before Cf. Thomas Bürger, Die Acerra philologica des Peter Lauremberg: Zur Geschichte, Verbreitung und Überlieferung eines deutschen Schulbuches des 17. Jahrhunderts, Wolfenbütteler Notizen zur Buchgeschichte, 12 (1987), 1-24.

196 170 Paul Hoftijzer della paragone, first published in Venice in 1614), in which Boccalini attacked the Spanish hegemony in Southern Europe. Regretfully, the translator is unknown, which is also the case with Jean Puget de la Serre s much used manual of letter writing, A la modischer Secretarius Das ist politischer Hoff-stylus of Marcus had pirated the original French edition, Le secretaire à la mode, before, in 1643, and would do so again in It is known, however, who the translator was of Vital d Audiguier s Histoire tragique et comique des amours de Lysandre et de Caliste, published in 1644 by Marcus as Die traurige jedoch frölich-außgehende Historia von Lysandern und Kalisten. The dedication an die überirdische Rosemund is signed by the young and aspiring poet Philipp von Zesen ( ) from Priorau near Dessau, who during the last years of the Thirty Years War lived in the Dutch Republic, and possibly in Leiden, working as a translator and corrector for various Dutch publishers, including, it appears, Jacob Marcus. 29 Yet, Jacob Marcus s German orientation is most obvious from the publication of books for which there was an unlimited demand: Lutheran bibles and psalm books in small format. In 1630, he applied for a privilege from the States General on the printing of a German Lutheran Bible in duodecimo, which was granted to him on 9 December 1630 for seven years. 30 The following year, he published his first German Bible, Biblia: das ist, Die gantze H. Schrifft deutsch Mit Summarien und aussgehenden Versiculn, indeed in duodecimo, with an engraved title-page and portrait of Luther, and including the Psalms in the edition of Ambrosius Lobwasser and the Lutheran prayers and hymns. 31 In 1632, a second edition appeared, with a revealing dedication and preface. Marcus dedicated this edition to the three lords who ruled the Schleswig-Holstein region: King Christian V of Denmark, Duke Frederick III of Schleswig-Holstein, Stormarn and Dithmarschen, and Count Anthon Günther of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst. It is worthwhile to quote him extensively, also because this is one of the very rare documents we have from his own hand. Marcus writes, in his somewhat peculiar German: Nun is zwar die Bibel in Teutschen Sprache hin und wieder nach des H. Martini Lutheri S. Version vielfeltig gedrückt worden, aldiweil aber ich gesehen und erfahren, das manch betrüebt Hertze, von den Bedrückten, in ihrem Elende offters begehrt, 28 The 1643 French edition is recorded in Alphonse Willems, Les Elzevier (Amsterdam, 1880), no 976, n. However, no copy of this edition could be traced. 29 Later, Philipp von Zesen would work for many years as a professional editor and corrector for the Amsterdam Officina Elseviriana. He is also the author of the Beschreibung der Stadt Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Hague, National Archives, Archive of the States General, inv. no 12304, fols 47v-48r. The bible was said to be printed with a small letter. The fine for those who violated the privilege was set at 150 guilders. 31 Two copies of the 1631 edition are known to me, one in the library of the Nederlands Bijbelgenootschap in Haarlem (34= Luth(Marc)) and one in the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel (Bibel-S.55); the latter, with manuscript annotations by the avid Bible collector Elisabeth Sophie Maria, Duchess of Braunschweig-Lüneburg ( ), I have not been able to see.

197 Leiden-German Book-Trade Relations 171 sich aus diesem lebendigem Brünlein Israelis des reinen Worts Gottes selige Erquickung zu schöpffen, und gleichwol daran nicht wenig Mangel gewesen, das die Bibel in solchem Format nicht gedruckt, das man bequemblich die gantze H. Schrifft auff Reisen und sonst allenthalben bequemblich bey sich führen können, daraus manch betrübt Hertze in diesem höhesten Kriegsgnöten einen guten Trost zu fassen: So habe ich nicht unterlassen können, auff Mittel und Wege zugedencken, wie zum allerfügligsten solches sich schicken möchte. Deroehalben ich dan nicht verbey gekunt, mit vornehmen Gelahrten und Gottesfürchtigen Leuten daraus zu reden, welche sich auch dieses mein Vorhaben hochlich gefallen lassen. In massen ich auch zwar darnach mit Ernst getrachtet, wie ich die allererste Edition, so vom H. Luthero selbest nunmehr vor hundert Jahren ausgefertigt worden (weil mir dieselbe unterschiedlich sehr hoch gerümet worden) drucken mocht, allein weil es in Enge der Zeit nicht geschehen können, so habe ich das ubliche Exemplar, wie es sonst nach der Wittenbergischen Ahrt hin und wieder gedrückt worden, neben des H. Lutheri Psalmen und Gesängen, so er gemacht, sampt etzlichen Gebetlein, in dieser Forma portatifi in einem Volumine ausfertigen wollen, damit solche betrübte Hertzen unnd auch ein ieder Christ vor sich selbest dieselbe als ein Spiegel, zu Haus, zu Felde, auff Reisen und in allen Geschefften, Handel und Wandel zu gebrauchen hette. 32 The preface to the reader is no less interesting. It was written on Marcus s request by Nicolaus Hunnius ( ), who after a career as professor of theology in Wittenberg, was appointed superintendent of the Lutheran church in Lübeck, and subsequently of the entire diocese of Lübeck, Hamburg and Lüneburg, where he tried to suppress the popularity of the enthusiasts within the Lutheran church as well as to resist Calvinist influences. Clearly he was a man of considerable power and prestige and Marcus must have been pleased by Hunnius s willingness to contribute a preface to his new bible edition. This is what Hunnius writes on Marcus s use of the duodecimo format, after having praised God s providence by making available so many copies of Luther s translation of the bible through the printing press: Wann sich je ein Buchdrücker vor dem andern, die heilige Schrifft mit sonderbahrer Behendigkeit und Kunst, in ein kleines geschmeidiges Manuael und Handbüchlin zubringen, bearbeitet: so ist das nicht ungleich einer Bedrohung: als spreche Gott zu uns: Ich habe euch Deutschen vor hundert Jahren mein Wort in ewer Muttersprach, jedoch in solchem Druck und grossem Format fürgeleget, das ihr dasselbe nicht anders, dann dafür stehend oder sitzend habt lesen können, damit ich euch versprochen, auch getrewlich gehalten, das ihr diese Zeit uber in Stille und guter Ruhe mein Wort gelesen und gebrauchet habt: Nuhn aber Deutschland meines Worts fast uberdrüssing ist, so schicke ich mich zur Reise, und gebe den ubrigen meines Volcks die Bibel in kleinem Format, wie das für Reisende dienet, unnd spreche: mach dich auff mein Volck, begieb dich auff die Wanderschafft, nim die Bibel, die ich dir fein genaw zusammen packe, als deinen grössesten Schatz, unnd folge mir nach in ein ander Land, das ich dir zeigen wil. 32 Biblia: das ist, Die gantze H. Schrifft deutsch (1632), Dedicatio by Jacob Marcus, fols (*)1v- (*)2r. The quotation is taken from the digitized copy in the Sächsische Landesbibliothek, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, Dresden (Biblia. 1973; accessible through VD 17). The text has been transcribed word by word, only the capitalization has been adapted to modern German use.

198 172 Paul Hoftijzer In dem aber erkennen wir Gottes Güte danckbarlich, und bitten, Er wolle uns, durch seinen heiligen Geist, die Gnade verleihen, das wir uns allerseits in seine zweyfache Erinnerung kindlich und wol schicken lernen, mit Jeremia seuffzende: Herr enthalte uns dein Wort, den dasseble ist unsers Hertzens Frewd und Trost. Dabeneben rühmen wir billich die Sorge unnd Arbeit, welche fleissige Buchhändler, der Christenheit zur Dienst, unnd frommen Hertzen zu Nutzen auffwenden, den Bibeldruck also anzustellen, das er vielen, umb einen leidenlichen Kauff, mit anmutigen Schrifften, in bequemer Form, wol correct, fein zierlich zugerichtet, zu Handen komme, und mancher zu desselbigen fleissiger Lesung dadurch auffgebracht, und gleichsam gezogen werde. Wann dan der Erbare, und fürnehme, Herr Jacobus Marcus, Buchhändler in Leyden, die H. Schrifft, in gegenwertiger Edition mit sonderbahren Fleis, Mühe, und angewendeten Uncosten, in einem schönen Handbüchlin, der Christenheit zu nutzen, heraus gibet, dabey auch dem vom seligen D. Luthero zu letzt ubersehenem Bibeldruck mit allem Fleis nach gesetzt, als wird ihm dafür gebührlich Danck gesaget, unnd haben sich christliche Hertzen dieses Kleinots desto mehr anzunehmen, weil sie desselben nicht allein zu Hausse, besondern auch in Kirchen, auf Reisen zu Wasser und Land, in Spatzieren gehen, und in summa, allenthalben, füglich und ohne Beschwerde, zugebrauchen haben. Darumb auch dieses Werck ferner Commendation nicht von Nöthen hat, sintemal die Contenta, so darinnen begrieffen, von dem allerhöchsten Gott herrühren, viel köstlicher sind, den Gold und viel feines Goldes, auch allen Christen lieber, dann viel tausend Stück Goldes und Silbers, die eusserste Form sich selber rühmet, dem Käuffer annehmlich machet, und auff allen Seiten das Werck seinen Meister lobet. 33 Over the years, in 1636 and 1646, two more editions of the Lutheran Bible would be published, this time in the new version edited by the Nuremberg theologian Johannes Saubert the Elder ( ), in octavo, and again accompanied by additional texts, such as the Lutheran catechism, prayers and hymns. Separate editions of the Psalms by Ambrosius Lobwasser appeared in 1636, 1638 and Encouraged by the success of his German bible, Marcus began to work on a similar project, printing Lutheran bibles for the Swedish market. The first one, entitled Biblia thet ahr hela then Helga Schrifft på Swenska Med wtgånde verser sampt J. Bredden Concordantier, came out in 1633 in small quarto, Cum Gratia & Privilegio S.R.M. Sueciae. The role of King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden ( ) in the production of this bible is not entirely clear, but it seems that Marcus had sent a proof copy on his own accord to the king, who liked the handsome format and good typography and allowed the book to be imported into Sweden. 34 As Gustavus Adolphus had died in the previous year, the bible 33 Biblia: das ist, Die gantze H. Schrifft deutsch (1632), Christlicher lieber Leser, fol. (*)4r-v. The preface is signed Lübeck, den 20 Tag Januarii, des 1632 Jahres. 34 Cf. Johann A. Schinmeier, Versuch einer vollständigen Geschichte der Schwedischen Bibel- Übersetzungen und Ausgaben... Vierter Stücks erste Beylage (Flensburg, 1780), 40-46; on p. 40 Schinmeier writes: So viel ist gewiß, daß dem benannten Buchdrucker ein eignes Exemplar dazu übersandt, und daß die kleinere Form derselben auf des Königs ausdrücklichen Willen beliebt ward, weil die vorhergehenden Folio- und Quart-Ausgaben auf Reisen und im Lager zu beschwerlich waren. Es kann auch seyn, daß der damals vorzüglich schöne Holländische Druck den König dazu bewog. Denn derselbe ist außerordentlich nett, eben so als das Papier und Format. All editions of Marcus s Swedish bible, however, contained many typesetting errors. See also E. Hellman, Den svenska Bibeln

199 Leiden-German Book-Trade Relations 173 has a Latin dedication to his daughter Christina, who at the time was only seven years old. A second edition in octavo format appeared in 1635, with dedications to Christina and her custodian, Lord High Chancellor Count Axel Oxenstierna, and a third one, which is in fact a re-issue of the 1635 bible with a new title-page, in On the verso of the title-page, the licence is printed, issued by Oxenstierna, which allowed the importation of this bible and other useful books into Sweden free from duty. The publication of a fourth edition, dated 1637, is not certain. The story goes that the entire print run was shipwrecked on its way to Sweden. 35 It has been suggested that these bibles were intended for use in the Swedish army. 36 It is more likely, however, that Marcus, in contrast to printers in Sweden was able to provide the Swedish market with well printed and relatively cheap bibles. There are indications that at this time he was also trying to gain a foothold in Sweden as a supplier of books to the Royal Library in Stockholm and the university library of Uppsala. From at least 1636 he was delivering books to the library of the University of Uppsala and he may also have visited St Michael s fair in Stockholm, which had just been opened up for foreign traders. Soon, however, there were other competitors on the market, and when in 1638 the University of Uppsala considered the appointment of a university bookseller, Marcus s name was not even mentioned. It was agreed instead that the Leiden Elzeviers would be approached. 37 The reason may well have been that Marcus now was becoming an old man. He had been active in the book-trade since the beginning of the century and he must have felt the pressure of his constant work and travel. This is also the picture that emerges from a series of notarial documents in the Leiden Municipal Archives dating from the 1640s. In 1641, Marcus sold the publishing rights and remaining copies of seven of his publications for a total of 1,020 guilders to two of his Leiden colleagues, David Lopez de Haro and Hieronymus de Vogel. According to the notarial deed, Marcus was not allowed to print any of these titles again, and copies that were still in his possession abroad or that were returned to him, had to be sold to Lopez de Haro and de Vogel at fixed prices. 38 Interestingly, two of the books listed have never been attributed to genom tiderna: Bibliografiska anteckningar till tjänst för forskare och samlare (Stockholm, 1968), 28, The first mention of this story is in the Acta eruditorum anno MDCCIV publicata (Leipzig, 1704), 344: imo alia ibidem A. 1637, ut nonnulli volunt, sed cujus omnia exemplaria in naufragio perierint. 36 Jürgen Quack, Schwedische Bibelvorreden von 1600 bis 1900 (2013), 9 < (accessed: 20 December 2013). 37 Bo Bennich-Björkmann, De Leidse en Amsterdamse Elzeviers in Skandinavië, , Boekverkopers van Europa: Het 17de-eeuwse Nederlandse uitgevershuis Elzevier, eds Berry P. M. Dongelmans, Paul G. Hoftijzer and Otto S. Lankhorst (Zutphen, 2000), The activities of Jacob Marcus in Denmark and Sweden certainly deserve further study. 38 LMA, ONA 606, [no number] (5 February 1641). The titles concerned are (with their last year of publication by Marcus): Johannes Cluverus, Historiarum totius mundi epitome (1637); Lambertus Danaeus, Aphorismi politici et militares (1639); Ambrosius Lobwasser, CL

200 174 Paul Hoftijzer Marcus s press, Johann Arndt s Paradiesgärtlein voller christl. Tugenden and Basilius Förtsch s Geistliche Wasserquelle, both seventeenth-century German bestsellers. 39 One month later, Marcus obtained permission from the Leiden magistrates to hold an auction sale of his remaining stock in Leiden. According to his request, he wished to close his bookshop and concentrate on his printing activities and foreign book-trade. 40 A catalogue of this auction has, however, not been found. Four years later, on 18 February 1645, he sold to Frans de Heger, another Leiden colleague, part of his black-letter type material (200 pounds of High German nonpareil at two guilders per pound) and at the same time transferred to him the rights and privilege of his German Bible, promising not to print in any way the said bible, now or at any other time with the type-sizes nonpareil and brevier, directly or indirectly. 41 Finally, one other notarial deed should be mentioned. On 9 January 1646, Jacob Marcus gave power of attorney to Andreas Schimmel, bookseller in Danzig (active ), to receive back from a certain Anthoni Meijste, agent of Frans de Heger, who at the time was in Danzig, a specified number of books: 350 German bibles, Holland printing à ƒ5 (ƒ1750) 100 Lobwasser à 10 st. (ƒ50) 300 Politische hoff stilus à 10 st. (ƒ150) 50 Ministre d éstat à ƒ1.10 (ƒ75) 150 Clapmarius de republica à ƒ1.7 (ƒ202.10) 600 Havermans à 10 st. (ƒ300) 42 According to this procuration, Marcus had sent these books in commission to Schimmel, who had not been able to sell them, upon which they had been collected by Meijste to be sent back to Leiden. Meijste had also cashed 28 Psalmen Davids (1638); Johann Arndt, Paradiesgärtlein voller christl. Tugenden (?); Basilius Förtsch, Geistliche Wasserquelle (?); Traiano Boccalini, Politischer Probierstein aus Parnasso (1641); Joannes Meursius, Majestas veneta (1640). 39 A bibliographical search for unrecorded Marcus-editions (including possible anonymous or false imprints) of Arndt and Förtsch was, however, not successful. 40 LMA, Stadsarchief, 63 ( Gerechtsdagboeken T), fol. 200r-v (11 March 1641). 41 LMA, ONA 554, nos 9 and 10 (18 February 1645). A seventeenth-century Dutch pound weighed kilogram. Nonpareil or nonparel is a type-size of approximately 6 points; brevier is approximately 7.5 points. Witness at both transactions was the renowned printer Paulus Aertsz van Ravesteyn, printer of the Dutch authorized version of the Bible (the socalled Statenbijbel ), first published in Leiden in No German bibles printed by Frans de Heger are recorded; he went bankrupt in LMA, ONA 727, no 5. The titles can be identified as follows, all, with the exception of Havermans, can be identified as Marcus publications: German Bible = Biblia: Das ist, die gantze Heilige Schrift (1644, 8vo); Lobwasser = Die CL Psalmen Davids (1646, 24mo); Politische hoff stilus = Jean Puget de la Serre, A la modischer Secretarius Das ist politischer Hoff-stylus (1645, 24mo); Ministre d éstat = Sr. De Silhon, Le ministre d estat (1644, 12mo); Clapmarius de republica = Arnoldus Clapmarius, De arcanis rerumpublicarum libri sex (1644, 12mo); Havermans = possibly Johann Habermann, Christliche Gebet: Auß Habermans, Arnds, Gerhards und andern Gebett-Buchern sonderlich zusamen gelesen ([Leiden, 1646?], 18mo). Prices are in guilders and stuivers.

201 Leiden-German Book-Trade Relations 175 Reichsthaler from the Königsberg bookseller Martinus Hallervord (active ) for delivered books, and had received money from other booksellers in Königsberg, without handing it over to Marcus, who now wanted Meijste to be prosecuted. The importance of this document is that it reveals some of Marcus s trade contacts in the Brandenburg area and provides valuable information on the books he sold to his German colleagues, their numbers and prices. By that time, Marcus was not living in Leiden anymore. In 1644, he is recorded in Leiderdorp, a village east of Leiden, and by 1647 he had permanently settled in Utrecht, having sold his house on the Leiden Rapenburg canal, appropriately named The Prince of Brandenburg, for the grand sum of 6,200 guilders. 43 Still, in 1650, he would bring out one final publication, an enlarged edition of Peter Lauremberg s Acerra philologica, now containing 400 Historien und Discursen, with his Leiden imprint. 44 That Marcus was still living in Utrecht, however, can be deduced from an intriguing notarial document in the Municipal Archives in Utrecht, dated 2 March 1650, in which he gave consent to his nephew and ward Nanningh van der Weele to travel to Russia to set up his own affairs and trade. 45 After that no more archival or bibliographical trace of him can be found. Jacob Marcus can be regarded as one of the pioneers of the German-Dutch book-trade in the seventeenth century. He was able to make full use of his own northern German background and Leiden academic connections to set up his network of contacts with German authors and colleagues. What we know of his activity is limited, due to the isolated bits and pieces of information that are available. But surely more can be found in library collections and archives in Germany, Denmark, Sweden, Poland and the Baltic states. Marcus was not the only Leiden, or Dutch book-trade entrepreneur with good connections east of the United Provinces. The Leiden and Amsterdam Elzeviers had an extensive network of northern European trade relations, as is shown by the numerous German publications on their publishing lists and in their stock catalogues. 46 In 43 Theodoor H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, C. Willemijn Fock and Albert J. van Dissel, Het Rapenburg: Geschiedenis van een Leidse gracht, vol. VIa (Leiden, 1992), 64, The 1650 edition has a printed title-page with the name of Marcus ( Bey Jacob Marci ), but without the place of publication, whereas the engraved title-page has Zu Leyden, Bey Iacob Marci Utrechts Archief, ONA U036a005, no 32: alsoo Nanningh vander Weele zijnen [= Marcus s] neve van meijninge was een voijagie te doen naer Moscovia om aldaer zijn eijgen handelinge ende negotie te verrichten. The question remains if the nephew followed in the footsteps of his uncle. 46 The various Elzevier bibliographies, particularly those of Alphonse Willems, Les Elzevier, 1880; Édouard Rahir, Catalogue d une collection unique de volumes imprimés par les Elzevier et divers typographes hollandais du XVIIe siècle, Paris, 1896, and Gustav Berghman, Études sur la bibliographie elzevirienne, basées sur l ouvrage Les Elzevier de M. Alphonse Willems, Stockholm, 1885, constitute a good point of departure. Willems also lists the titles of their trade catalogues (3-10), in particular the 1681 sale catalogue of the stock of Daniel Elsevier, published one year after his death in Amsterdam. See also the analysis by Berry P. M. Dongelmans of the debtors in Daniel Elsevier s estate inventory of the same year, which lists the names of thirty German (one in Münster!), six Swedish and five Danish booksellers;

202 176 Paul Hoftijzer the printing metropolis Amsterdam, in the course of the seventeenth century, several German booksellers were active, while the firms of Blaeu and Johannes Janssonius, later Janssonius à Waesberge, had agents and even bookshops in several German cities. 47 There is much collaborative work to be done, we may conclude, for a new generation of German and Dutch book historians. Elzevier addenda et corrigenda, Boekverkopers van Europa: Het 17de-eeuwse Nederlandse uitgevershuis Elzevier, eds Berry P. M. Dongelmans, Paul G. Hoftijzer and Otto S. Lankhorst (Zutphen, 2000), Cf. Isabella H. van Eeghen, De Amsterdamse boekhandel, : V-1, De boekhandel van de Republiek, (Amsterdam, 1978), chapter III provides an excellent basis for further research, besides the now outdated publication by M. M. Kleerkooper and W. P. van Stockum, De boekhandel te Amsterdam voornamelijk in de zeventiende eeuw: Biographische en geschiedkundige aanteekeningen, aangevuld en uitgegeven door W. P. van Stockum jr, 2 vols, The Hague, In addition, there is János Bruckner s excellent Bibliographical Catalogue of Seventeenth-Century German Books Published in Holland, The Hague, 1971.

203 The Printed Acta Synodi Nationalis Dordrechti as a Networking Tool Janika Bischof, Johannes a Lasco Bibliothek, Emden Abstract Book gifts are important in creating and maintaining networks across borders. After the Synod of Dordt had concluded, presentation copies of the acts of the synod were sent to England. These gifts can be described as tools in the effort to strengthen the network of the Reformed faith in Europe. A year after the Synod of Dordrecht concluded, presentation copies of the Acta Synodi Nationalis Dordrechti were sent to England to be presented to King James I, Prince Charles and Archbishop George Abbot. These gifts as well as the dedications in the printed editions of the Acta Synodi Nationalis can be seen as tools in the effort to strengthen the network of nations committed to the Reformed faith in Europe at the start of the seventeenth century. Presented and dedicated books played an important role in the context of establishing and strengthening networks across borders. Modern network theory can help the understanding of these interactions by giving us the terminology and tools to analyse these gifts and their place in a wider historic context. In November 1618, Protestants from across Northwestern Europe gathered in the small city of Dordrecht (also referred to as Dordt) in the Netherlands to settle a religious conflict on the doctrine of predestination within the Dutch Protestant Church. The controversy had started in 1602 as a theological dispute between two professors of the university of Leiden, Jacobus Arminius and Franciscus Gomarus, on the doctrine of predestination concerning God s eternal decrees to elect some people to salvation and damn others to punishment. 1 The conflict had been raging for almost a decade and spilled over into the political realm of the still young Dutch Republic (founded in 1581) when the followers of Arminius ( ) asked the government of the States of Holland, the States General, in 1610 for freedom to preach and teach their opinions, and stated their five main points of doctrine in a Remonstrance to the States of Holland, 2 from which their designation as Remonstrants derived. Their orthodox opponents replied with a Contra-Remonstrance the following year, but the debates between the two parties reached much further than the five points that 1 Aza Goudriaan and Fred van Lieburg, Introduction, Revisiting the Synod of Dordt ( ), eds Aza Goudriaan and Fred van Lieburg (Leiden, 2011), ix-xiv, x. 2 The major doctrinal issue was the question of divine predestination, but included were also the issues of atonement by the death of Jesus Christ, human depravity and conversion, the efficacy of grace, and perseverance (Goudriaan and van Lieburg, Introduction, x).

204 178 Janika Bischof became the centre of the controversy. 3 Aza Goudriaan and Fred van Lieburg point out that [w]ith eyes on an inevitable clash of the Roman-Catholic and Protestant power blocks in Europe, political unity and religious concord was a life and death matter for the Dutch state as such. 4 However, because the Republic s two top leaders Johan van Oldenbarnevelt as raadpensionaris of Holland and Prince Maurice as stadholder of several provinces [and] chief commander of the States army were on opposite sides of the debate, the conflict dragged on for several more years. 5 There appeared to be no way to a solution until Prince Maurice s continued political success led to the arrest of Oldenbarnevelt on 29 August The Reformed Church in the Netherlands in cooperation with the States General finally arranged to hold a synod to debate and judge the issue in 1618, and invited delegates from other Reformed churches across Europe to advise and contribute to the debate. 7 It is this participation of foreign delegates that made the synod not just an important event in Dutch history, but [an important event] in the history of the church. 8 From November 1618 to May 1619, delegates representing the States General, professors and pastors of the Dutch Reformed Church, and foreign delegates from Great Britain, Geneva, some Swiss cantons, the Palatinate, Nassau- Wetterau, Hesse, Emden, and Bremen met and deliberated in Dordrecht. Representatives from the Remonstrants were cited before the Synod to have their views examined and judged, but any meaningful theological discussion failed because the Remonstrants wanted to be given the status of fellow delegates. 9 With neither side willing to concede ground, the Remonstrants were eventually dismissed from the Synod on 14 January After the dismissal of the Remonstrants, the delegates continued to debate for several months, with the delegations submitting their judgements on the Remonstrant articles to be read in the sessions of the Synod. 11 The final results of the debate were eventually unified into the Canons of Dordt. Originally, Johannes Bogerman ( ), the president of the Synod, had dictated his own draft of the Canons and created quite a stir, especially among some of the foreign delegates, who thought Bogerman wanted to draw up canons alone and 3 Goudriaan and van Lieburg, Introduction, x. 4 Goudriaan and van Lieburg, Introduction, x. 5 Goudriaan and van Lieburg, Introduction, x. 6 Anthony Milton, Introduction, The British Delegation, ed. Anthony Milton (Woodbridge, 2005), xvii-lv, xvii. 7 Milton, Introduction, xvii-xviii. 8 Milton, Introduction, xvii. 9 Goudriaan and van Lieburg, Introduction, xi. 10 Goudriaan and van Lieburg, Introduction, xi. 11 Anthony Milton, The Collegiate Suffrage of the British Divines, The British Delegation, ed. Anthony Milton (Woodbridge, 2005), , 224.

205 The Printed Acta Synodi Nationalis Dordrechti as a Networking Tool 179 just have the Synod give its approval. 12 The Canons were finalized and subscribed by all delegates on 23 April When the Synod concluded, the Canons as well as the proceedings and judgements of the nineteen delegations on the Remonstrant views were collected, summarized and made public in a variety of forms. Some of these documents were handwritten, such as the small booklet of the Canons which remains in the Royal Collection of the British Library today 14 ; others were printed, such as several editions of the Acta Synodi Nationalis Dordrechti published in Latin, Dutch and French from 1620 onwards. 15 These editions generally began with a dedication, a metaphorical gift of the book to the reader. In addition, for at least three copies of the printed edition, we have letters documenting that they were given as gifts to the English King James I, his son Charles, the Prince of Wales, and George Abbot, the Archbishop of Canterbury. This prominent acknowledgement of the British involvement, as well as the participation of delegates from other nations committed to the Reformed faith, can be seen as evidence for the importance of the network between these nations. The question to be investigated is why printed editions of the proceedings of the synod were considered to be worthy gifts, and whether these gifts served a specific function in the European network of Reformed nations at the time. Although the terminology of network analysis is modern, and its application has spread into nearly every sphere of human experience, the concepts behind it are nothing new. However, only recently have scholars begun to analyse 12 Donald Sinnema, The Drafting of the Canons of Dordt: A Preliminary Survey of Early Drafts and Related Documents, Revisiting the Synod of Dordt ( ), eds Aza Goudriaan and Fred van Lieburg (Leiden, 2011), , Sinnema, The Drafting of the Canons of Dordt, Iudicium Synodi Dordracenae de quinque doctrinae capitibus in Belgio controversis, London, British Library, Royal MS 7 F IX. This judgement, as the Canons was originally called, was also printed in four languages (Latin, Dutch, French, and English) in the following years. See Donald Sinnema, The Canons of Dordt: From Judgment on Arminianism to Confessional Standard, Revisiting the Synod of Dordt ( ), eds Aza Goudriaan and Fred van Lieburg (Leiden, 2011), , The Latin text as approved by the States General survives in four text-identical editions: Acta Synodi Nationalis Dordrechti (Leiden, 1620), 3 parts, folio, 360, 252, 292 pp.; Acta Synodi Nationalis Dordrechti (Dordrecht, 1620), 3 parts, folio, [40], 352, 276, 323, [3] pp.; Acta Synodi Nationalis (Dordrecht, 1620), 3 parts, quarto, [52], 411, [1], 328, 413 [i.e. 409], [3] pp.; Acta Synodi Nationalis (Hanau, 1620), quarto, [28], 858, [44] pp. For an overview of the history of these editions as well as the creation of the text, see Donald Sinnema, Introduction to the Acta Authentica, Acta Contracta and Printed Acta, Acta of the Synod of Dordt, eds Donald Sinnema, Christian Moser, and Herman J. Selderhuis, Acta et Documenta Synodi Nationalis Dordrechtanae ( ), Vol. 1, Göttingen, forthcoming. The French edition is the Actes du Synode National, tenu à Dordrecht, l An 1618 & 19, 2 vols, Leiden, The Dutch edition is Acta ofte handelingen des Nationalen Synodi, Dordrecht, 1621, printed in a folio and a quarto edition by Canin. The French and Dutch editions are translations of the Latin Acta Synodi Nationalis, including the preface; however, the French edition includes an additional preface with a dedication to the Dutch States General from the translator Richard Jean de Nerée.

206 180 Janika Bischof historical events and records with the help of this terminology and the associated concepts and methods. 16 Network theory and terminology allow a broader perspective, to connect individual persons or events and examine them in a wider context, and to do so visually and systematically. This approach has proved fruitful in an increasing number of areas. Although the terminology may vary slightly between different approaches and fields of research, the concepts behind the terminology remain the same. At its simplest, a network can be described as a group of points which are connected in various ways. The most important feature that distinguishes a network from other groupings is the lack of a substantial hierarchy of the connections. In theory, a network is openended, though for the purpose of analysing a specific question, limits can and should be imposed. Networks are based up0n nodes or agents, points of reference that are connected with each other through ties. Some ties or agents may be more important or stronger than others, but there is no superimposed structure. One particular type of agent, a bridge, can play an important role because it possesses ties to parts of the network that would otherwise remain unconnected. In these cases, the ties are often weak but their bridging function increases their role within the network. Other agents may be connected through particularly strong ties and thus form a cluster, a closely connected group within the wider network. The connections between agents in the network can take many forms, but most commonly they are formed through exchanges of one kind or another, such as information or material objects. These transactions can be seen as tools, which help to increase, and maintain the network of individuals as well as the network as a whole entity. These tools are objects and methods to create, maintain and change network ties, and they are used by individuals to establish connections to other individuals and to maintain and strengthen these ties. In modern times, the Internet is a good example of a networking tool used to find other people and to keep in touch with them (such as social network applications). In early modern times, letters, gifts and personal connections all functioned as networking tools. Among the material objects that passed along these ties in the past, books present a particularly interesting case, as they are both a material object and a 16 See, for example, Susan Fitzmaurice, Coalitions and the Investigation of Social Influence in Linguistic History, European Journal of English Studies, 4.3 (2000), , and further articles in the same volume which present the results of a workshop on the topic of Social Network Analysis and the History of English held at the tenth International Conference on English Historical Linguistics (see Ingrid Tieken-Boon van Ostade, Social Network Analysis and the History of English, European Journal of English Studies, 4.3 [2000], ). The application of these concepts to the analysis of book gifts was the focus of an international colloquium on Book Gifts and Cultural Networks from the Fourteenth to the Sixteenth Century, held in Münster on 8-10 February 2010 (see Gabriele Müller- Oberhäuser, ed., Book Gifts and Cultural Networks from the 14th to the 16th Century, Münster, forthcoming).

207 The Printed Acta Synodi Nationalis Dordrechti as a Networking Tool 181 source of information that can be exchanged and spread through a network. 17 But before the role of book gifts within networks is discussed, it should be made clear what a book gift actually is. To give books as gifts can take two very different forms. When the word book is used, it usually refers to the physical aspects of the object. However, these aspects are intrinsically linked to its contents, which has an existence that is more than just its physical manifestation. A book gift can therefore take two distinct forms: On the one hand, it can refer to the gift of the physical object, which is the physical manifestation of the meta-physical contents, the text. On the other hand, a book gift can also refer to the dedication or meta-physical gift of the text alone, a symbolic gift of the thought, but not the physical object. This second type of book gift is usually reserved to the author of a given text, or to its translator, secretary or collector, whereas the gift of a physical book, including a copy of any given text, can be given by virtually anyone with the means to buy or produce it. Books have a long history as gifts, with examples dating back to the Anglo- Saxon period in England and earlier. 18 They were particularly popular gifts in the religious setting, not only because the majority of books were produced in this environment, but because of their contents; knowledge, which, as Natalie Zemon Davis observes, was considered a gift of God. 19 In the early Middle Ages, most books were of a religious nature and were found in the framework of religious life, either for the use in prayer and the liturgy, or in the wider context of theological study and the realm of church law. The surviving records show that these books were given as gifts at various occasions, but they were particularly given as testamentary bequests or donations to religious institutions and later to the libraries of universities and colleges. 20 After the introduction of the printed book, the role of the book as gift changed. Quicker and more reliable methods of reproduction meant that information could be spread faster and more widely almost simultaneously. Davis states that in a century in which the book was being produced by one of the most capitalistic industries in Europe, it continued to be perceived as an object of mixed not absolute property, of collective not private enterprise The proceedings of the international colloquium on Book Gifts and Cultural Networks investigate the use of books as gifts within networks in much more breadth and detail than is possible here (see Müller-Oberhäuser, ed., Book Gifts and Cultural Networks, Münster, forthcoming). 18 See, for example, John-Henry Wilson Clay, Gift-Giving and Books in the Letters of St Boniface and Lul, Journal of Medieval History, 35 (2009), Natalie Zemon Davis, Beyond the Market: Books as Gifts in Sixteenth-Century France. The Prothero Lecture, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 33 (1983), See Susan H. Cavanaugh, A Study of Books Privately Owned in England, , Diss. University of Pennsylvania, 1980, and also Janika Bischof, Testaments, Donations and the Values of Books as Gifts: A Study of Records from Medieval England before 1450, Diss. University of Münster, 2011; Frankfurt on Main, Davis, Beyond the Market, 87.

208 182 Janika Bischof This meant that books not only continued to be given as gifts, but that the number of gifts increased and the kinds of donors and recipients multiplied. 22 The profusion of reproduced books meant that now the book could be used in establishing and maintaining ties between individuals or groups of individuals. Networks depend on such ties between individuals, and gifts are one way in which these ties can be initiated, formed, and strengthened. Gifts are similar to network ties in that they show the connection between at least two individuals. Books as gifts are particularly helpful in highlighting ties between people of a given group, because they are physical evidence of connections between individuals. Thus, the book can be described as a tool in the social act of creating and maintaining networks. However, despite the advantages of this physical evidence for network ties, they cannot be considered as definitive evidence for these ties prima facie. Although the giver, and thus the instigator of the connection, can be established with a great degree of certainty in most cases (otherwise the gift status of the book in question would not be clear), the question whether the recipient actually received and accepted the gift requires further circumstantial evidence to be resolved. This is particularly obvious in the case of generic dedications To the Reader, but also applies to more specific dedications to individuals (particularly those of high social standing such as monarchs or church officials), unless it can be proven that a copy of the book was in the possession of the intended recipient. Additionally, it can be difficult to establish whether a book was indeed a gift, rather than bought or otherwise part of an exchange or transaction of a different kind. For this, circumstantial evidence from other sources is necessary. This can take the shape of marginal notes or letters in the books themselves, as well as accompanying letters and letters of gratitude as can be seen in the examples of the aftermath of the Synod of Dordrecht. The Synod of Dordrecht was not just a national synod of the Reformed Protestants of the Dutch States; it also included numerous delegates from other Protestant territories, who were invited to contribute to the discussion and to represent their own states at this important meeting. In effect, it was a meeting of a large section of the network of Reformed Protestants in Europe, invited by the cluster of Dutch Protestants. The delegates invited by the States General and sent by the other nations can be seen as serving the function of bridges between the Dutch cluster and clusters of Reformed Protestants in other areas. After the conclusion of the Synod, the States General decided to publish the proceedings in print, and prefaced the edition with a dedication addressed to the sovereigns of the nations who sent delegates to the Synod to thank them for their support. In the dedication to the Leiden edition, James I is specifically mentioned as the first among the supporters of the Synod s endeavour: To the same [the Synod at Dordrecht], besides our professors, ministers and elders, we have invited renowned theologians, men of exceptional learning from 22 Davis, Beyond the Market, 87.

209 The Printed Acta Synodi Nationalis Dordrechti as a Networking Tool 183 neighbouring kingdoms, domains and republics which profess to the Reformed religion, by the recommendation especially of the great and serene James I, by God s grace King of Great Britain, and in consultation with the Prince of Orange [Ad eandem, præter Professores nostros ac Ministros Senioresque, exquisitæ eruditionis viros, ex vicinis Regnis, Ditionibus ac Rebuspublicis, quæ Religionem profitentur Reformatam, suasu, inprimis Maximi ac Serenissimi Iacobi I. Dei Gratia Magnæ Britanniæ Regis, & Arausicano Principe in consilium adhibito, celeberrimos Theologos vocavimus]. 23 The printed Acta Synodi Nationalis are described as proof of this cooperation of members of the Reformed network, which leaves no doubt about the unity of the Reformed Church, and are presented as such to the involved parties in print. Further, so that it may be clear to all how much we defer to you kings, princes, counts, cities, and magistrates who promptly and kindly supported us in this so godly and lofty cause, and also to the learning, godliness, faith, and sincerity of the greatest theologians sent by you, but especially so that no one can doubt our agreement in religion, of those who were present in this venerable Synod, we publish, by our authority following the example of the greatest princes, the Acts, as they were read and approved there, and afterward carefully edited by our order and mandate [Porro omnibus ut constet, quantum vobis REGES, PRINCIPES, COMITES, CIVITATES, MAGISTRATVS, qui in hac tam pia, tam sublimi causa, prompte ac benigne nobis adfuistis, quantum item eruditioni, pietati, fidei, sinceritati, maximorum, qui à vobis missi sunt, Theologorum, deferamus, sed præsertim, ne quis de consensu nostro in Religione dubitare possit; eorum qui in venerabili hac Synodo comparuerunt, Acta, prout lecta ibi sunt atque approbata, posteaque iussu nostro ac mandato accurate recensita, sub autoritate nostra, maximorum Principum exemplo, divulgamus]. 24 This repeated reference to the connections between the Dutch States General and the other contributors to the Synod can be seen as an attempt to acknowledge and simultaneously strengthen the ties of the network by making them public, as Donald Sinnema highlights in his introduction to the edition of the Acta of the Synod of Dordt. 25 This served to show the close relations between the participants and to strengthen the impression, if not the ties themselves, of a united Reformed Protestant network in Europe. In addition to the dedication, a resolution of the States General from 13 May 1620 reveals the decision to send three copies to England as gifts; one to the King, one to the Prince of Wales, both to be bound elegantly [cierlijck], and one somewhat simpler bound [wat slechter] to Archbishop Abbot. 26 These 23 Acta Synodi Nationalis (Leiden, 1620), 3r. 24 Acta Synodi Nationalis, 4rv. 25 Sinnema, Introduction to the Acta Authentica, Acta Contracta and Printed Acta, forthcoming. 26 The resolution is recorded in the Registry of Ordinary Minute Resolutions as follows: It is agreed that three books of the Acta Synodi Nationalis shall be bound, for the King of Great Britain and the Prince of Wales, elegantly, and for the Bishop of Canterbury somewhat simpler bound, and that Festus Hommius present the aforementioned books to his majesty, his highness the Prince, and the venerable Bishop, together with letters explaining this gift in general terms from the States General [Is geaccordeert datmen voerden Coninck van Groot Britanniën ende Prince van Whales cierlijck ende voer den bisschop van Cantelberri wat slechter, sal doen binden drye boecken vande Acta Synodi

210 184 Janika Bischof gifts are confirmed by the survival of the letter to King James in the Public Record Office, London, 27 which accompanied the gift, as well as the letters of gratitude sent by all three recipients to the States General. The only copy of the presented Acta Synodi Nationalis known to have survived is the one given to Archbishop Abbot, which is found in Lambeth Palace Library today (H9478.A2[**]). It is a beautiful book, bound in red silk and embroidered with gold and silver thread. From the resolutions of the States General, it is known that Archbishop Abbot s copy was to be not as elegantly bound as the copies for the King and the Prince of Wales. The question arises whether the surviving binding is the one created in the name of the States General or whether Archbishop Abbot commissioned its rebinding. The surviving books of Abbot s collection at Lambeth Palace show that Abbot had all his books bound, usually in leather, with his name or initials and his coat of arms. The copy of the Acta Synodi Nationalis, however, is bound in silk. The embroidery consists of floral patterns in all four corners of the front and back cover. In between, the name George is embroidered at the top and the word Cant. is embroidered at the bottom on both sides, which is similar to the ownership marks on Abbot s own bindings. However, the large emblems on the front and back cover do not show Abbot s coat of arms, which consists of an archiepiscopal staff headed with a cross patty surmounted by a pall charged with four crosses patty fitchy (See of Canterbury) impaling [a] chevron between three pears (Abbot). 28 Rather, the front cover of the binding shows a mountain surrounded by the inscription Erunt ut Mons Sion MDCXX. This motif is the same as the one found on the medals minted to celebrate the Synod. The only difference is that the motto around Mount Sion on the cover of the book states the year as 1620 rather than 1619, which suggests that it refers to the printing date of the collected Acta Synodi Nationalis rather than the conclusion of the Synod. The back cover emblem shows a bundle of seven arrows pointing upwards, surrounded by the inscription concordia res parvae crescent, the motto of the Dutch Republic; the seven arrows represent the seven provinces. This emblem, too, was used on Dutch coins and further confirms the Dutch provenance of the binding and its close connection to the Synod. Therefore, the book that survives in Lambeth Palace can only be the copy given to Archbishop Abbot by the States Nationalis, Ende aen Festum Hommium behandigen om de voirsz, boucken an Zyne Majesteit hoochgemelten Prince, ende eerweerdichen bischop te presenteeren mette brieven van Hare Ho Mo daertoe dienende, in generalibus termininis] ( Driie bouchen van Acten vant Synode naer Engelandt to sende, 13 May 1620, Register of Ordinary Minute Resolutions 1620, Nationaal Archief, Den Haag, Staten-Generaal, , inv. nr 45, fol. 149r). I am extremely grateful to Dr Johanna Roelevink of the Huygens Instituut voor Nederlandse Geschiedenis Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen for her help in finding and transcribing the resolutions relevant to this gift. 27 States General to King James I, 14/24 May 1620, The British Delegation, ed. Milton, Abbot, George, Archbishop of Canterbury ( ) (Stamp 1), British Armorial Bindings < (accessed: ).

211 The Printed Acta Synodi Nationalis Dordrechti as a Networking Tool 185 General after the conclusion of the Synod in its original binding, as mentioned in the letters that survive. The survival of Abbot s copy of the Acta Synodi Nationalis along with three letters of gratitude from the recipients to the States General confirm that the gifts must have been received by the intended recipients, a fact which cannot be verified for many other gifts of books from any period. They also allow for a closer understanding of the role these gifts played in the network, as becomes clear from the letter sent by the States General to accompany the gift to King James I: They considered it their duty that a copy of the Acta of this synod should be sent to the King as soon as possible [Actorum autem horum, cum iam typis essent descripta, exemplar ut ad Sereniss. Maiest. V. quamprimum per nos mitteretur, officii nostri esse duximus]. 29 In his reply, King James I calls the book a monument to the States zeal in the defence of the orthodox faith [qui tanquam Vestri in Orthodoxa fide asserenda zeli, amorisque in nos singularis monumentum], 30 and Prince Charles claims that it has been of great benefit to him [maximi id beneficii loco habemus]. 31 Archbishop Abbot is even more effusive in his gratitude to be bestowed with such an honour as to be appointed one of these volumes from the most illustrious man Festus Hommius [Quod vero tales tantique Viri me eo honore affecistis, quod unum ex eis Volumen per virum ornatissimum Festum Hommium ad me destinastis <sic>]. 32 These three reactions point to three very different perceived functions of these outwardly almost identical book gifts. King James I focuses in his letter on the symbolic, political impact of the volume, and praises its achievement in promoting religious orthodoxy, while his son, Prince Charles, highlights its more personal effect as a gift of pragmatic literature that he himself has benefited from. George Abbot in turn points out the social aspect of this gift, which bestows honour on him and thus strengthens his ties to the States General and their ambassador Festus Hommius ( ), who is an interesting agent in this network. He functions as a bridge between the States General and the English hierarchy which is evident from the letter accompanying the gift to King James I, in which the States General confirm that they are sending the gift with Hommius: For this reason, we are entrusting the honourable Festus Hommius, doctor of theology, regent of the renowned theological college of Holland and West-Frisia at the university of Leiden, and secretary of the Synod of Dordrecht, who is going to England, to be delivering a copy [Atque hac de causa reverendo viro Festo Hommio SS. Theologiae Doctori, Collegii Theologici Illustr. Hollandiae et West-Frisiae 29 States General to James I, 14/24 May 1620, The British Delegation, ed. Milton, King James I to the States General, 15/25 June 1620, The British Delegation, ed. Milton, Prince Charles to the States General, 13/23 June 1620, The British Delegation, ed. Milton, Archbishop Abbot to the States General, 15/25 June 1620, The British Delegation, ed. Milton, , 379.

212 186 Janika Bischof Ordinum in Academia Leydensi Regenti, et Synodi Dordrechtanae Scribae in Angliam eunti Serenissimae Maiestati V. exemplar tradendum commisimus]. 33 This passage suggests that Hommius was not explicitly sent to convey the letter and the gift with it, but rather travelled to England for his own purposes, and the message from the States General was merely added to his personal errands. The resolution from the archive of the States General regarding the letter sent to the King confirms this impression: [The States General] have given Festus Hommius three books of the Acts of the National Synod, since he is going to England to carry out some of his businesses, to hand those over to His Majesty, the Prince of Wales and the Bishop of Canterbury, along with the letters concerning these [Dat Hare Ho. Mo. den vsz. Festo Hommio gaende naer Engelant om aldaer eenige zynezaecken te verrichten, mette selve occasie mit hebben gegeven drye boucken vande Acta Synodi Nationalis, om die aen Zyne Majesteit, den Prince van Whales ende bisschop van Cantelberri te behandigen, mette brieven daertoe dienende]. 34 In using Hommius connections to England, the States General take advantage of his position in the network as a bridge, and manage to strengthen their ties to the largest Protestant nation of the time. With the support of the network of Protestants across Europe, the risks of turmoil from within the Dutch Republic have been reduced and its position strengthened as a Protestant nation. The Protestants of seventeenth-century Europe were well aware of the fact that they needed allies and connections throughout the region, and book gifts were one of the tools they used to establish, affirm and strengthen their ties. In the case of the Synod of Dordrecht, the Dutch States General recognized the importance of English political support for the Dutch Republic; sending finely decorated presentation copies to the British heads of state and church represented an acknowledgement of this. Studying these interactions with the help of network theory has several advantages. Firstly, network analysis provides methods to organize the connections represented by book gifts into diagrams, which helps to visualize the connections formed between individuals. Secondly, network analysis provides concepts and terminology to make sense of the social phenomena represented by these exchanges of gifts. Concepts such as the role of bridges allow us to gain insight into the social standing and connectivity of individuals. This allows us to understand the role of individuals within the wider context and can give us new insights into the complex network of exchange and support at work. In the context of the early seventeenth century, these connections help to understand how a small, young nation like the Dutch Republic could use its network connections that held ties to like-minded 33 States General to King James I, 14/24 May 1620, Groot Britannien. Drye bouchen vande Acta vant Synode, 14 May 1620, Register of Ordinary Minute Resolutions 1620, Nationaal Archief, Den Haag, Staten-Generaal, , inv. nr 45, fol. 151r. Again, I am grateful to Dr Johanna Roelevink for her help with the transcription of this resolution, and to Eva Schaten, MA, for helping me translate the Dutch into English.

213 The Printed Acta Synodi Nationalis Dordrechti as a Networking Tool 187 neighbours to gain not just political stability internally, but also to gain support and influence on a more international scale. The books dedicated and presented to its supporters bear the evidence of this strategy.

214

215 Huguenot Material in London after the Edict of Fontainebleau: The Vaillant Family Mirjam Christmann, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Abstract In 1685, the Huguenot Vaillant family left France for England where they resumed their bookselling business. Their role in the eighteenth-century London book-market and the development of their publications is examined with regard to aspects of integration of Huguenots into English society. On 13 April 1598, in an attempt to end the French Wars of Religion, Henry IV granted the Huguenots, the Calvinist Protestants of France, substantial rights in the essentially Catholic nation. Separating civil from religious unity and opening a path for secularism and tolerance, the Edict of Nantes ultimately ended the French religious wars. The regents following Henry IV Marie de Medici, acting as regent for their son, and Louis XIII both reconfirmed the Edict. When Louis XIII died in 1643, his son, who was to become the Sun King Louis XIV, was only two years old. He was raised by his mother, Anne of Austria, an obsessive Catholic who hoped that her son would eventually eliminate Protestantism in France. From the 1650s onwards, due to propaganda by both the Company of the Most Holy Sacrament and the Company for the Propagation of Faith, the Edict of Nantes started to be interpreted in a more oppressive way. In 1681, Louis XIV instituted the dragonnades, a policy to intimidate Huguenot families into converting back to the Catholic faith or to leave France. On 17 October 1685, he revoked the Edict of Nantes by the Edict of Fontainebleau, withdrawing the privileges and toleration the Huguenots had been guaranteed 87 years earlier. 1 After the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, approximately 200,000 Huguenots fled from the country. About 50,000 of them came to England, where they were on the whole welcomed [b]ecause of the political climate of the time, in a Britain strongly suspicious of the aims of Louis XIV s France, and in fact about to begin a series of wars to curb those ambitions. 2 The Huguenot immigrants of the late seventeenth century are mainly renowned for their influence in papermaking, but also for their retail bookselling in London: [T]hey clustered outside the City boundaries, particularly in the Strand, in the vicinity of the French church in the Savoy, where they specialized in retail bookselling to the expanding Huguenot population as well as to English customers. 1 Brian Eugene Strayer, Huguenots and Camisards as Aliens in France, : The Struggle for Religious Toleration, Lewiston, Huguenot History, The Huguenot Society of Great Britain & Ireland < (accessed: ).

216 190 Mirjam Christmann Many of the French booksellers in London the Vaillants, Cailloués, Riboteaus, de Varennes, Marrets and others came from old bookselling families in France and maintained close relations with members of the Huguenot diaspora elsewhere in Europe. 3 Choosing the Strand had three main reasons. First, the Strand had been established as a book-trade area before the arrival of the French Huguenots. 4 Also, it was undergoing redevelopment as, due to London s growing population, the city had to expand westwards. Most notably, however, it was close to the French Church, the social and religious centre of the Huguenot community. 5 Among the Huguenot booksellers in the Strand were François Vaillant from Saumur, Jean Cailloué from Rouen, who had his shop only a few doors down from Vaillant, Pierre de Varennes, who might have been related to Cailloué and who came from a family of Parisian booksellers, Jacques Levi, who would later become Cailloué s son-in-law, and Jean Ribotteau, also from Saumur. In addition, there were Daniel Duchemin and his wife Margaret, who took over the business after his death in 1704, the widow Péan, who was also related to Cailloué, and the widow Marret, who was associated with Ribotteau. 6 It seems that they founded a community, not only due to their religion or their profession but also because of family ties: [They were] a closely-knit group of booksellers who, from their shops in the Strand, supplied London with new French books and antiquarian books, almost all imported from the Continent. 7 As the community in the Strand was not free of the Stationers Company, they could not trade within the city itself and could not own copyrights or participate in the printing and publication of new books. François Vaillant, a libraire de l académie de Saumur in Anjou, a commune in the Maine-et-Loire département in western France, obtained permission to leave France for England on 2 July 1685, together with his wife Jacqueline Guillemin, their children and all their belongings. 8 He started his bookselling business a year later, likely together with his brother, Paul. 9 The family was granted denization on 9 April When François died in 1721, his estate was to be divided equally between his five children: 3 Paul G. Hoftijzer and Otto S. Lankhorst, Continental Imports to Britain, , The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain: Vol. V, , eds Michael Felix Suarez, SJ and Michael Lawrence Turner (Cambridge, 2009), , Katherine Swift, The French-Booksellers in the Strand : Huguenots in the London Book Trade, , Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 25.2 (1990), , Swift, French-Booksellers, Swift, French-Booksellers, Swift, French-Booksellers, Swift, French-Booksellers, Paul Vaillant ( ), Bookseller and Magistrate, The Twickenham Museum < (accessed: ). 10 Swift, French-Booksellers, 123.

217 Huguenot Material in London after the Edict of Fontainebleau 191 I leave five Children Three boys and two Girls viz. Paul, Francis and Isaac Vaillant, Susan Wife of Mr Provost, and Mary Wife of Mr Marchant whom I order that after my decease my movables, plate, and in general whatever belongs to me shall be equally divided, and as to Francis Vaillant, his part or Share shall lye and remain in the hands of my executors here after named & to be improved for the benefit of William and Susan Vaillant Children of the said Francis Vaillant and the interest thereof to be advanced for their use until they come of Age to enjoy the same themselves. Excluding their said father Francis Vaillant from any Claim. 11 François brother Paul died only a year later. In his will, he left all his (few) worldly goods to his wife, Mary Magdalen, and a shilling to his brother François or his heirs. 12 This negligible inheritance suggests that the brothers had fallen out by this time and Paul ultimately disinherited François. 13 François sons Paul II and Isaac both joined their father s business at the Strand. 14 Through the importation of books from the Low Countries they acquired a certain wealth throughout their careers. 15 Paul II settled in Battersea, where his son Paul III was born in Paul Vaillant III, François Vaillant s nephew, was apprenticed to Samuel Ballard (November 1730), Nicolas Prevost (December 1730), and Samuel Dufresnay (November 1734-February 1738) before he was freed on 7 February After his father s death in 1739, he also entered the family business. When his uncle Isaac retired in 1750, he became a proprietor. 17 When Paul III retired from the business in 1768, it had acquired a considerable reputation. His career is described as very upwardly mobile, 18 he was firmly established in the booktrade and London (political) society as can be seen from his election as Master of the Stationers Company, as well as magistrate and Sheriff of London and Middlesex. 19 The accomplishment to earn these positions also shows that the Huguenot population must have been integrated into English society by the latter half of the eighteenth century. 11 The National Archives, Kew, Will of Francis Vaillant, 25 March 1721, PROB 11/579/ The National Archives, Kew, Will of Paul Vaillant of Saint Giles, 15 October 1722, PROB 11/587/ Twickenham Museum, Paul Vaillant. 14 With three generations of Paul Vaillants, the entry on Paul Vaillant in the Dictionary of the Printers and Booksellers Who Were at Work in England, Scotland and Ireland from 1668 to 1725 of 1922 is incorrect. It appears that in the entry François is mistaken for his brother Paul I and at the same time Paul I and Paul II are fused into one person. 15 Swift, French-Booksellers, Stephen W. Massil, Immigrant Librarians in Britain: Huguenots and Some Others, World Library and Information Congress: 69th IFLA General Conference and Council, 1-9 August 2003, Berlin, 8 < (accessed: ). 17 Twickenham Museum, Paul Vaillant. 18 Michael Harris, Literature and Commerce in Eighteenth-Century London: The Making of The Champion, Telling People What to Think: Early Eighteenth Century Periodicals from The Review to The Rambler, eds James Alan Downie and Thomas N. Corns (London, 1993), , Twickenham Museum, Paul Vaillant.

218 192 Mirjam Christmann Especially the early Huguenots have mainly been described as retail booksellers 20 or sellers of French and antiquarian books, 21 and when looking at the available catalogues such as the Catalogue alphabetique des livres François (1735) 22 or the Catalogus librorum (1762), this view is certainly correct. However, at least Paul II seems to have been somewhat more involved in the production of books that were sold by him. He visited Paris at least twice during his career, supervising Abbot Olivet s magnificent Cicero edition and Abbot Brotier s Tacitus edition. 23 He was certainly more than a mere antiquarian bookseller, showing evident interest in the publications he sold. Also, during the career of all the Vaillants, a period of about 80 years, at least 400 publications bear the family name in the imprint. As might be expected, the number of books mentioning the Vaillants in the imprint starts out slowly, but the English Short Title Catalogue (ESTC) lists the Vaillant family in at least 191 publications from 1686 to 1750, the year Isaac Vaillant retired from business and Paul III took over from his uncle. Fig. 1: Vaillant publications, The illustration shows a first peak in publications in 1707, about 20 years after François Vaillant, whose name does not appear in the imprints after 1705, started his London business, a second smaller peak in 1721, a year before François died, and a third rise in numbers in 1740, two years after Paul III had joined the company and one year after the death of his uncle Paul II. These are the three years that shall be looked at in more detail in order to locate changes in the publications of the Vaillant family. 20 Hoftijzer and Lankhorst, Continental Imports to Britain, Swift, French-Booksellers, For full bibliographical references of the (Vaillant) publications discussed in this essay, see the Appendix. 23 Bernhard Fabian and Marie-Luise Spieckermann, The English Book on the Continent, The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain: Vol. V, , eds Michael Felix Suarez, SJ and Michael Lawrence Turner (Cambridge, 2009), , 525.

219 Huguenot Material in London after the Edict of Fontainebleau 193 The Publications of 1707 In 1702, a French Protestant in Leiden, Auguste de Gabillon, held a funeral; five years later, Vaillant, in London, published the Oraison funebre de très haut, très puissant, très excellent, & très pieux monarque, Guillaume III. Roi d Angleterre, d Escosse, de France, et d Irlande, &c. prononcée à Leyde le jeudi 18 Mai This title indicates the author s link to Leiden as well as to the funeral oration of William III, which suggests that Auguste de Gabillon is Frédéric-Auguste Gabillon, a Paris-born monk. After leaving the monastery he went to the Low Countries, where he converted to Protestantism because he regretted the loss of his liberty in the monastery. 24 Gabillon is best known for his violent anti- Catholic and anti-french diatribes. He is described as not being a great writer but having a forceful, energetic, and passionate style when writing satire and polemics. 25 The text itself had originally been published five years earlier for the widow Marret and Henry Ribotteau 26 ; this second edition of the text might indicate a certain interest in the topic among the Huguenot community in London. No other titles by Gabillon can be found in the ESTC, though one would assume that anti-catholic diatribes in French would have been of interest to the London Huguenots. Between 1707 and 1717, Vaillant also sells six editions of the Estat de la distribution de la somme de douze mille livres sterling for the Comité François in London, the first two bearing the imprint A Londres: chez Paul Vaillant dans le Strand vis-a-vis de Bedford-House à L Enseigne de Navire, and the imprint for the third and fourth only reading Londres: chez Paul Vaillant. As listed in the ESTC, at least five of these were printed by William Bowyer. Bowyer was a highly respected and competent English printer, the son of the London grocer John Bowyer and his wife Mary. After having been bound to Miles Flesher on 1 September 1679, he was freed on 4 October In 1699, he married Dorothy Allport, daughter of printer Thomas Dawks, sister to printer Ichabod Dawks and widow of bookseller Benjamin Allport. Around the same time, he set up at the White Horse in Little Britain but moved to Dogwell Court, Whitefriars, before the end of the year. In 1700, Bowyer was called to the livery of the Stationers Company but never advanced in the company hierarchy. Over the course of his career, he printed more than 2,632 works, remarkable in diversity and quantity. He printed literary works as well as works in the field of English antiquities. Bowyer was a nonjuror and served many nonjuring authors but was moderate in his dissent Pasfield Oliver, Introduction, The Voyage of François Leguat of Bresse, to Rodriguez, Mauritius, Java, and the Cape of Good Hope, 2 vols (London, 1891), I, xvii-lv, xxv. 25 Aubrey Rosenberg, ed., Nicolas Gueudeville and his Work, ? (The Hague, 1982), Oraison funebre, de tres haut, tres puissant, & tres excellent Prince Guillaume III. Roy d Angleterre, d Ecosse, de France, & d Irlande, defenseur de la foy, &c., London, 1702, ESTC T Keith Maslen, Bowyer, William ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (January 2008, accessed: ).

220 194 Mirjam Christmann Another publication of 1707 is the Compendium historiæ reformationis, a Zuinglii & Lutheri by Giovanni Angelo Berniera. The imprint reads Londini: apud Isaac Vaillant, Bibliopola ad insignum Episcopi. Within two years, five titles of Berniera were published in London. This is somewhat surprising, especially as his texts were not published in England before or after this time; at least none are recorded in the ESTC. However, one of the prints suggests that Berniera might have been in London himself. His Oratio de utilitate unionis Britannicæ... A doctore Johanne Angelo Berniera, in Lingua Italica in Londinensi Urbe Concionat supports this in its title but also in the imprint London: Sumptibus Authoris. A third author whose 1707 print bears the Vaillant name is Jean Monier de Clairecombe. His New and Universal Practice of Mercantile Arithmetick, a book on arithmetic for merchant apprentices, is published in English as well as in French. The English edition is printed for John Nicholson, John Sprint and Ralph Smith 28 ; the French edition, published under its original title Nouvelle & universelle pratique d arithmetique, for Vaillant. It is imprinted Londres: aux depens de l auteur. Et se vend chez Paul Vaillant, The production of the text in its original French probably created its own market, for the French merchants, also among the Huguenots of the early eighteenth century, a French version might have been preferable to an English edition. The text itself must have been fairly well known: A review on Friedrich Gottlieb von Busse s Anleitung zum Gebrauch eines gemeinverständlichen Rechenbuchs für Schulen can be found in the Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek of 1788, in which the reviewer states that a certain calculation method had already been shown by Clairecombe. 29 Jean La Placette s 1707 edition of Reponse a deux objections, the only French edition of one of La Placette s texts listed in the ESTC, was printed in Amsterdam for E. Roger to be sold in London by Paul and Isaac Vaillant. La Placette was born in Pontac/Béarn in 1639 and studied at the Huguenot academy in Montauban before becoming a priest in Orthez in 1660 and in Nay in The ESTC lists seven entries for La Placette in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England. In 1687, his Six Conferences concerning the Eucharist 30 was published for Richard Chiswell, a London bookseller who dominated the wholesaling trade of the eighteenth century. 31 In 1705, a translation of La Placette s Traité de la conscience, The Christian Casuist, 32 was printed for A. and J. Churchil and R. Sare. Awnsham Churchill was a bookseller 28 Jean Monier de Clairecombe, A New and Universal Practice of Mercantile Arithmetick, London, 1707, ESTC N F. G. Busse, rev., Anleitung zum Gebrauch eines gemeinverständlichen Rechenbuchs für Schulen, Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek, 82.1 (1788), , Jean La Placette, Six Conferences concerning the Eucharist, London, 1687, ESTC R Hugh Amory, Chiswell, Richard, the elder ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (January 2008, accessed: ). 32 Jean La Placette, The Christian Casuist, London, 1705, ESTC T

221 Huguenot Material in London after the Edict of Fontainebleau 195 and politician who seems to have held strong views on religious toleration; in 1682, he published two pamphlets for the moderation towards and the concessions for nonconformists. 33 Two further editions of La Placette s texts were to follow, both translations of his Mort des justes. The first edition of The Death of the Righteous 34 was printed for Bernard Lintot, who is known as the premier literary bookseller of the first third of the eighteenth century, in rivalry with Jacob Tonson. 35 The second edition bears the imprint London: printed for H. L. and sold by Edward Littleton. 36 La Placette himself seems to have been of interest for English readers, as the number of translations indicates. The text is a detailed answer to Pierre Bayle s Phyrrho. [La Placette] tried to refute Pyrrhonism and Bayle s use of it. The work, Réponse à deux objections qu on oppose de la part de la raison à ce que la foi nous apprend sur l origine du mal, et sur le mystère de la Trinité, was almost finished when Bayle died, and it only appeared in Bayle was the son of a Protestant minister who converted to Catholicism in 1669 and became a student at the Jesuit College in Toulouse, where he wrote his first philosophical text. Just a few months later, he converted back to Protestantism and moved to Geneva. In 1675, he became professor at the Calvinist academy of Sedan. Bayle s writings seem to have been condemned by both Protestants and Catholics of his time. 38 Bayle s treatment of charged topics, apparently without a clear statement for Protestantism or Catholicism, especially in the troublesome times after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, would have found opponents in both religious groups. As La Placette refutes Bayle s ideas in his Reponse, a Huguenot bookseller spreading the text among the Huguenot audience in London does seem plausible. The majority of Vaillant s 1707 publications is made up of texts by Bernard Le Bovier de Fontenelle, who came from an aristocratic background and had studied at the Jesuit College in Rouen. Being a French Catholic does not make him an immediate candidate for the production of his texts by a Huguenot bookseller. However, Fontenelle s Entretiens sur la pluralité des mondes, which was first published in 1686, was placed on the index by the Catholic Church as it contradicted the Ptolemaic view of the world. Fontenelle s Histoire des oracles, in which he critically examined divinations and wonders from ancient sources 33 Mark Knights, Churchill, Awnsham ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (January 2008, accessed: ). 34 Jean La Placette, The Death of the Righteous, London, 1725, ESTC T James McLaverty, Lintot, (Barnaby) Bernard ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (2004, accessed: ). 36 Jean La Placette, The Death of the Righteous, London, 1737, ESTC T Pierre Bayle, Historical and Critical Dictionary: Selections, trans. Richard H. Popkin (Indianapolis, 1991), 207 n Gianluca Mori, Pierre Bayle: A Short Biography, The Pierre Bayle Homepage < ( , accessed: ).

222 196 Mirjam Christmann and which the Jesuits understood as a challenge to biblical divinations and wonders, was first published in the same year. 39 In 1707, five different texts by Fontenelle were published by the Vaillants; all five imprints read Aux depens de Paul & Isaak Vaillant. The first, the Lettres galantes de Monsieur le Chevalier d Her***, was written in the context of the Edict of Fontainebleau. [Diese] Schrift, die 1686 anonym erschien und unter Anagrammen und exotischem Ambiente versteckt eine Apologie der Hugenotten und ihrer Religion enthält hatte Fontenelle an den Rand der Bastille gebracht, und der junge Autor musste rasch einiges Regimekonforme dichten, um seinen Ruf wieder herzustellen, denn er wollte ja in die Académie française gewählt werden. 40 With this knowledge, the publication of Fontenelle s texts does seem more plausible. The other publications are the Histoire des oracles, an edition of Poesies pastorales, an edition of the Nouveaux dialogues des morts, the already mentioned fictive dialogue in which Fontenelle reduces his contemporaries prejudices of antiquity to absurdity, and an edition of the aforementioned Entretiens sur la pluralité des mondes. The large number of editions (78 between 1683 and 1785) in French and English by various publishers also suggests the popularity of this kind of publication in England. The Publications of 1721 In 1721, Paul and Isaac Vaillant chose their nephew, Nicolas Prevost who had recently been made free, as their successor. 41 In this year, the name of Vaillant can be found in eight imprints. Two, again, are of texts by Fontenelle. Another text is Georg Andreas Agricola s Philosophical Treatise of Husbandry and Gardening, a translation from the German of Neu- und nie erhörter doch in der Natur und Vernunfft wohlgegründeter Versuch der Universal-Vermehrung aller Bäume, Stauden, und Blumen-Gewächse ( ). Unlike many of Vaillant s earlier authors, Agricola was neither French nor an author of religious texts, he was a scientist, a physician from the German city of Regensburg. 42 In the same year, the Introductio ad historiam literariam de præcipuis bibliothecis Parisiensibus by Daniel Maichel, another German, was published. Its 39 Gert Pinkernell, Namen, Titel und Daten der französischen Literatur: Ein chronologisches Repertorium wichtiger Autoren und Werke. Teil I: 842 bis ca < (March 2007, accessed: ). 40 Birgit Wagner, Zur Mehrfachkodierung von Galanterie und Unterhaltung: Fontenelles Lettres galantes de Monsieur le Chevalier d Her***, Delectatio : Unterhaltung und Vergnügen zwischen Grimmelshausen und Schnabel, eds Franz M. Eybl and Irmgard Maria Wirtz (Bern, 2009), , Swift, French-Booksellers, 135. This step was necessary as there was no heir apparent until the birth of Paul Vaillant II s son Paul III in Victor Carus, Agricola, Georg Andreas, Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie < (1875, accessed: ).

223 Huguenot Material in London after the Edict of Fontainebleau 197 imprint reads Cantabrigiæ: Typis academicis Prostant apud Jacobum Knapton, Robert Knaplock, & Paulum Vaillant, bibliopolas Londinenses. In 1718, three years before this publication, Maichel had travelled through Europe, patronized by the duke of Württemberg, visiting Switzerland, France, England and the Low Countries. Maichel was appreciated for his knowledge of theology, philosophy, and literary history. Most of his tracts, such as De fide haereticis servanda, De usu doctrinae, and De moralitate objectiva, were on moral and metaphysical topics. 43 In Canterbury, he seems to have been in good standing with Archbishop William Wake 44 and used Wake s library for the research on his Introductio. Therefore, a publication of this text in Canterbury seems sensible. The booksellers for this text were James Knapton (a leading London bookseller, located at the Crown in St Paul s Churchyard), 45 Robert Knaplock (who was located at the Bishop s Head in St Paul s Churchyard) 46 and Paul Vaillant. It seems that the Vaillants bookstore at the Strand had undergone quite a change in what they were publishing and selling between 1707 and 1721 and their first publication in 1686 and this one in 1721: from a Huguenot bookseller who mainly produced French tracts to a bookseller of English texts, associated with other major booksellers of eighteenth-century London, such as Knapton also shows the publication of a number of classical texts by the Vaillants. The first being Cicero s Libri de divinatione et de fato, the other two Horace s Flacci poemata, imprinted Londini: apud fratres Vaillant, et N. Prevost, 47 and its companion volume Alexandri Cuningamii animadversiones, imprinted Londini: apud Fratres Vaillant, et N. Prevost. Alexander Cunningham of Block was a jurist and scholar; he graduated from the University of Edinburgh in 1676 before moving to Utrecht, where he studied Roman law. Disagreement with Richard Bentley s 1711 edition of Horace stimulated Cunningham to edit the poet. Cunningham formulated rules for editing ancient texts, reflecting his work on the Corpus juris civilis, and stressing the significance of the study of manuscripts and early editions. Eventually Q. Horatii Flacci poemata, ex antiquis codd. & certis observationibus emendavit, variasque scriptorum & impressorum lectiones adjecit Alexander Cuningamius and Alexandri Cuningamii animadversiones, 43 For a list of Maichel s writings, see Heinrich Döring, Die gelehrten Theologen Deutschlands im achtzehnten und neunzehnten Jahrhundert: Zweiter Band, J-M (Neustadt, 1832), Döring, Die gelehrten Theologen, II, Donald W. Nichol, Knapton, John (bap. 1696, d. 1767x70), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (January 2008, accessed: ). 46 William Roberts, The Earlier History of English Bookselling (London, 1889; repr. Detroit, 1967), The ESTC (T46152) suggests that it was printed at The Hague as it has the same setting of text as the edition bearing the imprint Hagae Comitum, apud Thomam Jonsonium. M.DCC.XXI.

224 198 Mirjam Christmann in Richardi Bentleii notas et emendationes ad Q. Horatium Flaccum were published at The Hague in Though Cunningham had settled in The Hague, he had ties to the English bookmarket through Charles Spencer, to whose attention he had come due to his reputation as the best chess-player in Europe, and, though no bookseller himself, he soon was active in the London antiquarian book-trade. 49 Cicero would likely have been of general interest to an eighteenth-century audience, as his works enjoyed immense popularity during the Enlightenment. Cunningham s close ties to the London antiquarian book-trade, in which the Vaillants were engaged, might be one reason for the publication of this specific text for Vaillant. Five publications of Cicero s texts mentioning the Vaillants can be found between 1718 and 1725: De natura deorum libri tres (1718/1723), the already mentioned Libri de divinatione et de fato (1721), Tusculanae disputationes (1723), and Academica (1725). All of these were printed in Cambridge for Jacobum Knapton, Robertum Knaplock, & Paulum Vaillant, bibliopolas Londinenses. All in all, the ESTC lists nine different publications which were printed to be sold by Knapton, Knaplock, and Vaillant. All of these printed in Cambridge and all, except for Maichel s text, by classical authors: Cicero (5 publications, ), Lactantius (1718), and Terence (2 editions, 1726). The association with Knapton goes on with the publication of two editions of Samuel Freiherr von Pufendorf s De officio hominis (1735/1737), an edition of Lysias Atheniensis orationes Graece et Latine (1740), and Abel Boyer s Royal Dictionary Abridged (1755). The difference between the publications of 1707 and those published around 1721 are obvious: Whereas in 1707 most of the publications which bear the name Vaillant in the imprint were by French authors and the choice of titles often showed a leaning towards a Huguenot audience, this had changed towards a more English focus by Additionally, while the 1707 texts usually exclusively have the Vaillants name in the imprint, the 1721 publications show a cooperation with other London booksellers, some of them leading booksellers of the time. The Publications of 1740 For 1740, the ESTC lists twelve titles with Vaillant s name in the imprint. Three of these have been mentioned before: two Cicero editions, the Academiques de Ciceron (1740) in Latin and French, and the M. Tullii Ciceronis opera in multiple volumes ( ), which might partly have been printed by Bowyer. His records show 7½ quires each of royal and demy used for 250 titles for Cicero, printed for Vaillant according to the ESTC, and the edition of Lysias Atheniensis 48 John W. Cairns, Cunningham, Alexander, of Block (1650x ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (2004, accessed: ). 49 Cairns, Cunningham, Alexander.

225 Huguenot Material in London after the Edict of Fontainebleau 199 orationes Graece et Latine, which were all published in cooperation. In addition to these classical texts, 1740 sees the publication of two editions of Le Nouveau Testament which were published in 1740, both for Vaillant and Jean (John) Nourse, one of the great booksellers of the Enlightenment. 50 The title was published numerous times for different Huguenot booksellers and at least five times for Vaillant between 1740 and This is especially interesting, as Swift states, that these works were no longer of interest after Five editions for Vaillant between 1740 and 1772 plus the publication of no less than seven editions of the Arturi Johnstoni Psalmi Davidici cum argumentis et notis can at least lead to the assumption that Vaillant s customers were still interested in religious material. Another title published in cooperation with other London booksellers was The Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe. In 1593, Roe matriculated at Magdalen College, Oxford, which he left after four years to complete the fashionable course of a gentleman s education by enrolling as a student in the Middle Temple. 51 In 1601, Roe, by the influence of his stepfather, Sir Richard Berkeley, was appointed esquire of the body to Queen Elizabeth. Roe is particularly known for his financial and political involvements during his lifetime, for his maritime expertise and for his practical knowledge of trade and commerce. 52 Especially in his later years, Roe was known for his readiness to advocate unpopular policies, his persistent hostility to the Habsburgs, his sponsorship of protestant unity [and] his vehemently expressed insistence on the necessity for compromise between sovereign and parliament. 53 The first of Roe s writings, A True and Faithfull Relation, 54 was published in Several of his speeches 55 and letters 56 were published in the 1640s and reprinted from 1695 onwards. 57 However, Samuel Richardson s attempt to have Roe s Negotiations printed was of little success. Only the first of five intended volumes was published, before the project was abandoned, and the papers became dispersed: 50 Giles Barber, Nourse, John (bap. 1705, d. 1780), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (2004, accessed: 22.o6.2014). 51 Michael Strachan, Roe, Sir Thomas ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (May 2011, accessed: ). 52 Strachan, Roe, Sir Thomas. 53 Strachan, Roe, Sir Thomas. 54 Thomas Roe, A True and Faithfull Relation, Presented to his Maiestie and the Prince, of What Hath Lately Happened in Constantinople, London, 1622, ESTC S Thomas Roe, Sir Thomas Roe his Speech in Parliament, London, 1641, ESTC R13903; Sir Thomas Roe his Speech in Parliament, [London], 1641, ESTC R12658; Sir Thomas Rowe his Speech at the Councell-Table, London, 1641, ESTC Thomas Roe, A Letter from the Right Honourable Sir Thomas Rovve, London, 1642, ESTC R212405; The Coppy of Two Letters from Sr. Thomas Rowe, York, 1642, ESTC R Thomas Roe, Sir Thomas Rowe s Speech at the Councel Table, London, 1695, ESTC R218052; Sir Thomas Roe s Speech in Parliament, London, 1707, ESTC T12948; Sir Thomas Roe s Speech in Parliament, Edinburgh, 1707, ESTC T48372.

226 200 Mirjam Christmann Roe s exceptional talents might have become better known if the efforts of Samuel Richardson, the novelist, and Thomas Carte the historian had been more successful. In 1730 Richardson advertised the publication by subscription of Roe s Negotiations and Embassies, Richardson shelved this project owing to lack of support, but in 1737 succeeded in interesting the Society for the Encouragement of Learning. 58 This first volume of 1740 is also the one that bears Paul Vaillant s name in the imprint; it was to be sold by many of London s leading booksellers, Vaillant among them. Another imprint bearing the names of the Vaillants was that of Alexander Pope. Though only one of Pope s works bears Vaillant s name, this work is worth mentioning. Whereas most of Pope s writings were published in English, a small amount was translated into French; the ESTC lists 17 French editions of Pope s works between 1736 and The first two of 1736 were translations of his Essay on Man. 59 The one which bears Vaillant s imprint is a translation of La priere universelle, an ecumenical hymn which Pope had written some time before Only three non-english editions are listed in the ESTC: Vaillant s French edition of 1740, a 1756 edition which has parallel English and Latin texts, 61 and a 1787 edition with a parallel English and French text. 62 Vaillant s French edition of the Universal Prayer stands alone, especially being printed by itself, as it seems to have usually been published together with the Essay on Man. In addition to Cicero and the two English writers, 1740 also saw a number of French authors whose imprints mention the Vaillants. One was Louis-Basile Carré de Montgeron, a magistrate and councillor in the French parliament and a former libertine and deist who had converted to Jansenism. 63 In December of 1736, his Vérité des miracles opérés à l intercession de M. de Pâris et autres Appellants, démontrée contre M. l Archevêque de Sens was published in Utrecht and Paris (by an underground press). Montgeron presented the book to Louis XV himself, which led to an order of detention by a lettre de cachet by the authorities, Montgeron s own colleagues, that very night. 64 Vaillant s 1740 publication A Letter from a Councellor is a translation of this 1736 publication which sent Montgeron to the Bastille and which added to the religious and political quarrels of eighteenth-century France. 65 Even though it is published in 58 Strachan, Roe, Sir Thomas. 59 Alexander Pope, Essai sur l homme, London, 1736, ESTC N48318 and T Howard Erskine-Hill, Pope, Alexander ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (January 2008, accessed: ). 61 Alexander Pope, Alexandri Popii, sive universi generis humani, London, 1756, ESTC T Maximilien Henri Saint-Simon, Essai de traduction littérale et énergique, Amsterdam, 1787, ESTC N Michèle Bokobza Kahan, Ethos in Testimony: The Case of Carré de Montgeron, a Jansenist and a Convulsionary in the Century of Enlightenment, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 43.4 (2010), , Kahan, Ethos in Testimony, For a thorough analysis of the text and how it caused trouble, see Kahan s Ethos in Testimony,

227 Huguenot Material in London after the Edict of Fontainebleau 201 English and not in its original French and even though the books with the Vaillant imprint from 1721 seem to be more aimed at an English market, this title seems well chosen for a bookseller with a Huguenot background, who still had ties to France and the French book-market, as the French edition of Pope s prayer also suggests. The third connection to France is through an English edition of La Siège de Calais, entitled The Siege of Calais by Edward of England which was printed for T. Woodward and Paul Vaillant. According to the ESTC, the book was printed by William Bowyer, who also printed the publications Vaillant sold for the Comité François, in an edition of 750 copies. 66 The novel The Siege of Calais was written by Claudine Alexandrine Guérin de Tencin, an eighteenth-century female French author whose family paid for climbing the social and financial ladder by sacrificing some of their children to the church, as [t]he family s resources had to be conserved for the oldest males, who would advance the family s fortune by buying land and positions. 67 This landed Claudine, the youngest daughter, in a Dominican convent at the age of eight. Ultimately, the family s plan to send her off early to make sure she would take the veil failed. 68 Bald fühlten sich dort Besucher angezogen, um mit der geistreichen und intriganten Novizin lange Gespräche zu führen in diesem Sinne absolvierte Madame de Tencin ihr Salondebüt bereits als Fünfzehnjährige hinter einer Klostermauer 69 After her father s death, Tencin moved to Paris to live with her sister, Madame de Ferriol, where she led a dazzling and glamorous life. Bald wurde es Pflicht für jeden, der nach Paris kam, sich im ersten royaume de la rue Saint-Honoré zu melden. Italiener kamen, vom Papst Benedikt empfohlen, Montesquieu führte die Engländer ein. Liebenswürdig begrüßt erschienen Bolingbroke, Lord Chesterfield, Walpole in der Heimstätte der Intelligenzen, wie Marivaux den Salon seiner Freundin nannte Wer nicht im Salon der Rue Saint- Honoré war, weiß nichts von Paris, lautete die Meinung begeisterter Zeitgenossen. 70 Tencin s writings were considered bawdy but well written. Her first work, published in 1735, was La Siège de Calais; two more, Les Mémoires du Comte de Comminges (1739) and Les Malheurs de l amour (1747), were to follow. The publication of this novel underlines Vaillant s ongoing sympathy for French works, while at the same time appealing to an English audience, due to the role the English play in the novel: Mme de Gransons s authority in the realm of the personal is translated into political power as it is she, supported by the warrior queen of England, and not the French knights, who saves the town 66 ESTC T Eva Martin Sartori, Claudine-Alexandrine Guérin de Tencin ( ), French Women Writers, eds Eva Martin Sartori and Dorothy Wynne Zimmerman (New York 1994), , Antje Eske, Die Verbindung von Social Web und Salonkultur: 13 Salonièren (Norderstedt, 2010), Eske, Social Web und Salonkultur, Eske, Social Web und Salonkultur, 95.

228 202 Mirjam Christmann of Calais. 71 Even though the eighteenth century is known as the age of the novel, The Siege of Calais seems to be the only novel Vaillant published until 1740, at least it is the only one the ESTC lists. The Siege of Calais was printed again by Charles Say Junior for R. Wilson in Until 1784, England saw the publication of four more of Tencin s works. In 1766, The Female Adventurers (a translation of Malheurs d amour) was printed for Peter Wilson and James Potts, 73 followed by a 1774 edition of Memoirs of the Count of Comminge 74 for G. Kearsly and another edition of the same work under the title The Fatal Legacy printed for C. Jackson in Dublin in There seems to have been an ongoing, albeit small, interest in Tencin s works throughout the eighteenth century. In addition to the two English translations, another publication in French bears Vaillant s name: Daniel de Superville s Elemens du Christianisme, which was to be used at the École de la Chavilé de l Eglise de Londres. Daniel de Superville came from a Protestant family that had lived in France where his great-grandfather had been physician to Henry IV, his grandfather and father had been of the same profession. He was born in Anjou where he enjoyed an early education and eventually entered the college at Saumur, where he was known for his literary talent. 76 After finishing his studies in Geneva, he returned to Saumur at the death of his father. His skill in disputation and his ability as a preacher commanded general respect. In Poitou he held several conferences and disputes on certain topics of religion, with some ecclesiastics and other persons of distinction, which he conducted in a manner that gained him considerable reputation. 77 Back in Saumur, he experienced the worsening conditions for the French Huguenots and planned to leave France for England. In 1683, the church at Loudun asked him to become their pastor. The reputation he had gained attracted official powers and even though no plausible ground for removing him from the superintendence of his flock 78 could be found, he was charged with preaching a seditious sermon in 1685 and detained in Paris for three months. While there, the Edict of Fontainebleau was passed and Superville retired to Rotterdam, functioning as minister pensionary. 71 Sartori, Claudine-Alexandrine Guérin de Tencin, Claudine Alexandrine Guérin de Tencin, The Siege of Calais, London, 1751, ESTC N Claudine Alexandrine Guérin de Tencin, The Female Adventurers, 2 vols, Dublin, 1766, ESTC N Claudine Alexandrine Guérin de Tencin, Memoirs of the Count of Comminge, London, 1774, ESTC N Claudine Alexandrine Guérin de Tencin, The Fatal Legacy, Dublin, 1781, ESTC T John Allen, Memoirs of the Life of Daniel de Superville, Sermons Translated from the French of Daniel de Superville, formerly Pastor of the French Protestant Church at Rotterdam with Memoirs of his Life (London, 1816), v-xvi, v. 77 Allen, Memoirs, vii. 78 Allen, Memoirs, ix.

229 Huguenot Material in London after the Edict of Fontainebleau 203 Between 1716 and 1740, three of Superville s writings were printed in England. The first was The New Creature for Fletcher Gyles, 79 the second a publication of the same text under the title of The Christian a New Creature, which was printed for C. Rivington in The title was published throughout Europe in the eighteenth century; Joseph Marie Quérard lists editions in Amsterdam (1763), Lausanne (1770), Rouen, Baudry (1817), and Caen, Bonnerserre (1825). 81 This title seems more consistent with the Vaillants earlier publications of 1707 than with those of This is a title by a French Huguenot, which is obviously to be used for the instruction of French Protestant children in London. This could support the assumption that the Huguenots had by now successfully been integrated into English society, which might have led to the desire to preserve their cultural identity and to pass it on to the following generations by instructing the French Protestant children with appropriate literature. The last title of 1740 is by Pedro Pineda, a Spanish immigrant to England who was involved in the English book-trade not only by the production of his own works, but who is also thought to have critically edited the text of Don Quixote, as he prepared the text for a luxurious 1736 London edition. 82 In 1726, his Short and Compendious Method for the Learning to Speak, Read, and Write the Spanish Language was printed by Bowyer for T. Woodward. According to the ESTC, Bowyer s records show the publication of 1,000 ordinary and six finepaper copies. 83 The first edition of his Spanish and English bilingual dictionary, A New Dictionary, Spanish and English and English and Spanish was printed for I. Vaillant, F. Gyles, T. Woodward, and A. Millar in shows two more editions of the same title, a folio edition with 772 pages printed for F. Gyles, T. Woodward, A. Millar, and I. Vaillant and a second edition for F. Gyles, T. Woodward, T. Cox and J. Clarke, A. Millar, and P. Vaillant. Another edition of the Nuevo dictionario was published in 1750, again printed por F. Gyles, T. Woodward, T. Cox, J. Clarke, A. Millar, y P. Vaillant. Conclusion After looking at three specific periods within more than fifty years of publications for the Vaillant family, a number of conclusions can be made. 79 Daniel de Superville, The New Creature, London, 1716, ESTC T Daniel de Superville, The Christian a New Creature, London, 1739, ESTC T Joseph Marie Quérard, La France littéraire: ou, Dictionnaire bibliographique des savants, historiens et gens de lettres de la France pendant les XVIIIe et XIXe Siècles, vol. 9 (Paris, 1838), Jesús Tronch Pérez, Editing (and Revering) National Authors: Shakespeare and Cervantes, Spanish Studies in Shakespeare and his Contemporaries, ed. José Manuel González (Newark, 2006), 43-57, Pedro Pineda, A Short and Compendious Method for the Learning to Speak, Read, and Write the Spanish Language, London, 1726, ESTC N22550.

230 204 Mirjam Christmann Among the titles bearing the Vaillants name in the imprint between 1689 and 1741, are 25 in English, the first already in the seventeenth century. This first English publication is earlier than might be expected, considering the main target audience one would assume the Vaillants had that early in their London career. Another 35 titles are in Latin, the first in The remaining titles are in French. Imprints vary from sold by, 84 to aux depens de, 85 printed for 86 or apud, 87 with the language of the imprint corresponding to the language of the publication. It seems that early on, the Vaillants were more than Frenchbooksellers, the sellers of French books, in the eighteenth-century sense. Long before the Huguenots were fully integrated in the English society the Vaillants were selling books in languages other than their mother tongue. As one would expect, imprints from 1707 show a large influence of the Vaillants Huguenot origins on their publications. The published works are mainly by Huguenot or at least French authors and of religious or mercantile interest. The second peak, 1721, shows a rather different choice of texts. The publications are now not exclusively by French authors but also feature an English title by Agricola and a Latin title by a German author, Daniel Maichel, besides a number of Latin publications. This year also shows a number of cooperations between the Vaillants and other booksellers whereas those of 1707 are chez Paul Vaillant or aux depens de Paul & Isaak Vaillant, the works are now printed for P. Vaillant in the Strand, and W. Mears and F. Clay without Temple-Bar, prostant apud Jacobum Knapton, Rob. Knaplock, & Paullum Vaillant, or prostant vero Hagæ Comitum, apud Isaacum Vaillant. Some of these cooperations are maintained over an extended period of time and with established booksellers such as Knapton or well-known printing presses such as the Cambridge university press. Already in 1720, the Vaillants were no longer living on the fringe of the trade but had connections to respected English booksellers. Within thirty years, the Vaillants have gone from being Huguenot booksellers who mainly produced French tracts to booksellers of English texts, associated with other major booksellers of eighteenth-century London. Especially in 1740, typical English texts can be found among Vaillant s stock, such as The Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe, a work in English, aimed at an English audience, sold by many other English booksellers, published in the same year as The Siege of Calais, a novel by a French female author translated into English. On the other hand, two editions of Le Nouveau Testament are published in The same year also sees the publication of Elemens du Christianisme and the translation of Montgeron s letter that brought him to the Bastille. Unlike in 1721, political and religious works can be found among the publications. Simultaneously, the production of French texts for Vaillant does not end in 1730, as could be expected under the assumption that the Huguenot 84 Certain Phrases: or Idioms, of the French Tongue, London, 1713, ESTC N Bernard Le Bovier de Fontenelle, Poesies pastorales, London, 1707, ESTC T Louis Basile Carré de Montgeron, A Letter from a Councellor, London, 1740, ESTC T Robert Morison, Plantarum historiae universalis Oxoniensis, 3 vols, Oxford, 1715, ESTC N20793.

231 Huguenot Material in London after the Edict of Fontainebleau 205 booksellers disappeared in the 1730s partly because their clientele had dissolved into the metropolitan population, nor does the French production for the Vaillants cease after Some demand for these titles must still have existed and the Vaillants, knowing their market and their customers, were able to satisfy it. Even if the Huguenots had by then been dissolved into English society, their wish to hand down their cultural heritage and cultural identity to their children might have led to a new demand for religious or political French material. While the early Huguenot booksellers at the Strand might have been obliged to make their living on the fringe of the trade 88 even in the early eighteenth century the Vaillants seem to have acquired a certain publishing profile, being more than mere sellers of antiquarian books. Some imprints suggest that the Vaillants might also have acted as publishers, investing money in the production of the titles they were selling, and at least Paul II was directly involved in the publication of some of the titles sold by them. It seems that they were not only publishing what sold well or what was at hand but had a more specific interest in what they sold, linked to their Huguenot heritage and maybe a certain ideology, at least in a smaller share of their stock. 88 Swift, French-Booksellers, 127.

232 206 Mirjam Christmann Appendix: List of Vaillant Publications, The following is a list of Vaillant publications in order of appearance in the text. Paul Vaillant. Catalogue alphabetique des livres François, qui se trouvent & se vendent chez Paul Vaillant, libraire, vis-a-vis Southampton-Street dans le Strand: Avec un ample catalogue de romans. London, ESTC T Paul Vaillant. Catalogus librorum apud Paulum Vaillant, bibliopolam, Londini venales prostantium: or, A Catalogue of Books in Most Languages and Faculties, Sold by Paul Vaillant, Bookseller, in the Strand. London: printed for Paul Vaillant, Facing-Southampton Street in the Strand, ESTC T3192. Gabillon, Auguste de. Oraison funebre de très haut, très puissant, très excellent, & très pieux monarque, Guillaume III. Roi d Angleterre, d Escosse, de France, et d Irlande, &c. Prononcée à Leyde le jeudi 18 Mai Dans L Eglise Francoise. Par Auguste de Gabillon, Ministre de la Parole de Dieu. Par Ordre & en Présence des Vénérables Bourguemaîtres, & Magistrats de la Ville de Leyde. Londres: chez Paul Vaillant demeurant dans le Strand à l Enseigne du Navire vis-à-vis de Bedford-house, ESTC T Comité François. Estat de la distribution de la somme de douze mille livres sterling, accordée par la reine aux pauvres Protestants François refugiez en Angleterre, pour l an A Londres: chez Paul Vaillant dans le Strand vis-a-vis de Bedford-house à L Enseigne de Navire, ESTC T Comité François. Estats de la distribution de la somme de douze mille livres sterling, accordée par la reine aux pauvres Protestants François refugiez en Angleterre, receüe par le Committé François le 18 de décembre A Londres: chez Paul Vaillant, dans le Strand, vis-a-vis-de Bedford-House, à L Enseigne du Navire, ESTC T Comité François. Estats de la distribution de la somme de douze mille livres sterling, accordée par la reine aux pauvres Protestants François refugiez dans La Grande Bretagne pour l année, A Londres: Chez Paul Vaillant, Marchant Libraire, dans le Strand, vis-a-vis de Bedford buildings, à l Enseigne du Navire, ESTC T Comité François. Estats de la distribution du reliqua de la beneficence de 1707, et de la beneficence de 1708, accordée par la reine aux pauvres Protestants françois refugiez en Angleterre, et administrée par le Committé François, jusqu au 25 de mars, A Londres: chez Paul Vaillant, Marchand Libraire, dans le Strand, vis-a-vis de Bedford-Buildings, à L Enseigne du Navire, ESTC T Berniera, Giovanni Angelo. Compendium historiæ reformationis, a Zuinglii & Lutheri temporibus, ad nostra usque tempora deduct. Londoni: apud Isaac Vaillant, Bibliopola ad insignum Episcopi, ESTC T Berniera, Giovanni Angelo. Oratio de utilitate unionis Britannicæ & gloria ad auctores ejus reditura, apud illustrissimum Angliæ Senatum Habita... A doctore Johanne Angelo

233 Huguenot Material in London after the Edict of Fontainebleau 207 Berniera, in Lingua Italica in Londinensi Urbe Concionat. London: sumptibus Authoris, ESTC T Clairecombe, Jean Monier de. Nouvelle & universelle pratique d arithmetique. Londres: Aux depens de l auteur Et se vend chez Paul Vaillant au Navire vis-à-vis Bedford-house dans le Strand, ESTC T La Placette, Jean. Reponse a deux objections, qu on oppose de la part de la raison à ce que la foi nous apprend sur l origine du mal, & sur le mystère de la trinité. Avec une addition, où l on prouve que tous les chrétiens sont d accord sur ce qu il y a de plus incomprehensible dans le mystére de la predestination. Amsterdam: aux depens d E. Roger, & se vend à Londres chez P. & I. Vaillant, ESTC T Le Bovier de Fontenelle, Bernard. Lettres galantes de Monsieur le Chevalier d Her***. Londres: Aux depens de Paul & Isaak Vaillant, ESTC T Le Bovier de Fontenelle, Bernard. Histoire des oracles. Londres [Amsterdam]: Aux depens de Paul & Isaak Vaillant, ESTC N Le Bovier de Fontenelle, Bernard. Poesies pastorales. Londres: Aux depens de Paul & Isaak Vaillant, Marchands Libraires, chez qui l on trouve un assortiment general de toute sorte de Musique, ESTC T Le Bovier de Fontenelle, Bernard. Nouveaux dialogues des morts. Londres: Aux depens de Paul & Isaak Vaillant, Marchand Libraires, chez qui l on trouve un assortiment general de toute sorte de Musique, ESTC T Le Bovier de Fontenelle, Bernard. Entretiens sur la pluralité de mondes. Londres: Aux depens de Paul & Isaak Vaillant, Marchands Libraires, chez qui l on on trouve un assortiment general de toute sorte de Musique, ESTC T Agricola, Georg Andreas. A Philosophical Treatise of Husbandry and Gardening. London: Printed for P. Vaillant in the Strand, and W. Mears and F. Clay without Temple-Bar, ESTC T Maichel, Daniel. Danielis Maichelii introductio ad historiam literariam. Cantabrigiæ: Typis academicis. Impensis Corn. Crownfield, celeberrimæ academiæ typographi. Prostant apud Jacobum Knapton, Robert Knaplock, & Paulum Vaillant, bibliopolas Londinenses, ESTC T Cicero, Marcus Tullius. M. Tullii Ciceronis libri de divinatione et de fato. Cantabrigiæ: typis academicis. Sumptibus Cornelii Crownfield, Celeberrimae Academiae Typographi. Prostant apud Jacobum Knapton, Rob. Knaplock, & Paullum Vaillant, bibliopolas Londinenses, ESTC T Cicero, Marcus Tullius. M. Tullii Ciceronis De natura deorum libri tres. Cantabrigiæ: Typis academicis. Impensis Cornelii Crownfield, Celeberrimae Academiae Typographi. Prostant apud Jacobum Knapton, Rob. Knaplock, & Paulum Vaillant, bibliopolas Londinenses, ESTC T

234 208 Mirjam Christmann Cicero, Marcus Tullius. M. Tullii Ciceronis De natura deorum libri tres. Cantabrigiæ: typis academicis. Sumptibus Cornelii Crownfield. Prostant apud Jacobum Knapton, Rob. Knaplock, & Paullum Vaillant, bibliopolas Londinenses, ESTC T Cicero, Marcus Tullius. M. Tullii Ciceronis Tusculanarum disputationum libri V. Cantabrigiæ: typis academicis. Sumptibus Cornelii Crownfield, Celeberrimae Academiae Typographi. Prostant apud Jacobum Knapton, Rob. Knaplock; & Paullum Vaillant, bibliopolas Londinenses, ESTC T Cicero, Marcus Tullius. M. Tullii Ciceronis Academica. Cantabrigiae: typis academicis; sumptibus autem Corn. Crownfield, celeberrimae Academiae Typographi. MDCCXXV. Prostant apud Jacobum Knapton, Robertum Knaplock, & Paulum Vaillant, bibliopolas Londinenses, ESTC T Horatius Flaccus, Quintus. Q. Horatii Flacci poemata. Londoni [The Hague]: apud fratres Vaillant, et N. Prevost, ESTC T Cunningham, Alexander. Alexandri Cuningamii animadversiones. Londoni [The Hague?]: apud Fratres Vaillant, et N. Prevost, ESTC T Pufendorf, Samuel Freiherr von. S. Pufendorfii De officio hominis. Cantabrigiæ: impensis Gul. Thurlbourn, Bibliopolae. Prostant apud Knapton, Innys, & Vaillant, Londini; & Fletcher, & Clements, Oxonii, ESTC T Pufendorf, Samuel Freiherr von. S. Pufendorfii De officio hominis. Londini: impensis Gul. Thurlbourn, bibliopolæ Cantab. Prostant apud Knapton, Innys, Vaillant, Rivington & Birt, Londini; & Fletcher, & Clements, Oxonii, ESTC N Lysias. Lysiae Atheniensis orationes Graece et Latine. Cantabrigiae: Typis Academicis. Impensis Gul. Thurlbourn Bibliopolae; apud quem veneunt, atque etiam apud G. Innys, R. Manby, I. et P. Knapton, C. Rivington, C. Bathurst, P. Vaillant, bibliopolas Londinenses, ESTC T Boyer, Abel. The Royal Dictionary Abridged. 9th ed. London: printed for Messieurs Innys, Brotherton, Meadows, Ware, Knapton, Clarke, Birt, Comyns, Browne, Longman, Hett, Hitch and Hawes, Hodges, Shuckburgh, Bathurst, Dod, Barker, Vaillant, Brindley, Corbett, Fuller, J. and J. Rivington, Ward, and King, ESTC T Cicero, Marcus Tullius. Academiques de Ciceron. Londres: chez Paul Vaillant, dans le Strand, vis à vis de Southampton-Street, ESTC T Cicero, Marcus Tullius. M. Tullii Ciceronis opera. 9 vols. Parisiis: apud Joan. Bapt. Coignard, Hipp. Lud. Guerin, Joan. Desaint, & Jac. Guerin. Et Londini, apud Paulum Vaillant, ESTC T Le Nouveau testament, c est-à-dire, la nouvelle alliance de notre seigneur Jesus Christ. Nouvelle edition. Revue sur le texte de Mr. Martin. Londres: chez Paul Vaillant, et Jean Nourse, ESTC T

235 Huguenot Material in London after the Edict of Fontainebleau 209 Le Nouveau Testament de notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Nouvelle édition exactement Revuë sur le texte de M. Martin par D.D. Min de la Savoye. A Londres: chez J. Nourse & P. Vaillant, [1740?]. ESTC T Le Nouveau Testament, c est-à-dire, la nouvelle alliance de notre seigneur Jesus Christ. Revue sur le texte de Mr. Martin. Nouvelle edition. Londres: chez Paul Vaillant, et Jean Nourse, ESTC T Le Nouveau Testament, de notre seigneur Jesus Christ. Nouvelle edition, exactement revüe sur le texte de M. Martin, par D.D. Min. de la Savoye. Londres: chez J. Nourse et P. Vaillant, ESTC N Le Nouveau Testament de notre Seigneur Jésus-Christ. Nouvelle édition exactement Revuë sur le texte de M. Martin par D. Durand, Min. de la Savoye. A Londres: chez J. Nourse, P. Vaillant, & E. Johnson, ESTC T Arturi Jonstoni Psalmi Davidici interpretatione, argumentis, notisque illustrati: in usum serenissimi principis. Londini: apud Gulielmum Innys, Danielem Browne, et Paullum Vaillant, Bibliopol. Typis Gulielmi Strahan, ESTC T Arturi Johnstoni Psalmi Davidici cum argumentis et notis, juxta editionem in usum serenissimi principis. [Editio altera.] Londini: apud W. Innys, D. Browne, et Paul. Vaillant Bibliop. Typis Gul. Bowyer, ESTC T Arturi Jonstoni Psalmi Davidici cum argumentis et notis, juxta editionem in usum Serenissimi Principis. Londini: apud W. Innys, D. Browne, et Paul. Vaillant. Typis Gul. Bowyer, ESTC N4608. Arturi Jonstoni Psalmi Davidici, juxta editionem in usum Serenissimi Principis. Londini: apud W. Innys, D. Browne, et Paul. Vaillant. Typis Gul. Bowyer, ESTC N Arturi Jonstoni Psalmi Davidici interpretatione, argumentis, notisque illustrati: in usum Serenissimi Principis. Londini: apud Gulielmum Innys, Danielem Browne, et Paulum Vaillant, Bibliopol. Typis Gulielmi Bowyer, ESTC N4818. Arturi Jonstoni Psalmi Davidici, cum argumentis et notis, juxta editionem in usum Serenissimi Principis. [Editio altera.] Londini: apud W. Innys, D. Browne, et Paul. Vaillant Bibliop. Typis Gul. Bowyer, ESTC T Arturi Jonstoni Psalmi Davidici, cum metaphrasi Græca Jacobi Duporti, Græcæ linguæ apud Cantabrigienses Exprofessoris Regii. Londini: apud W. Innys, D. Browne, et Paul. Vaillant. Typis Gul. Bowyer, ESTC T Roe, Thomas. The Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe. London: printed by Samuel Richardson, at the Expence of the Society for the Encouragement of Learning, and Sold by G. Strahan, in Cornhill; C. Rivington, in St. Paul s Church-Yard; P. Vaillant, in the Strand; J. Brindley, in New Bond-Street; S. Baker, in Russel-Street, Covent-Garden; and J. Osborn, jun. in Pater- Noster Row; Booksellers to the Society: and (to Booksellers only) at the Society s house in St. Martin s-lane, ESTC T33247.

236 210 Mirjam Christmann Pope, Alexander. La priere universelle. Traduite de L Anglois de M. Pope. Par l auteur de la Tragedie de Didon, & du Discours sur l interêt public. Londres: chez Paul Vaillant, vis-a-vis la Rue de Southampton, dans le Strand. Chez qui se trouvent toutes sortes de Livres anciens & modernes en toutes Langues. Le [1740?]. ESTC N Montgeron, Louis Basile Carré de, A Letter from a Councellor of the Parliament of Paris; to the King: For which He was Confined in the Bastille, The Night after He Presented it to His Majesty, and Has ever since Remained in Banishment. London: printed for Paul Vaillant, over-against Southampton-Street, in the Strand, ESTC T Tencin, Claudine Alexandrine Guérin de. The Siege of Calais by Edward of England. London: printed for T. Woodward, at the Half-Moon between the Temple-Gates in Fleet-Street; and Paul Vaillant, against Southampton-Street in the Strand, ESTC T Superville, Daniel de. Elemens du Christianisme. Londres: aux depens de Paul Vaillant, ESTC T Pineda, Pedro. A New Dictionary, Spanish and English and English and Spanish: Containing the Etymology, the Proper and Metaphorical Signification of Words, Terms of Arts and Sciences, Names of Men, Families, Places, and of the Principal Plants in Spain and the West- Indies. London: printed for I. Vaillant, F. Gyles, T. Woodward, and A. Millar, ESTC N Pineda, Pedro. A New Dictionary, Spanish and English and English and Spanish: Containing the Etymology, the Proper and Metaphorical Signification of Words, Terms of Arts and Sciences, Names of Men, Families, Places, and of the Principal Plants in Spain and the West- Indies. London: printed for F. Gyles, T. Woodward, A. Millar, and I. Vaillant, ESTC T Pineda, Pedro. A New Dictionary, Spanish and English and English and Spanish: Containing the Etymology, the Proper and Metaphorical Signification of Words, Terms of Arts and Sciences, Names of Men, Families, Places, and of the Principal Plants in Spain and the West- Indies. London: printed for F. Gyles; T. Woodward; T. Cox and J. Clarke; A. Millar; and P. Vaillant, ESTC T Pineda, Pedro. Nuevo dictionario. London: por F. Gyles, T. Woodward, T. Cox, J. Clarke, A. Millar, y P. Vaillant, ESTC N65133 [unverified].

237 Swift as Bookman: Reader, Collector, and Donor Hermann Josef Real, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Abstract Jonathan Swift is known as a voracious reader and collector of books; he is less well known as a donor of books. Books were tools conducive to securing patronage; vehicles on the road to (self)education, and, also, as marks of affection, respect, and remembrance they were meant to give joy. Büchern bin ich zugeschworen, Bücher bilden meine Welt. Bin an Bücher ganz verloren, Bin von Büchern rings umstellt. Zärter noch als Männerwangen Streichl ich ein geliebtes Buch, Atme bebend vor Verlangen Echten Pergamentgeruch. Inkunabeln, Erstausgaben, Sonder-, Luxus-, Einzeldruck: Alles, alles möcht ich haben Karl Wolfskehl, Lobgesang (1932, adapted) I The Dean of St Patrick s, Dublin, is known to posterity as a reader and collector of books; he is less well known as a donor of books. In principle, such activities seem clear-cut and straightforward; in practice, they frequently overlap, intermingle, and at times even merge. Throughout his career, Swift s reading of books was avid, regular, and consistent. Early biographers like Patrick Delany report that during his great reading period at Moor Park, Sir William Temple s country estate, the young Jonathan persistently studied at least eight hours a day, one with another, for seven years, 1 dutifully abstracting many of the titles he pored over Paolo Sarpi s History of the Council of Trent of 1676 and Thomas Hobbes s translation of Thucydides History of the Grecian War (1676) as well as Fathers of the Church like St Cyprian (c.ad ) and St Irenaeus (c.ad 130- c.200). 2 The abstracts he would jot down in commonplace books, his record of 1 Patrick Delany, Observations upon Lord Orrery s Remarks on the Life and Writings of Dr. Jonathan Swift (London, 1754), See the Acc t of the Books he read in 1697/8, first printed by Thomas Sheridan in his Life of the Rev. Dr. Jonathan Swift ([Dublin, 1785], 22) but only available today in John Lyon s transcript in his copy of John Hawkesworth s Account of the Life of the Reverend Jonathan

238 212 Hermann Josef Real private memorabilia, of well-known or personally meaningful textual excerpts. 3 Later in life, by the time he was about to embark on the composition of Gulliver s Travels, 4 the Dean would read, in fact reread, the bulky tomes of Herodotus Historiarum libri IX 5 and The Historie of the Civill Warres of France by the Italian historian Enrico Caterino Davila ( ). 6 And, at the end of the decade, by 1729, he had even tackled the formidable Baronius ( ), whose Annales ecclesiastici, the Catholic rejoinder to Illyricus Flacius Protestant Historia ecclesiastica, better known as the Magdeburg Centuries, 7 he owned in a twelve-volume folio set, all of which he claimed to have read. 8 We do not know what motives impelled the Dean to subject himself to the excruciating total of 6,500 pages in Latin; after all, he had passed a withering verdict on the Cardinal in what seems rather a characteristic outburst of his volcanic temper: Pessimus Swift (London, 1755) in The Victoria and Albert Museum (Forster 48.D.39; see Jonathan Swift, The Battle of the Books : eine historisch-kritische Ausgabe mit literarhistorischer Einleitung und Kommentar, ed. Hermann Josef Real [Berlin, 1978], ). Swift s commonplace books are no longer extant, either, but we have Deane Swift s word for it that they were lying before [him] in 1754/5 (An Essay upon the Life, Writings, and Character, of Dr. Jonathan Swift [London, 1755], 276). The titles listed there are identical with the ones marked abstracted in Lyon s transcript. 3 Earle Havens, Commonplace Books: A History of Manuscripts and Printed Books from Antiquity to the Twentieth Century (New Haven, 2001), 8, see also 7-11, 25-37, and passim. See also Textual and Historical Introduction, A Tritical Essay upon the Faculties of the Mind, ed. Hermann Josef Real, with the assistance of Kirsten Juhas, Dirk Friedrich Passmann, and Sandra Simon (Online.Swift/Ehrenpreis Centre for Swift Studies, Münster < Nov. 2011). 4 See Irvin Ehrenpreis, Swift: The Man, his Work, and the Age. Vol. III: Dean Swift (London, 1983), , See the Judicium de Herodoto post longum tempus relecto, [The Prose Works of Jonathan Swift], eds Herbert Davis, et al., 16 vols (Oxford, ), V, 243, henceforth referred to as Prose Works; Dirk Friedrich Passmann and Heinz J. Vienken, The Library and Reading of Jonathan Swift: A Bio-Bibliographical Handbook, 4 vols (Frankfurt on Main, 2003), II, , henceforth referred to as PASSMANN AND VIENKEN. 6 See Hermann Josef Real and Heinz J. Vienken, A Pretty Mixture : Books from Swift s Library at Abbotsford House, Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester, 67 (1984), , ; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, ; Dirk Friedrich Passmann, Jonathan Swift as a Book-Collector: With a Checklist of Swift Association Copies, Swift Studies, 27 (2012), 7-68, 38; Lindsay Levy, The kindness of Mr Hartstonge : Matthew Weld Hartstonge s Contribution to Walter Scott s Collection of Swiftiana, Swift Studies, 28 (2013), 58-77, PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, , See The Correspondence of Jonathan Swift, D. D., ed. David Woolley, 5 vols (Frankfurt on Main, ), III, 233 and n. 8, henceforth quoted as Correspondence, ed. Woolley; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, We have to take Swift s word for this, even if a modicum of doubt remains since only volumes V to VII contain pencilled marginal notes in Swift s handwriting. The set was bought in 1746, at the auction sale of Swift s library, for 3 6s 6d by Dean Lewis Saurin [ , Dean of Ardagh and] Precentor of Christ Church, who was forming a library for the Dean and Chapter of that Cathedral (John Lubbock Robinson, A Relic of Dean Swift, The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 47 [1917], 84-85).

239 Swift as Bookman 213 inter pessimos scriptores, / falsissimus inter falsissimos, / Nugacissimus inter nugacissimos, / Insulsissimus inter insulsissimos. / Ita post lecturam duodecim / voluminum irâ et tædio percitus / censui / Jonathan Swift / A.D Whatever the explanation for this eruption may be, it is good advice to assume that the Dean was not only an avid reader but also an adversarial one. 10 II From time to time, Swift would choose books from his own library to present to young relatives, protégés, and friends, but it is remarkable that he should never have parted with any of the historians whom he abstracted and whom he seems to have collected with a specific purpose in mind, such as the gathering of matter for his satire on the numerous and gross Corruptions in Religion and Learning, A Tale of a Tub, 11 or his balance sheet of the vulgar errors of Mankind in politics and science, Gulliver s Travels. 12 The same may be said of all other historians in Swift s library, of whom he boasted a sizeable proportion, 358 in all. 13 In addition to Herodotus and Thucydides, Davila, Sarpi, and Baronius, he owned, at one stage or another, editions and/or translations of George Buchanan s Rerum Scoticarum historia (1643), William Camden s Rerum Anglicanarum et Hibernicarum annales (1639), Philippe de Commines Historie (1614), Lord Herbert of Cherbury s Life and Raigne of King Henry the Eighth (1649), Clarendon s massive History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England (1707), the magnificent three-volume Complete History of England compiled by John Hughes and White Kennett (1706), not to mention various anthologies of Roman history, Jacques Auguste de Thou s memoirs Historiarum sui temporibus, to which Swift subscribed, and Sir Roger Twysden s impressive collection of English medieval chroniclers, Historiæ Anglicanæ scriptores X (1652). 14 None of 9 PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, 153; an English translation of Swift s Latin is available in Passmann, Jonathan Swift as a Book-Collector, See Brean S. Hammond, Swift s Reading, Reading Swift: Papers from The Fourth Münster Symposium on Jonathan Swift, eds Hermann Josef Real and Helgard Stöver-Leidig (Munich, 2003), , , reprinted in The Cambridge Companion to Jonathan Swift, ed. Christopher Fox (Cambridge, 2003), Swift also made sure that his passion for reading rubbed off on to the ladies, Esther Johnson (Stella) and Rebecca Dingley (see Hermann Josef Real, Stella s Books, Swift Studies, 11 [1996], 70-83). 11 Prose Works, I, 1. On the issue of Swift s reading as a preparation for his ordination and, by implication, for his early stroke of genius, A Tale of a Tub, see Phillip Harth, Swift and Anglican Rationalism: The Religious Background of A Tale of a Tub (1961; Chicago, 1969), See Hermann Josef Real, The Structure of Gulliver s Travels, Securing Swift: Selected Essays (Dublin, 2001), , ; Myrddin Jones, A Living Treasury of Knowledge and Wisdom: Some Comments on Swift s Attitude to the Writing of History, Durham University Journal, 67 (1974), PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, ix; see also Passmann, Jonathan Swift as a Book-Collector, PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, , , ; II, , ; III, , , and

240 214 Hermann Josef Real these he is known to have given away. It is true that Gulliver may have shown little respect for the discipline of historiography, both ancient and modern, after his encounters with some of its prostitute Writers in the necromancing episode of Glubbdubdrib, 15 but one would be ill-advised to conclude from his lack of regard for historians that Swift had little interest in their subject, history. 16 Significantly, in his autobiographical fragment Family of Swift (c ), he recalled that after having been discouraged in his Academical Studyes at Trinity College, Dublin, in the mid-1680s [he] turned himself to reading History and Poetry. 17 Swift continued to be preoccupied with history, ancient and modern as well as political and ecclesiastical, for many years. 18 Not to mention his own continuous historiographical efforts, such as The History of the Four Last Years of the Queen, Memoirs, Relating to That Change which Happened in the Queen s Ministry in the Year 1710, and An Enquiry into the Behaviour of the Queen s Last Ministry, in 1719, and again in 1724, 1729, and 1731, he urged Henry St John, Viscount Bolingbroke, then in exile in France, to write a history of his own times, more precisely, [to draw up] very exact memoirs of the years 1710 to 1714, during which St John had been principal actor as Secretary of State for the Harley administration and of which none, in the Dean s view, had been more important in the whole of British history. 19 But then, it is easy to be misled by the phrase very exact memoirs, suggesting as it does fairness and impartiality, facticity, and objectivity, in one word, Truth. This does not at all chime in with what Swift understood by 15 Quotations are from the edition of Gulliver s Travels in Prose Works, XI, , 199 (III, viii). 16 Sean J. Connolly, Swift and History, Reading Swift: Papers from The Fifth Münster Symposium on Jonathan Swift, ed. Hermann Josef Real (Munich, 2008), , Prose Works, V, 192. For the controversial dating of Family of Swift, see Hermann Josef Real, The Dean s Grandfather, Thomas Swift ( ): Forgotten Evidence, Swift Studies, 8 (1993), 84-93, n. 36. For reasons of space, it is impossible to mention all historians, not even major ones, from Swift s (or, for that matter, Sir William Temple s) library whom he studied over the years. Two additional representative examples are Bishop Gilbert Burnet s weighty tomes of The History of the Reformation ( ), which he read in 1697/8 (Swift, The Battle of the Books, ed. Real, ) and the History of his Own Time ( ), the Dublin edition of which the aged Dean borrowed from Dr John Lyon, his guardian in later life, and had annotated by 1739 (Prose Works, V, ; Passmann, Jonathan Swift as a Book-Collector, 33). Interestingly, while at work on Gulliver s Travels, he also instructed the eldest son of Lord Chief Baron Rochfort, George, to bring or send [his] Livy [from Gaulstown to Dublin], explaining: I want it much, and am going to re-read it on a particular Occasion (Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, 418 and n. 7). 18 See, in addition to the essays by Hammond ( Swift s Reading, , ) and Connolly ( Swift and History, ), Christopher Fox, Swift and the Passions of Posterity, Reading Swift: Papers from The Sixth Münster Symposium on Jonathan Swift, eds Kirsten Juhas, Hermann Josef Real, and Sandra Simon (Munich, 2013), Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, 299 and n. 3, see also 317 and n. 7; III, 229 and n. 2, and passim.

241 Swift as Bookman 215 history, and with the practice of his history-writing, for that matter. 20 In his view, history(-writing) was bound to be committed to a cause, interpretative rather than factual, and, as a result, biased and partisan, in one word, history, or (his)story, all the more so if the events of history to be described were contemporary and modern due to the lack of detachment. Swift s conception of the historian s role becomes nowhere more manifest than in his vigorous, if illfated, lobbying, in 1713/4, for the post of Historiographer Royal, a sinecure office in the royal household under the Lord Chamberlain, 21 then the Duke of Shrewsbury, with a salary of 200 per annum. 22 In Dr Swift s Memorial to the Queen, his application for the position in April 1714, the original of which was sent to Dr Arbuthnot, Queen Anne s physician and the Dean s close and trusted friend, to be forwarded by him to Secretary Bolingbroke acting for Shrewsbury, who had left London for Dublin as Lord Lieutenant, 23 the Dean of St Patrick s not only passed himself off as able and ready for the job, he also set out, with all the clarity one desires, the objective he had in mind for it, to serve his Queen and country by providing a counterweight to the falsehood of malicious pens, presumably a gibe at a writer of the opposite party like the Whig journalist Abel Boyer. 24 Paradoxically, to Swift, transmitting the truth of things to future ages meant not impartial pursuit of knowledge for the benefit and enlightenment of posterity, it meant transmitting the truth as he saw it as an historian, parti pris, dedicated, and corrective as well as biased, combative, and propagandistic, if need be, giving in to both philippic and panegyric. 25 Under the circumstances, it is small surprise that the Dean at all stages of his career was loath to part from books he wanted, and perhaps needed, to see on his shelves. There is only one exception to this rule. During his time as chef de propagande for the Harley administration, Swift repeatedly told Stella in Dublin that he had obtained, for the College, successive volumes of an invaluable historical work undertaken at the public expense and publishing all conventions 20 See, among others, Ashley Marshall, Swift s rhapsodical Tory-book : The Aims and Motives of The History of the Four Last Years of the Queen, Reading Swift: Papers from The Sixth Münster Symposium on Jonathan Swift, eds Kirsten Juhas, Hermann Josef Real, and Sandra Simon (Munich, 2013), See Charles Harding Firth, Dean Swift and Ecclesiastical Preferment, The Review of English Studies, 2 (1926), 1-17, Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 287 and n. 7, 578 and n., n. 3; John Chamberlayne, Magnæ Britanniæ Notitia: or, The Present State of Great-Britain, 24th ed. (London, 1716), 566. On the origins of the position as well as its salary, rights, and duties, see Denys Hay, The Historiographers Royal in England and Scotland, Renaissance Essays (London, 1988), 19-33; Robert Orland Bucholz, The Augustan Court: Queen Anne and the Decline of Court Culture (Stanford, California, 1993), See the vivid account in Ehrenpreis, Swift: The Man, his Work, and the Age. Vol. II: Dr Swift (1967; repr. London, 1983), Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 595 and n., n Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 595, see also IV, 462 and n. 3. For a catalogue of shortcomings allegedly disqualifying Swift as historian, see John Robert Moore, Swift as Historian, Studies in Philology, 49 (1952),

242 216 Hermann Josef Real and transactions into which Britain had entered with foreign powers since the Middle Ages: Fœdera, conventiones, literæ, et cuiuscunque generis acta publica, inter reges Angliæ, et alios quosuis imperatores, reges, pontifices, principes ab anno 1101, ad nostra usque tempora (that is, 1654), compiled and edited by Thomas Rymer ( ), Historiographer Royal, and, after Rymer s death, by his assistant Robert Sanderson ( ). The complete set was printed in a limited edition of 250 and comprised 20 volumes ( ). 26 A bookplate in the first volume of the set, which was clearly pasted in after Swift s appointment as Dean of St Patrick s and which is available in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, today, claims that the first fifteen volumes were ex dono Jonath: Swift S: T: D: Decani Eccl: Cathed: S. Patricii Dub: hujus Academiae quondam alumni. However, ex dono here may not be taken to mean that Swift bought, and subsequently presented, Rymer s Fœdera to his old College; it does mean that he secured copies of the first fifteen volumes free of charge at the time of publication ( from the lords of the treasury ), and then either sent them or brought them to Dublin on his return. 27 In other words, he made sure that a work which had been undertaken at the public expense was also made available to (academic) members of the public. There is no evidence that the thought of keeping the set for himself ever occurred to the Dean, tempting though it may have been to a collector who was as preoccupied with history as himself. However, this is not an insinuation of any intended dishonesty on Swift s side, it is but a reminder that occasionally on his book-buying sprees during his London years he bought books that in the end he kept for his own library, for reasons unknown. Among these was a large printed Bible, which he promised to buy for a lady close to him, Esther Johnson, his Stella, in April 1711, and again in July 1712 and May 1713, but ostensibly never bought, 28 and three little volumes of Lucian in French, Nicolas Perrot d Ablancourt s Lucien published at Paris in 1674, which he actually purchased in January Stella spoke French perfectly, 30 and she presumably preferred a French Lucian to a more scholarly one like Benedictus Luciani Samosatensis opera, in Greek with a Latin paraphrase and liberal textual and explanatory notes, which the Dean owned See the bibliographical account in Frederick G. Ribble and Anne G. Ribble, Fielding s Library: An Annotated Catalogue (Charlottesville, 1996), (R25), ESTC T147190, and, for the idea, genesis, and execution of the work, as well as an assessment of Rymer s achievement, David Charles Douglas, Rymer and Madox, English Scholars, , 2nd ed. (London, 1951), , Prose Works, XV, 271 and n. 11; XVI, and n Prose Works, XV, 255; XVI, 549, 669; see also Swift s Account Books, where the Bible is listed among memoranda and commissions, things still to be done, that is (The Account Books of Jonathan Swift, eds Paul V. Thompson and Dorothy Jay Thompson [Newark, 1984], 139, 164). 29 Prose Works, XV, 157 and n. 8; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN II, Prose Works, V, Real, Stella s Books, 78; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN II,

243 Swift as Bookman 217 III Not much is known about the growth of Swift s library, but given his mostly limited means before 1713, 32 the naturally parsimonious Swift would have had to buy with consideration and care. In fact, he did, resorting to a variety of methods raiding bookshops, 33 attending auction sales, 34 and committing himself to subscription ventures. 35 At the same time, he was proud of his own little library 36 medium-sized surely by contemporary standards and he fondly recalled highlights in his life as a collector. In December 1693, for example, he could not wait to see his copy of Louis Moréri s Great Historical, Geographical, and Poetical Dictionary of 1694, to which he had subscribed and which he subsequently turned to good account in the composition of A Tale of a Tub. 37 Writing to his cousin, the Revd Thomas Swift of Puttenham, then in London, Jonathan urged Thomas, in a tone at once imperious and impatient, to advance the final payment of the subscription sum for him (and two relatives, Anne Swift and Matthew Rookes) as well as to secure up-to-standard copies, still in quires, from the bookseller s stock: Tho You are so crammd with business I must needs desire Y r assistance in Paying 45 shill for Nan Swift, & Matt Rooks and Me, for our Dictionary which is about this 32 Swift s income in Kilroot as well as in Laracor was approximately 100 per annum (Louis A. Landa, Swift and the Church of Ireland [Oxford, 1954], 16, 36); by contrast, the Deanery of St Patrick s, to which Swift was appointed in 1713, was valued at 800 a year (Ehrenpreis, Swift: The Man, his Works, and the Age. Vol. I: Mr Swift and his Contemporaries [1962; repr. London, 1983], 156; see, however, Dean Swift, ). But then, by 1713, as Swift s own inventory of August 1715 shows, Swift s library was almost complete, the number of volumes [not rising] significantly beyond 600 plus (Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, 85 n. 3; see also William Richard LeFanu, A Catalogue of Books Belonging to Dr Jonathan Swift, Dean of St Patrick s, Dublin, Aug , Cambridge, 1988). 33 See E. J. W. McCann, Jonathan Swift s Library, The Book Collector, 34 (1985), , For the number of auction sales, which were introduced into England relatively late and which Swift would have been able to attend between 1710 and 1714, see British Book Sale Catalogues, , eds Alan Noel Latimer Munby and Lenore Coral (London, 1977), For some of his purchases and acquisitions, see Passmann, Jonathan Swift as a Book- Collector, According to a recent study by Toby Barnard, [c]lergymen are conspicuous (perhaps disproportionately so) among the recorded buyers, owners, readers of, and subscribers to, books, but only [the] affluent went further, assembling large and varied libraries ( Outlooks and Activities of the Church of Ireland Clergy in the Time of Swift, Reading Swift: Papers from The Sixth Münster Symposium on Jonathan Swift, eds Kirsten Juhas, Hermann Josef Real, and Sandra Simon [Munich, 2013], , ). On Swift s meticulous handling of his finances including books, see The Account Books of Jonathan Swift, eds Thompson and Thompson, vii-viii, xii-xiii, and passim. 36 Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 408; III, 231 and n PASSMANN AND VIENKEN II, ; see also Hermann Josef Real, Swift s Non-Reading, That Woman! Studies in Irish Bibliography. A Festschrift for Mary Paul Pollard, eds Charles Benson and Siobhán Fitzpatrick (Dublin, 2005), ,

244 218 Hermann Josef Real time to be delivered, or else my Bookseller (Simson) may perhaps be careless in the choice of the Coppyes in which there is difference enough. 38 Later, during his extended stays in London, Swift regularly reported on visits to the bookshops, both on his own and in the company of fellow-bibliophiles sometimes laying out considerable sums like a fool for splendid and learned editions of, say, Aristophanes and Arrian, Plutarch and Strabo, and sometimes lamenting with a collector s cri de cœur that the objects of his desire were so monstrous dear, [he] could not reach them. 39 On one occasion, his passion for books even led him to offer 120 for a whole library, having apparently persuaded Bolingbroke to lend [him] the money, an amount exceeding Swift s annual salary by one fifth, though in the end the bargain came to nothing after a Roguy Bookseller outbid him. 40 We do not know whether it was on this occasion that Bolingbroke took pity on his friend s bookish extravagances and gave Swift the compilements of Grævius and Gronovius that, as the Dean assured Pope in a letter of April 1729, he valued more than all [his] books besides 41 the Dutch scholar Jacobus Gronovius Thesavrvs Graecarvm antiqvitatvm ( ) as well as the German Joannes Georgius Graevius Thesaurus antiquitatum Romanarum ( ) and Thesaurus antiquitatum et historiarum Italiae (1704), thirty-one encyclopaedic folio volumes, which virtually contained the whole contemporary knowledge of classical antiquity. 42 While there is no doubt that the Dean would have valued these compilations, if only for friendship s sake but certainly also beyond, he is unlikely to have felt the same emotional attachment for them as he did for an Estienne (Stephanus) edition of Virgil, Publii Virgilii Maronis poemata, which was published at Paris in 1599 and which is in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, today (Douce V. 63). 43 An inscription on the front pastedown in Swift s autograph informs readers about the volume s provenance as well as the particular occasion it was presented to him and the delight that accompanied the gift: This Book belonged to my / Grandfather Thomas Swift / Minister and Owner of the / Town and Land of Goodridge in / Hereford-shire. / he had it when / he was a Schoolboy, as appears / by his hand in the Title-page; 44 It / was found in his House at Goodridge / and given me by Dean- Swift Esq r, Great Grand-son of the s d Thomas, and present Owner of Goodridge, on / My Birth-day Nov r / Jonath: Swift Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 118 and nn. 3 and Prose Works, XV, and n. 7, , 242; XVI, 601. On one occasion, as he told his predecessor in office, Dean Stearne, in December 1711, he spent fifty pounds on books, which [was] very considerable for [him] (Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 408). 40 Prose Works, XVI, 636, Correspondence, ed. Woolley, III, 231 and n PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, , See A Book from Swift s Library, The Bodleian Library Record, 3 (1951), In the middle of the title page, above the customary Estienne ornament with the legend, Noli altum sapere, appears the autograph Thomas Swift. 45 In a Memorandum on the end pastedown, Deane Swift explains more of the history of the volume: I requested the Executors / of Doctor Swift to give me / this book, under a notion / that it would have been / picked up by some Rascal, / as it was not worth being /

245 Swift as Bookman 219 As all aficionados of the Dean are aware, Grandfather Thomas, the unflinchingly loyal royalist Vicar of Goodrich, notus in historiis ob ea quae fecit et passus est pro Car o I mo, was one of Jonathan s heroes, although the two men never knew each other. 46 Again, and perhaps predictably so, the Dean refused to part with any of these titles, either because he was simply too pleased and proud to own them, because their authors mattered to him materially, or because he felt emotionally attached to them one way or another. But then, Swift also actively donated books, and on a larger scale, too, with varying motives and objectives as his life wore on. IV Swift s career as a donor of books began early. While the young Jonathan, a recently ordained clergyman in the Church of Ireland, 47 was still hoping for preferment, it was natural for him to send complimentary copies of Sir William Temple s works that he had recently edited to his superiors, or other welldisposed beneficent powers, on whom he had, or thought he had, to rely for any acts of favouritism. To be sure, none of these titles was from Swift s personal library, nor did he have to go out of his own pocket to purchase them; instead, he had made sure in his negotiations with his long-time London publisher, Benjamin Tooke, Jr that, in addition to a honorarium, he would receive twenty complimentary copies gilt in the Leaves and in calves Leather, with some three or four even in Turkey work, better than morocco, the best quality of all. 48 Of these, two identical presentation sets of Letters Written by Sir William Temple, Bart, and Other Ministers of State, Both at Home and Abroad, in two volumes published, that is, edited, by Swift in 1700, were given to Lady Jane Martha Berkeley, née Temple and wife of Admiral John Berkeley, and to her mother, Lady Jane Temple (see Figure 1). 49 exposed to Sale (a request, which, / although modest in itself, / they refused to grant) / However, I bought it at the auction of his books for / seven pence Feb ry / Deane Swift. 46 Real, The Dean s Grandfather, 84-85, Ehrenpreis, Mr Swift, Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 145 and n. 3. See also The Battle of the Books, ed. Hermann Josef Real, with the assistance of Kirsten Juhas, Dirk Friedrich Passmann, and Sandra Simon (Online.Swift/Ehrenpreis Centre for Swift Studies, Münster, 43, l. 5 < anglistik.uni-muenster.de/swift/online.swift/works/battleofthebooks/> October Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 140 n. 3. The presentation set to Lady Jane Berkeley is now in the Rothschild Collection at Trinity College, Cambridge, see The Rothschild Library: A Catalogue of the Collection of Eighteenth-Century Printed Books and Manuscripts Formed by Lord Rothschild, 2 vols (1954; London, 1969), II, 648, no The one presented to her mother, Lady Jane, originally part of the library of David Woolley, is in the Ehrenpreis Centre, Münster, today (EC 8605).

246 220 Hermann Josef Real Fig. 1: Lady Jane Temple s copy of Letters Written by Sir William Temple (Ehrenpreis Centre, Münster, EC 8605)

247 Swift as Bookman 221 Shortly after, these gifts were developed by presentations of the third volume of Temple s Letters to the King (1703). Swift addressed one copy to a clergyman he is known to have despised, 50 but on whom he was dependent at this stage of his life, Narcissus Marsh, Archbishop of Dublin until his translation to the see of Armagh in January 1703: To His Grace / Narcissus, Lord Primate of / all Ireland / By His Grace s / most obedient / and most / humble Servant / The Publisher, confirmed by the Archbishop at the foot of the title page: Ex dono rev di Editoris / N. Armach. 51 The British Library owns another (C.28.f.5), which completes a set of Temple s Letters (1700-3) and which was presented to the eminent Florentine statesman and scholar Lorenzo Magalotti, the trusted secretary of Duke Cosimo III of Tuscany, whom he accompanied on a visit to England in On the verso of the title page, Swift neatly wrote: To / His Excellency, Count Magalotti, / Councellor of State to His / Most Serene Highness, the / Great Duke of Tuscany. / By His Excellency s / most obedient / and / most humble Servant. / Jonathan Swift. 53 The third presentation copy, in St Finbarr s Cathedral Library, now held by the library of University College, Cork, went to Charles Crow, Bishop of Cloyne since October 1702, a clergyman whom Swift would have wanted to impress. The autograph inscription signed The Publisher, or Editor, is To the Right Reverend / Charles, Lord Bishop of Cloyne, / by his most faithfull / humble Servant. 54 Finally, two presentation copies of Temple s Miscellanea: The Third Part (1701), also inscribed by The Publisher, are known. The first, now in the Huntington Library, is again addressed to Archbishop Marsh: To the Most Reverend / Narcissus, Lord ArchBishop of / Dublin, and One of the / Lords Justices of Ireland. / By His Grace s / most obedient and / most oblidged / humble Servant / the Publisher. 55 The other, in La Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze, parades Swift s familiar calligraphic autograph inscription, on the blank verso of the title page, to Sir William Temple s distinguished acquaintance, Count Magalotti. 56 While the donations to the Count will have to be seen primarily as gestures of friendship, others, including the ones to Archbishop Marsh and Bishop Crow, 50 Prose Works, V, In Marsh s Library, Dublin, today; see the tracing in Sophie Shilleto Smith, Dean Swift (London, 1910), facing p. 18, and the transcription in N. F. Lowe and William John Mc Cormack, Swift as Publisher of Sir William Temple s Letters and Miscellanea, Swift Studies, 8 (1993), 46-57, 50-51, and Plate V. 52 See Ross Douglas Waller, Lorenzo Magalotti in England, , Italian Studies, 1.2 (1937), See also Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, and nn. 53 Lowe and Mc Cormack, Swift as Publisher of Sir William Temple s Letters and Miscellanea, Lowe and Mc Cormack, Swift as Publisher of Sir William Temple s Letters and Miscellanea, 46, 51; Henry Cotton, Fasti Ecclesiae Hibernicae, 5 vols (Dublin, ), I, ; IV, Plate 12 in Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, presents a facsimile; see also John Barrett, An Essay on the Earlier Part of the Life of Swift (London, 1808), 37, and Lowe and Mc Cormack, Swift as Publisher of Sir William Temple s Letters and Miscellanea, Plate 13 in Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, presents a facsimile; see also Carlo Pagetti, La fortuna di Swift in Italia (Bari, 1971), 12.

248 222 Hermann Josef Real may have been tactical moves, manoeuvres intended by Swift to serve himself while seeming to serve others. Thus, it is remarkable that, in 1709, too, Swift should have chosen to ingratiate himself with four distinguished bibliophiles who were also influential politicians : Charles Montagu, first Earl of Halifax, Thomas Herbert, eighth Earl of Pembroke, John Baron Somers of Evesham, and Charles Spencer, third Earl of Sunderland. 57 Writing from his mother s place at Leicester, Swift instructed Benjamin Tooke, his London bookseller, to arrange for an expensively bound copy of (the recently published) Temple s Memoirs: Part III of 1709 to be sent, [and] inscribed for him by Tooke, to each of the four. 58 Five years earlier, he had already tried to curry favour with the Whig Somers, this extraordinary Genius soon to become Lord President of the Council, 59 not only by making his Lordship the dedicatee of A Tale of a Tub but also by sending him for his formidable library a copy in a luxury binding of imported levant/ Turky leather, along with his three-volume edition of Sir William Temple s Letters (1700-3). 60 In May 1704, when the first edition of A Tale of a Tub was being published, the dedication to Somers, as it has rightly been suggested, was a standard attempt to secure patronage by a writer still in the Whig camp. 61 In April 1709, finally, some two years before Swift blew his chances for ecclesiastical preferment by antagonizing Queen Anne with The Windsor Prophecy (1711), 62 he may even have tried Anne herself. Apparently acting on the advice of his patron, Charles, second Earl of Berkeley, and availing himself of the good services of Dr John Sharp ( ), Archbishop of York, on whose advice the Queen would chiefly rely in ecclesiastical matters, 63 Swift may have sent Her Majesty a copy of the recently published Project for the Advancement of Religion, and the Reformation of Manners. 64 But even if he did, nothing came of the stratagem, and shortly after in 1713/4, when he had to take office as Dean of St Patrick s, Dublin, Swift s hopes for preferment in Britain 57 See Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 257 n., 276 n. 3, 470 n. 1, n. 4. See also Seymour de Ricci, English Collectors of Books & Manuscripts ( ) and their Marks of Ownership (Cambridge, 1930), Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 257 n., emphasis in the original. For the publication date of Memoirs, see The Term Catalogues, , ed. Edward Arber, 3 vols (1906; London, 1965), III, 644. The presentation copy to Sunderland, in all its splendour, is now part of the Rothschild Collection at Trinity College, Cambridge (The Rothschild Library, II, 649, no 2408). 59 Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 257 n. 1, 165 n. 2. See also William Lewis Sachse, Lord Somers: A Political Portrait (Manchester, 1975), 198, Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, n. 4, 182 n A Tale of a Tub and Other Works, ed. Marcus Walsh (Cambridge, 2010), See also Dustin H. Griffin, Literary Patronage in England, (Cambridge, 1996), 46-51, , and passim. 62 See Hermann Josef Real, The Most Fateful Piece Swift ever Wrote : The Windsor Prophecy, Securing Swift: Selected Essays (Dublin, 2001), , ; Encoding and Decoding Swift s Windsor Prophecy, The Eighteenth-Century Intelligencer, 27.2 (2013), See Arthur Tindal Hart, The Life and Times of John Sharp, Archbishop of York (London, 1949), , , and passim. 64 See Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 252 and nn. 3, 4.

249 Swift as Bookman 223 were effectively shattered. He stopped his customary lobbying for positions that had become vacant, and accordingly, there is no further evidence of these former exercises in futility, the Dean cajoling prospective patrons with donations of books, no matter whether his own or those of others, without success. Again, there is one exception, however. In March 1726, Swift was on his way to London, for his penultimate visit, not only to arrange for the publication of Gulliver s Travels, 65 but possibly also for a presentation he wished to make at Oxford, where he stopped en route. It seems plausible to assume that the Dean carried with him the finely bound copy of Fraud Detected, the first collected edition of the Drapier s Letters published by George Faulkner at Dublin in 1725, 66 and that he had it delivered, for safety s sake by messenger, to the Bodleian Library (8 E 150 Linc.), with an (undated) autograph inscription on the recto of the first flyleaf, which has been thought to be expressive of Swift s hunger for anonymous fame once again: Humbly presented / to the Bodleyan Library / in Oxford / by M.B. Drapier. 67 Not counting the set of Rymer s Fœdera, which was destined for Trinity College, this edition of Fraud Detected is the only extant donation Swift gave to an institution, where readers are likely to have encountered the Hibernian Patriot who did not own the Drapier s Letters themselves. V It is not known who the (intended) addressees of the six Setts of the Edition of the Drapiers were, sewn and wrappered gatherings, which Swift requested his crony, the Revd Dr Thomas Sheridan ( Tom ), to send him by courier while in London on his last visit in May We do know that in the 1720s and 1730s, and particularly after the prince of Dublin printers, George Faulkner, brought out the four- and six-volume editions of the Dean s Works (1735 and 1738), 69 it gave him great joy to disseminate the good news of his own works among friends. Since Faulkner, like Tooke, had to supply the complimentary copies, Swift could afford to be generous. Thus, he made sure that sets went out to, among others, Katharine Richardson, the niece of Swift s admirer William Richardson at Summerseat, Coleraine, and the notable London bibliophile Dr 65 See, for the details, David Woolley, The Stemma of Gulliver s Travels: A Second Note, Swift Studies, 17 (2002), See, among others, The Drapier s Letters to the People of Ireland against Receiving Wood s Halfpence, ed. Herbert Davis (1935; Oxford, 1965), lxviii, xci-xcii; Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, and n. 67 Ehrenpreis, Dean Swift, 316; Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, 636 n., for a facsimile of the autograph, see Plate Correspondence, ed. Woolley, III, 84 and n. 10, 104 n. 13. One of the recipients may have been Henrietta Howard, Lady Suffolk. 69 See Herman Teerink and Arthur Hawley Scouten, A Bibliography of the Writings of Jonathan Swift, 2nd ed. (Philadelphia, 1963),

250 224 Hermann Josef Real Richard Mead, to whose Humanity and Friendship Swift professed himself obliged, as well as to the future biographer Deane Swift, Jr, who thanked the Dean in pompous hyperboles for his New Year s gift of 1738/9, and to a friend of later years, George Baron Lyttelton, secretary to Frederick Lewis, Prince of Wales, and a well-known patron of the arts. 70 VI Not surprisingly, throughout her life, Stella was Swift s foremost concern, particularly so when he was away in London and when he found it harder to tutor her, and, predictably, Jonathan Swift took pride of place on the list of authors whose works he sent her and which he wanted her to study. 71 In October 1711, for example, he sent her a pacquet of pamphlets, containing, among other things, a complete set of Examiners, Some Remarks upon a Pamphlet Entitl d, A Letter to the Seven Lords (18 August 1711), and A New Journey to Paris (11 September 1711), as well as Delarivier Manley s True Narrative of What Pass d at the Examination of the Marquis De Guiscard (15 April 1711), The Duke of M h s Vindication (26 September 1711), and A Learned Comment upon Dr Hare s Excellent Sermon (2-4 October 1711), for all of which Swift claimed to have provided the hints. 72 On the same occasion, he included a volume of his Miscellanies in Prose and Verse of February 1711, and on another, the phenomenally successful Conduct of the Allies, which, he later prided himself, had turned Stella (and her companion Rebecca Dingley) into able state-girls and great Politicians. 73 Swift would not have been the tutor he was, however, had he not made sure that his students did what they were instructed to do: reading the pamphlets. Having sent them his Short Character of Wharton, while concealing his authorship, he demanded to know Stella s reasons for assigning the pamphlet to him: Do you pretend to know, impudence? How durst you think so? 74 Again, it is noticeable that Swift was liberal with copies he would have secured free of charge from his publishers. But the same observation applies to several titles which were not by himself and which had come into his possession one way or another. Thus, Stella owned two volumes of Sir William Temple, the second edition of An Introduction to the History of England published in Correspondence, ed. Woolley, IV, n. 5, 489 and n. 1 (see also Prose Works, XIV, 38), and n. 1, 585 n., 588 and n. 1. Analogously, a gift copy of Gulliver s Travels, with the signature Lemuel Gulliver, was sent to the newly-wed Catherine Ludlow, wife of William, younger brother of Peter Ludlow (Correspondence, ed. Woolley, III, 60 n. 4). 71 In what follows, I summarize some of the evidence originally presented in Real, Stella s Books, See Prose Works, XVI, 395, 402, see also 399; XV, 146, , 254. For the attributions to Manley, see Ruth Herman, The Business of a Woman: The Political Writings of Delarivier Manley (Newark, 2003), Prose Works, XVI, 479, 582, see also , and XV, Prose Works, XV, 148.

251 Swift as Bookman 225 and the posthumous edition of Memoirs of What Past in Christendom of Since Sir William died in January of 1699 and since Swift had been Temple s amanuensis for both of these works, the volumes are likely to have come as gifts from Swift. 75 Similarly, in 1717, when the Dean had become friends with Thomas Parnell, Archdeacon of Clogher, and Alexander Pope, he forwarded to Stella Parnell s Battle of the Frogs and Mice (1717), originally dedicated to himself ( To y e Rev d D r Jonath: Swift Dean of S t Patricks The Auth: Tho: Parnell ), as well as a copy of Pope s enlarged version of The Rape of the Lock (1714) that probably was a present from Pope to him. 76 Conversely, he refused to part with his (possibly sole) copies of John Arbuthnot s Law is a Bottomless-Pit (6 March 1712) and A Treatise of the Art of Political Lying (October 1712). While he urged the Ladies to read both, he also made it clear that he expected them to buy their own copies. 77 To be fair, Swift not always made Stella rely on her own funds; he also gave her books bought with his money. Throughout 1717, for example, he solicited subscriptions for his old and trusted friend Matthew Prior, who was in sore financial difficulties and to whose Poems on Several Occasions (1718) he subscribed. 78 One of his five subscription copies apparently went to Stella, who had not subscribed. 79 The most remarkable of all of Swift s gifts to Stella, however, was an issue of the 1669 edition of Milton s Paradise Lost, still in ten books, 80 dedicated to, and annotated for, the Ladies in 1703, during the extended spell from October 1702 to November 1703, which Swift spent in Ireland, and during which he went to great lengths to overcome their initial dejection about their removal to Dublin. One of the blank leaves carried the inscription: The Gift / of D r Jonathan Swift / to / M rs Dingley / and / M rs Johnson. / May / Whether Swift took the volume from his own stock or purchased it for the occasion is unknown. Happily, a transcript of Swift s notes and glosses in the hand of Theophilus Swift, son of Deane Swift, Jr, has survived among Sir Walter Scott s papers in the National Library of Scotland (MS 882/2, fols 80r-85v). 81 VII The second friend to profit most considerably from the Dean s generosity was the Revd Daniel Jackson (b. c.1687), the long-nosed Prebendary of St Patrick s, protégé of Irish MP George Rochfort, and frequent subject of jest in the verse 75 See Hermann Josef Real and Heinz J. Vienken, Books from Stella s Library, Swift Studies, 1 (1986), 68-72, For more details, including the subsequent history of the volume, see Real and Vienken, Books from Stella s Library, 70, Prose Works, XVI, 510, Matthew Prior, Poems on Several Occasions (London, 1718), sig. h2v. 79 Real and Vienken, Books from Stella s Library, See Robert Gordon Moyles, The Text of Paradise Lost : A Study in Editorial Procedure (Toronto, 1985), Real, Stella s Books,

252 226 Hermann Josef Real exchanges between Swift and his friends 82 ; in fact, among the members of Swift s circle, there is no one, Stella excepted, to have received as many gifts as he did, altogether seven volumes. 83 Three aspects are remarkable in this case: First, all donations came from the Dean s own library; second, the editions were all of Latin writers and writers in Latin, and, with one exception, they were in small octavo or duodecimo formats, presumably many of them vellum-bound; third, all donations were made after 19 August 1715, when Swift drew up the first inventory of his library. They are either marked G[iven] D[aniel] Jackson, in Swift s autograph but written in a different ink with another quill, and have therefore to be considered later addenda, or with a crossed-out design d for D[aniel] Jackson. 84 Since the two crossed-out items, a Leiden Elzevir of Caesar s Commentarii (1635) and a ninevolume edition of Cicero s Opera omnia, published at Strasbourg in 1581, reappear in the two 1742 and 1745 catalogues of Swift s library, the gifts were apparently never made, for unknown reasons. 85 As regards the remaining donations, we do not know exactly when after 1715 Revd Jackson received them. There is evidence neither of his nomination as prebendary of St Patrick s nor of his first meeting the Dean, the terminus post quem. The easy, gossipy familiarity of Swift s tone in the two extant letters to him suggests that though some twenty years apart they were firm friends by October 1721, after having spent a summer holiday together at Gaulstown, the Rochforts country estate. 86 A closer look at the list will explain why even a bibliophile like the Dean found it possible to part with these gifts to this particular friend. 82 Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, 261 n. 2; III, 251 and n. 12; The Poems of Jonathan Swift, ed. Harold Williams, 2nd ed., 3 vols (1958; Oxford, 1966), III, ; The Poems of Patrick Delany: Comprising also Poems about Him by Jonathan Swift, Thomas Sheridan, and Other Friends and Enemies, eds Robert Goode Hogan and Donald Charles Mell (Newark, 2006), By contrast, Daniel s younger brother, the Revd John Jackson ( ), Vicar of Santry (Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, 261 n. 2), was given only one present, the 1631 Amsterdam edition of Lucretius De rerum natura (Cosmo Alexander Gordon, A Bibliography of Lucretius [London, 1962], ) which Swift had purchased for one shilling in April 1699 (Passmann, Jonathan Swift as a Book-Collector, 23). This gift is somewhat difficult to account for, not so much because Lucretius would not have been favourite reading with Swift (see Hermann Josef Real, A Taste of Composition Rare: The Tale s Matter and Void, Reading Swift: Papers from The Third Münster Symposium on Jonathan Swift, eds Hermann Josef Real and Helgard Stöver-Leidig [Munich, 1998], 73-90, and n. 42), but because John Jackson did not belong to the circle of young students with whom the Dean read De rerum natura at Gaulstown during the long summer of 1721, as far as we can tell (The Poems of Jonathan Swift, ed. Williams, I, ). 84 See the facsimile in LeFanu, A Catalogue of Books Belonging to Dr Jonathan Swift, 52, 55, 56, PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, , The most obvious explanation of course is that Daniel had died before October 1742, the date of the Catalogue of Books belonging to Dr Swift, compiled by John Lyon (PASSMANN AND VIENKEN IV, 323), the terminus ante quem. But this assumption is speculative since the date of Revd Jackson s death is unknown. 86 See Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, , ; see also II, 99 n. 2, 127 n. 1, and n. 10.

253 Swift as Bookman 227 Revd Jackson clearly pretended an interest in three areas. In the first, history, Swift gave him an Elzevir edition of L. Annaeus Florus Historiae Romanae epitome (Amsterdam, 1664), and the rare 1685 Amsterdam edition of C. Sallustius Crispus Opera by the Dutch scholar Jan Minell (c ). In either case, Swift owned several additional editions in 1715, three of Florus, and two of Sallustius. 87 In the second area, poetry and drama, Swift gave his protégé the 1681 Amsterdam edition of Lucan s Pharsalia annotated by the English schoolmaster Thomas Farnaby (c ), an Elzevir Claudianus Quæ exstant, also published at Amsterdam in 1650, 88 a 1619 Amsterdam printing of Plautus Comœdiæ, and a 1676 Cambridge edition of Publius Terentius Comœdiæ sex, again brought out by Minell. In each of these cases, Swift would have found additional editions on his shelves in 1715, two of Lucan, one of Claudian, three of Plautus, and as many as four of Terence. 89 Revd Jackson s third area of interest was seventeenth-century Continental philosophy and theology. Here, too, the Dean was able to oblige, giving his friend Hugo de Groot s (Grotius ) De veritate religionis Christianae, an 1669 Amsterdam Elzevir publication, and Benedict de Spinoza s Tractatus theologicopoliticus in the pseudonymous Hamburg (recte Amsterdam) imprint of In either case, Swift would have been able to avail himself of other copies on his shelves had he wished to do so. Of Grotius, he owned an earlier Paris edition of De veritate religionis Christianae (1640), and Spinoza s Tractatus he could have studied in an Amsterdam imprint of Opera posthuma (1677) LeFanu, A Catalogue of Books Belonging to Dr Jonathan Swift, 18, 28; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, ; III, For evidence that Swift indeed owned the Amsterdam, not the simultaneous Leiden, imprint, see Dirk Passmann, Swift s Books in Trinity College Library, The Old Library, Trinity College Dublin, , ed. William Edward Vaughan (Dublin, 2013), At the top of the engraved title page, Swift s autograph, Jon: Swift, is preceded on the same line by D. Jackson (123). On the blank opposite the engraved title is Jackson s bookplate. At the top of it, the autograph begins to tell the subsequent history of what became of the book, finishing it at the bottom: Dan Jackson [bookplate] dedit hunc / librum Henri- / co Grattan. 89 LeFanu, A Catalogue of Books Belonging to Dr Jonathan Swift, 22, 15, 26, 30; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN II, ; I, ; II, ; III, Only individual editions have been counted; poets who are included in Michael Maittaire s massive anthology of Opera et fragmenta veterum poetarum Latinorum profanorum et ecclesiasticorum, 2 vols (in four) (London, 1713) (PASSMANN AND VIENKEN II, 1166) have been ignored in the count. 90 For the present whereabouts of these two titles, see C. L. McKelvie, Some Books from Swift s Library, Hermathena, 120 (1976), LeFanu, A Catalogue of Books Belonging to Dr Jonathan Swift, 19, 29; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, ; III,

254 228 Hermann Josef Real VIII Even though equally close friends, others fared less well. The most successful one, with four donations to his credit, was the Dean s physician and convivial companion, Dr Richard Helsham (c ), soon to become Regius Professor of Medicine at Trinity College, and a bibliophile himself. 92 Helsham was the first, and only one, among Swift s circle of friends to receive donations which were not otherwise represented on the Dean s shelves, in line with the doctor s profession, all of them classics in the history of medicine (and in one case beyond): Avicenna s Libri in re medica omnes (1564), Jean Fernel s Universa medicina (1645), Hieronymus Mercurialis edition of Hippocrates Opera (1588), all in two volumes, and the Italian polymath Girolamo Cardano s Opera, published at Lyon in ten impressive folios. 93 Thomas Sheridan, whose thorough knowledge of all the antient Writers in Poetry, Philosophy and History the Dean had praised in 1725 to Lord Lieutenant Carteret, himself a classicist of note, and who boasted a remarkable collection of his own, 94 was honoured with two eminent Estienne editions, Xenophon s Qvae extant opera (1581) and Xiphilinus epitome of Dion Cassius Romanarum historiarum libri XXV (1592), as well as with Archbishop James Usher s Veterum epistolarvm hibernicarvm sylloge (Dublin, 1632). Here, a familiar pattern repeats itself. At least two of the titles which Swift gave away, Xenophon and Xiphilinus, were also available to him in other editions in his library. 95 While both the Xenophon and Xiphilinus editions resurface in the sale catalogue of Sheridan s library in 1739, Usher s Sylloge does not, for unknown reasons. Two of Swift s friends were presented with two volumes each. The first was Peter Ludlow, a collateral descendant of the regicide and owner of Ardsallagh House, near Trim, who spent a good deal of time with Swift 96 and who secured two ancient historians, a fine 1625 Paris edition of Livy s Ab urbe condita, allegedly a duplicate, and one of three editions of Tacitus Opera which Swift owned in 1715, 97 possibly a quid pro quo for Edmund Ludlow s Memoirs (1698), which the Dean had studied with care. 98 The second to profit was Revd Dr James ( Jim ) Stopford, the future Bishop of Cloyne, who was reckoned the best Scholar of his Age and whom the Dean made one of the executors of his will See Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, and n LeFanu, A Catalogue of Books Belonging to Dr Jonathan Swift, 41, 44, 59; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN II, 933; I, ; II, ; I, Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, 552. For Sheridan s library holdings, see the sale catalogue printed in PASSMANN AND VIENKEN IV, LeFanu, A Catalogue of Books Belonging to Dr Jonathan Swift, 41, 42, 59; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN III, 1984; I, 530; III, See Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, 217 and n LeFanu, A Catalogue of Books Belonging to Dr Jonathan Swift, 43, 51; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN II, After 1715, Swift acquired more editions of Tacitus (III, ). 98 PASSMANN AND VIENKEN II, Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, 575, 569 n. 7, 661 n. 11, 425 and n. 3, 672 n. 1.

255 Swift as Bookman 229 Jim Stopford was given not only the copy of Dr Arbuthnot s Tables of Ancient Coins, Weights and Measures, Explain d and Exemplify d of 1727 ( The Gift of y e Rev d Doct r Jonath: Swift to / James Stopford ), for the second edition of which Swift had subscribed, 100 but also a valuable early Estienne edition of the Greek historian Appian s Roman History (1551), which would have appealed to Stopford s classical learning. In the top right-hand corner of the flyleaf, he acknowledged the gift and its date: J: Stopford / Ex dono Jonath: Swift Again, Swift parted from an author of whom he boasted another (Estienne) edition. 101 IX Other, admittedly less needy beneficiaries were Lady Anne Acheson, wife of Sir Arthur Acheson and the Dean s vivacious and capricious host during his three visits to the couple s Market Hill estate in the north of Ireland between June 1728 and September 1730, 102 who, like Stella, received a copy of the second edition of Sir William Temple s Introduction to the History of England (1699), now in Lord Rothschild s collection at Trinity College, Cambridge, 103 and the future biographer of Swift, John Boyle, fifth Earl of Cork and Orrery, who was given a 1636 Elzevir Virgil s Opera, as he duly recorded on the blank facing the engraved title ( Orrery / The Gift of y e Rev d D r Swift Dean of S t Patrick s at Dublin / July 19: th: 1738 ). 104 By contrast, Sir Andrew Fountaine ( ), of Narford Hall, Norfolk, courtier, art collector, and virtuoso, received a valuable Paris incunable of Virgil s Opera (1500), ex dono / Viri Rev ndi Jon: Swift S.T.P, 105 a most appropriate present for a professed lover of antiquities, 106 and the Dean of Down, most probably Revd Dr Benjamin Pratt (c ), who was appointed in June 1717, 107 was presented with the magnificent collection of 100 In Princeton University Library today (shelfmark Ex ); Correspondence, ed. Woolley, III, 28 and n5, 39 and n5, 44 and n3; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, Also in Princeton University Library today ( q); PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, See James Woolley, Swift s Skinnibonia : A New Poem from Lady Acheson s Manuscript, Reading Swift: Papers from The Fifth Münster Symposium on Jonathan Swift, ed. Hermann Josef Real (Munich, 2008), The Rothschild Library, II, 647, no This copy, in the University of Pennsylvania Library today, is not Swift s own copy, which is now part of the Rothschild Collection at Trinity College, Cambridge (PASSMANN AND VIENKEN III, ), and seems to have been purchased for the purpose. I am grateful to Professor James Woolley, Lafayette College, Easton, Pennsylvania, for alerting me to its existence, and the late Professor Arthur Hawley Scouten, Philadelphia, for providing me with photocopies of the relevant pages. 105 Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 165 n. 3; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN III, ; Passmann, Jonathan Swift as a Book-Collector, See Textual and Historical Introduction, A Tritical Essay upon the Faculties of the Mind, ed. Real. 107 Correspondence, ed. Woolley, II, 188 and n. 6, 231 and n. 3; Cotton, Fasti Ecclesiae Hibernicae, III, 227.

256 230 Hermann Josef Real portraits of the Roman emperors as reconstructed from ancient coins, C. Ivlivs Caesar sive historiae imperatorvm Caesarvmqve Romanorvm ex antiqvis nvmismatibvs restitvtae liber primvs (1563), by the Dutch numismatist and engraver, Hubert Goltz. 108 As the Dean of St Patrick s was nearing the end of his life, he apparently found it easier to part from his books, all the more so when the people he wished to make happy were emotionally close to him, more often than not, young relatives, but not necessarily so. Thus, when William Swift, Jr ( ), son of the Dean s cousin Godwin Swift, Jr, and seemingly of a virtuous Disposition, was about to leave Dublin for London to continue his law studies at the Middle Temple, the Dean gave him as a parting gift the 1636 Elzevir Virgil from his own collection, as Martha Whiteway ( ), his dear cousin and carer, recorded on the front pastedown: Feb ry / Likewise, Martha s son from her first marriage to the Revd Theophilus Harrison, also Theophilus, and her son John ( ) from her second marriage to Edward Whiteway, 110 were both honoured with rather splendid editions from the Deanery shelves. While Theophilus was given Aristophanes Comoediæ undecim Græce et Latine (1624), which Swift had bought at the sale of Charles Bernard s library in April 1711, 111 John, who trained as a surgeon with the distinguished Surgeon-General of Ireland, John Nichols, 112 was promised several medical volumes from the Dean s own library, the authoritative Galen, among them, which Swift had originally set aside for John s stepbrother Theophilus, who, however, died young (d.1736). 113 Meanwhile, their mother s affectionate cousin, Jonath. Swift had sent Martha, as a present on her birth-day, May 29, 1735, a copy of the fifth edition of A Tale of Tub (1710), which the Dean had slightly revised himself. This copy subsequently passed to Theophilus Swift, Deane Jr s eccentric son, who showed it to Sir Walter Scott, who was the last to have seen it. 114 X Finally, three special cases, which disrupt the standard patterns, deserve a mention. The first is the Dean s rather touching farewell gift of a Novum Testamentum, printed at Paris in 1543 and edited in Greek and Latin by the 108 LeFanu, A Catalogue of Books Belonging to Dr Jonathan Swift, 19, 45; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, Correspondence, ed. Woolley, IV, and nn. 3, 4; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN III, See Correspondence, ed. Woolley, I, 457 n.; III, 353 n. 111 Passmann, Jonathan Swift as a Book-Collector, 27. When Theophilus was on his deathbed in February 1735/6, Swift, in a consolatory letter, tried to sympathize with the grieving mother: I shall also lose a sort of a son as well as you (Correspondence, ed. Woolley, IV, 263 and nn. 1, 2). 112 See Correspondence, ed. Woolley, IV, 299 and nn. 2, See Correspondence, ed. Woolley, IV, and nn. 1, 2; 299 n. 1, 425, 613 and n Correspondence, ed. Woolley, IV, 76 n. 3; A Tale of a Tub and Other Works, ed. Walsh,

257 Swift as Bookman 231 Roman Catholic Desiderius Erasmus, to his Roman Catholic friend Alexander Pope, as Swift was leaving London for Dublin in 1714 to take up his post as Dean of St Patrick s. Pope recorded this donation of his dearest friend above the title: A. Pope, ex dono Amicissimi, Ionath: / Swift, Decani Sti Patricii Since the presentation occurred a year before Swift drew up the 1715 Catalogue, he may have taken this imprint from his own considerable stock of Bibles, 116 or purchased the edition for the occasion. On at least one occasion, the Dean refused to keep a donation. While in England in the summer of 1726 on what turned out his penultimate visit, Swift and Pope visited the Earl of Burlington at Chiswick House. On this occasion, the Earl dedicated a Palladian textbook for architects and builders by the Sieur de Chambray, Roland Fréart s Parallèle de l architecture antique et de la moderne (Paris, 1702), to the Dean: I give this book to Dr. Jonathan Swift, Dean of St. Patrick s, Dublin; in order to constitute him Director of Architecture in Ireland, especially upon my own Estate in that Kingdom: / Cork & Burlington, June 27, Some ten years later, Swift forwarded this title to the Dublin painter and architect Francis Bindon, in a parody of Burlington s dedication: Which book I do hereby give to my ingenious and worthy friend, Francis Bindon, Esq., hereby delegating him Director of Architecture through all Europe. / J. Swift, / January 23d, The explanation probably is that Swift had fallen out with Burlington, not only because of the Earl s customary absenteeism but also because of his stubbornly ignoring the Dean s persistent requests for keeping the monument of his ancestor, the first Earl of Cork, in St Patrick s Cathedral, in repair, 118 thus rendering Burlington s appointment of the Dean as Director of Architecture in Ireland pointless and futile. Last but not least, the rather enigmatic case of the Revd Dr Francis Wilson ( ), Rector of Clondalkin, County Dublin, who, although he was named one of the Dean s executors and beneficiaries in May 1740, 119 has been characterized as a sinister and puzzling figure in Swift s era of decline, not only suspected of cheating his ailing benefactor but also accused of having stolen books from the Deanery library and having physically assaulted the old man. 120 Whatever the truth of these charges and countercharges, it is a fact that, in his Last Will and Testament, Swift bequeathed to Wilson his superb and expensive edition of Plato s Opera quae extant omnia, in three folio volumes edited by Jean des Serres and printed by Henri Estienne le Grand in 1578, easily the most influential edition in the whole history of Plato scholarship, the first 115 Passmann, Jonathan Swift as a Book-Collector, PASSMANN AND VIENKEN I, Passmann, Jonathan Swift as a Book-Collector, 21, 39; my emphases. See also Correspondence, ed. Woolley, III, and n See Correspondence, ed. Woolley, III, 237 and n., 268, 299, 336, and passim. 119 See Prose Works, XIII, 157; Correspondence, ed. Woolley, IV, 601 n. 2, 672 n Vivid accounts are in Ehrenpreis, Dean Swift, , 910, and Harold Williams, Dean Swift s Library (Cambridge, 1932), Deane Swift s first-hand report of the affair, in a long letter to the Earl of Orrery of November 1742, is in Correspondence, ed. Woolley, IV, and nn.

258 232 Hermann Josef Real Earl of Clarendon s History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England in three volumes, and his best Bible, presumably the magnificent London Holy Bible of Given that Swift as a rule presented his gifts to elite, carefully chosen recipients only, such generosity may be difficult to account for. Perhaps, by the time Swift made his final will, he was still intimate with Wilson, who may have had a gracious and charming personality; perhaps, the stunted faculties of an old man had made him a poorer judge of people; perhaps, Wilson has simply been maligned and demonized down the centuries, 122 and it is about time for a revision. XI All this evidence makes for rather a variegated picture of Swift the bookman, the collector, reader, and donor of books. In the Dean s view, books were tools conducive to securing patronage; books were vehicles on the road to (self)education and (self)enlightenment, and, last but not least, as marks of affection, respect, and remembrance they were meant to give joy. Most probably, under the circumstances, the Dean of St Patrick s would have replaced the Old Testament preacher s warning that of the making many books there is no end (Ecclesiastes 12:12) by a maxim of his own: Of the making, reading, and donating many books, there should be no end Prose Works, XIII, 155; PASSMANN AND VIENKEN II, , ; I, Most recently, another title has come to light that Swift may have given to Wilson (see Christopher Edwards, From Pope to Swift: A Book from Swift s Library, Swift Studies, 20 [2005], ). Swift s alleged donation of a copy of Letters to and from Dr. Jonathan Swift (Dublin, 1741) to Wilson, which is in Cambridge University Library today (Correspondence, ed. Woolley, IV, 663 n. 7) may be a fake. 122 A provocative possibility raised by Edwards, From Pope to Swift, 176. For Wilson s Irish reputation as a Villain and Wretch, see Correspondence, ed. Woolley, IV, 661 and For dedicated assistance of a multiple kind, I am grateful to the members of my staff at the Ehrenpreis Centre for Swift Studies, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster, Ulrich Elkmann, Eva Schaten, MA, and Dr Kirsten Juhas. All remaining errors are my own.

259 Class-Related Aspects of Reading in Victorian Autobiographies: Molly Hughes, A London Child of the 1870s, and Hannah Mitchell, The Hard Way Up Uta Schleiermacher, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster Abstract Reading plays an important role in Victorian autobiographies, but it has different functions for those who write them. The examples of the autobiographers Molly Hughes and Hannah Mitchell show that social position and status affect the description of reading habits and single reading experiences. The autobiographies A London Child of the 1870s by Molly Hughes 1 and The Hard Way Up by Hannah Mitchell 2 cover the mid- and late Victorian period from the 1870s onwards. Both women wrote their autobiographies at the age of about seventy. While they present themselves as ordinary women of that time, the two texts are quite different in scope and refer to very different social realities. Molly Hughes has a middle-class background and Hannah Mitchell is a representative of the working class. In their autobiographies, literature is an essential issue and many situations are related to reading. The objective of this study is to describe different aspects of reading in the two autobiographies and to analyse how and in which context reading experiences are presented. The underlying question is in how far the description, presentation and evaluation of reading situations are related to aspects of social position and class of the autobiographers. In analysing the descriptions of reading situations in the autobiographies, reading material, age of reading, place, time and mode of reading, motivation and intention of reading as well as the effect of reading are taken into account. Equally, the ways in which readers obtained their reading material as well as influences of reading like encouragement or control are considered. To allow for the constructed character of autobiographies, the way in which reading situations are described and assessed and the context in which they are mentioned are analysed. The focus lies not only on the reading material described and mentioned in the autobiographies, but also, more significantly, on the function that reading and books have for the authors. Reading situations are studied under the hypothesis that, according to the social position of the female readers, reading accomplished a different function for them: For Molly Hughes (from a middle- 1 Molly Vivian Hughes, A London Child of the 1870s, 1934; Oxford, Hannah Maria Mitchell, The Hard Way Up: The Autobiography of Hannah Mitchell, Suffragette and Rebel, ed. Geoffrey Mitchell, London, 1977.

260 234 Uta Schleiermacher class background), reading had a social function in that she was trying to strengthen her social position through reading and the discussion of literature. For Hannah Mitchell (from a working-class background), reading was mainly a means to move up in society and to educate herself. Historical readers can best be studied in the broader framework of reception history or historical reader-response criticism. These approaches are interested in historical readers as individuals and try to gain insight into their reception of literature. 3 They ask who read what, when, why and with what purpose and thus reconstruct historical readers and what reading meant to them in a specific historical period. 4 For the nineteenth century, there is a strong link between reading, social position and even political orientation. 5 However, the main problem in studying reading practices, reading situations and historical readers is how to obtain suitable source material. Borrowing records of public libraries, reader surveys or sales figures of books can provide information about the circulation of texts, but they offer no information about what was read by whom, how and why. Thus, critics have turned towards texts like autobiographies as a possible source for the reconstruction of individual reading experiences. 6 While acknowledged as being useful to study historical readers and their individual response to literature, the use of autobiographies as historical sources raises some problems. Above all, only the experiences of those who wrote (and published) an autobiography are available and can be studied. Consequently, an examination of autobiographies can only offer a restricted view on selected readers if they cover reading experiences at all. Therefore, like all historical sources, they must be read and interpreted with care. The reliability of memory and the relation between the past (as the moment of experience) and the present (as the moment of writing) is but one characteristic aspect of autobiographies to be considered. Further, setting aside considerations of accessibility, selection, and significance, the genre of autobiography in itself is problematic. Autobiographies provide a unified and coherent narrative and the retrospective interpretation of an individual life. The autobiographers use the general framework of a literary genre to present personal experiences. While they seemingly present an objective account of their experiences, in fact they often want to instruct the reader with their narrative. 7 Also, autobiographers tend to emphasize aspects that became important for their later life and thus 3 Jonathan Rose, How Historians Study Reader Response: or, What Did Jo Think of Bleak House, Literature in the Marketplace: Nineteenth-Century British Publishing and Reading Practices, eds John O. Jordan and Robert Lowry Patten (Cambridge, 1995), , Cf. Robert Darnton, First Steps Toward a History of Reading, The Kiss of Lamourette: Reflections in Cultural History (New York, 1990), , Margaret Beetham, In Search of the Historical Reader: The Woman Reader, the Magazine and the Correspondence Column, Siegener Periodicum zur Internationalen Empirischen Literaturwissenschaft, 19 (2000), , Rose, Reader Response, Timothy Peltason, Life Writing, A Companion to Victorian Literature and Culture, ed. Herbert F. Tucker (Oxford, 1999), , 357.

261 Class-Related Aspects of Reading in Victorian Autobiographies 235 select and construct the past accordingly. 8 To some extent, there is, therefore, a fictional quality with strong fictional elements to autobiographies. These limitations of autobiographies as sources for the history of reading need to be considered, but they also offer advantages. The constructed character of autobiographies, the pictures and stories that autobiographers chose for the description of their (reading) experiences and the way in which they interpreted them are of great significance and can reveal much about predominant contemporary convictions and values. 9 Read as constructions of the past rather than historical evidence, an analysis of how these reconstructions are conducted contains much information about the form, significance and evaluation of reading as a cultural practice in a historical context. 10 Furthermore, historical reader-response criticism is not only concerned with individual accounts of reading but attempts to reconstruct historical forms of reading, or, as Jonathan Rose puts it, a history of audiences. 11 It is important to see individual reading experiences in their historical context and to compare them with other accounts of reading in order to discern specific, historical types of reading practices and to investigate historical change. 12 Nevertheless, individual accounts of reading do reveal much about the self-conception of readers and the way they made sense of the world. In Victorian autobiographies, descriptions of childhood hold an exceptional position. As Gretchen Galbraith points out, autobiographers employed their childhood memories to explore questions of identity and historical change. 13 In many autobiographies, the structure of childhood descriptions centres on aspects such as family and education. 14 The great interest shown in these subjects makes childhood descriptions particularly valuable for the analysis of reading experiences. The literary socialization, namely the socially mediated process to gain competence in the reception and interpretation of fictional texts and literary forms, is initiated and takes place in childhood. 15 Its description 8 Peltason, Life Writing, Cf. Susanne Becker, Sabine Elias, and Bettina Hurrelmann, Quellenrecherche und -interpretation: Zur Rekonstruktion historischer Formen von Lesesozialisation, Siegener Periodicum zur Internationalen Empirischen Literaturwissenschaft, 18 (1999), , , and Rose, Reader Response, Cf. Daniel Allington, On the Use of Anecdotal Evidence in Reception Study and the History of Reading, Reading in History: New Methodologies from the Anglo-American Tradition, ed. Bonnie Gunzenhauser (London, 2010), 11-28, 11-12, who points out the value of, in his terms, anecdotal evidence for a history of reading and underlines that the interest of descriptions of subjective reading experiences does not depend on the reality of the experiences described (12). 11 Jonathan Rose, A Preface to a History of Audiences, The Intellectual Life of the British Working Classes (New Haven, 2001), 1-11, Cf. Becker, Elias, and Hurrelmann, Quellenrecherche und -interpretation, Gretchen R. Galbraith, Reading Lives: Reconstructing Childhood, Books, and Schools in Britain, (New York, 1997), Galbraith, Reading Lives, Bettina Hurrelmann, Sozialisation: (individuelle) Entwicklung, Sozialisationstheorien, Enkulturation, Mediensozialisation, Lesesozialisation (-erziehung), literarische

262 236 Uta Schleiermacher provides information about what Bettina Hurrelmann calls reading climate, that is, the general attitude towards reading and literature in the family. 16 The key role of childhood in autobiographies gains additional importance since a particular awareness of childhood as a protected stage of life emerged in the Victorian period. 17 Autobiographers evaluated their own childhood with a growing consciousness of how childhood should be and interpreted or critically reflected on their own experiences accordingly. 18 Concepts of childhood can influence autobiographical descriptions and interpretations. Further, in the reconstruction of their life, autobiographers considered [their childhoods] sources of insight into later character and success and foregrounded certain memories in presenting their child selves as signposts pointing toward the adults they had become. 19 The representation of childhood thus gains particular significance because autobiographers stressed experiences that they considered to be important for their later development. They selected especially those incidents that would support the image that they more or less consciously wanted to build up, leaving out all the bits and pieces that might contradict it or would not fit into the concept of themselves. The analysis of aspects of reading in the autobiographies is primarily concerned with reading experiences and allusions to reading and literature in childhood. The first part in both Molly Hughes and Hannah Mitchell s autobiography is exclusively dedicated to childhood memories and they both mark the end of their childhood very clearly. Reading figures prominently here, while it is treated less often in the following parts of their autobiographies. These descriptions of childhood reading provide significant insights into their self-interpretation and concepts of class. The autobiographers stress the impact that reading had on their adulthood as well. Class as a social category is an ambiguous and problematic term. There are some problems that may occur by applying it and it is useful to complement such a strict social differentiation with other categories that could balance it. Within the context of this study, a discussion of class is primarily concerned with the problem how class can be defined and in how far the authors can be assigned to a certain class. Income, profession and education were often considered to be the decisive factors for the division into different classes, but these factors tend to be rather ambiguous in more mobile, modern societies and do not always correlate. John Burnett, David Vincent, and David Mayall already recognize this problem in their bibliography of working-class autobiographies. For their purposes, they define working class as somehow connected to means Sozialisation, Lesesozialisation in der Mediengesellschaft: Zentrale Begriffsexplikationen, ed. Norbert Groeben (Köln, 1999), , Bettina Hurrelmann, Michael Hammer, and Ferdinand Nieß, Leseklima in der Familie, Gütersloh, Claudia Nelson, Growing Up: Childhood, A Companion to Victorian Literature and Culture, ed. Herbert F. Tucker (Oxford, 1999), 69-81, Galbraith, Reading Lives, 11 and Galbraith, Reading Lives, 10.

263 Class-Related Aspects of Reading in Victorian Autobiographies 237 of production, educational experiences, cultural ties or self-ascription. 20 At the same time, they point out that this leaves many instances of social mobility difficult to classify. Especially those who left the narrow definition of working class through education, income or profession but still considered themselves as part of a certain working-class culture or those, who lost privileges but still aspired to middle-class ideals do not really fit in such a system. Hence, other categories to describe social stratification need to be considered. One concept that extends the rather rigid category of class is status. Social status describes the relative position of an individual based on ascribed as well as achieved characteristics (such as education and occupation) and emphasizes the prestige connected to them. The advantage of the term status is that it includes the concept of status inconsistency, namely the discrepancy between an individual s education and income. A further useful term for the description of social differences beyond the categorical divisions into classes is Pierre Bourdieu s notion of cultural capital. 21 Cultural capital refers to cultural abilities, practices and knowledge and is in Bourdieu s sociology a central category to distinguish classes. In the context of this study, aspects of a horizontal differentiation of society besides the vertical stratification are of interest. 22 In order to analyse Molly Hughes and Hannah Mitchell s social position, their social and educational backgrounds are measured against their later occupations. Attention is also paid to the ways in which the autobiographers define their social position themselves. Case Studies: Molly Hughes and Hannah Mitchell Mary Vivian Hughes, called Molly ( ), was the youngest daughter of Mary and Tom Thomas, a stockbroker. She had four older brothers and the family lived in Northern London in a household with several servants. In her 20 Cf. John Burnett, David Vincent, and David Mayall, Introduction, The Autobiography of the Working Class: An Annotated, Critical Bibliography, , eds John Burnett, David Vincent, and David Mayall, 3 vols (New York, ), I, xiii-xxxvi, xxxi. 21 Pierre Bourdieu, Ökonomisches Kapital Kulturelles Kapital Soziales Kapital (1983), Die verborgenen Mechanismen der Macht, ed. Pierre Bourdieu (Hamburg, 1992), Hurrelmann proposes the term social milieu (as described by Geißler) as a useful category for an analysis of social differences in relation to reading socialization, but as this concept was developed for the description of Germany s social structure in the 1980s, it would require further discussion in how far this term could also be applied to the description of historical societies. The advantage of the term social milieu is that this concept allows for a horizontal differentiation of society besides the vertical stratification of the classes and that it includes achieved characteristics. Cf. Bettina Hurrelmann, Gesellschaftliche und kulturelle Ungleichheit: Klasse, Schicht, Lebenslage, Bildungsschicht, Milieu, Lebensstil, Lesesozialisation in der Mediengesellschaft: Zentrale Begriffsexplikationen, ed. Norbert Groeben (Köln, 1999), 71-77, 77, and Rainer Geißler, Soziale Klassen und Schichten soziale Lagen soziale Milieus: Modelle und Kontroversen, Die Sozialstruktur Deutschlands: Zur gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung mit einer Bilanz zur Vereinigung, 6th ed. (Wiesbaden, 2008), ,

264 238 Uta Schleiermacher early years, she was taught at home by her mother and from 1878 onwards she attended school. In 1879, her father committed suicide. After that, the family suffered from financial troubles. Hughes continued her studies and became a teacher, finishing with a BA in Cambridge. In 1897, she married the clerk and teacher Arthur Hughes. They had three sons. After her husband s death in 1918, Hughes resumed teaching. She published, amongst other pieces of writing, her autobiography in three parts between 1934 and Hughes herself describes her family as an ordinary, suburban, Victorian family. 24 Judging from her father s profession, their urban living conditions and under the aspect that [t]he widest definition of the middle class or those who aspired to imitate them was that of keeping domestic servants, 25 Hughes family could be classified as middle class. After her father s death, however, the family could not keep this standard. They sold the house and Hughes lived with her mother in various lodgings. Later, Hughes mentions that, due to their financial situation, she and her fiancé had to wait ten years before they could get married. 26 It is evident that with this economic decline, Hughes and her mother also faced the threat of social decline. In addition to that, gender-related problems have to be considered. Teaching was the only profession available to her as a girl, so the circumstances affected her more than her brothers. 27 There is an obvious status inconsistency in her constant financial problems on the one hand and her high level of education, especially for a girl at that time. Hannah Maria Mitchell, née Webster ( ), was the fourth of six children. Her father was a farmer and she had to work very hard during her childhood. The only formal education she received were two weeks schooling at the local school. In 1885, she left home and from then on supported herself, working as domestic servant, shop assistant, and seamstress in Lancashire. There, she came into contact with the socialist and the women s movement. In 1895, she married Frank Gibbon Mitchell, and later became actively involved in the Women s Social and Political Union (WSPU) around Emmeline Pankhurst 28 as well as other socialist and suffragette movements. In 1924, she became a member of the Manchester city council and in 1926 was appointed magistrate. 23 Mary Vivian Hughes, A London Child of the 1870s (1934), A London Girl of the 1880s (1936), and A London Home of the 1890s (1937); see also Brian Harrison, Hughes, Mary Vivian ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < article/71422> (May 2009, accessed: 4 February 2013). 24 Hughes, London Child, Cf. Eric J. Hobsbawm, Industry and Empire: From 1750 to the Present Day (Harmondsworth, 1971), Mary Vivian Hughes, A London Girl of the 1880s (1936; Oxford, 1978), Hughes, London Girl, On the Women s Social and Political Union, cf. June Purvis, Pankhurst, Emmeline ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < article/35376> (January 2011, accessed: 4 February 2013).

265 Class-Related Aspects of Reading in Victorian Autobiographies 239 Her autobiography, written in the second half of the 1940s, was published posthumously in 1968 by her grandson Geoffrey Mitchell. 29 Mitchell defines herself as a working-class girl. Her social background, her education, and her employment confirm this. However, in her later career as city magistrate, she moves across class boundaries in such aspects as profession and social position. Here, too, fixed categories like working class and middle class can no longer neatly be applied. In terms of income, Molly Hughes and Hannah Mitchell would likely have met on a similar level. 30 However, in their self-description, they saw themselves as belonging to different classes. Due to their family backgrounds and differences in education, they had acquired a different cultural capital which separated them socially. This aspect is mirrored in their autobiographies in the description and evaluation of reading as a cultural practice. Both Molly Hughes and Hannah Mitchell begin their autobiographies with explaining their reasons for writing them. They defend themselves against the implicit criticism that they, as ordinary people, might not have interesting enough things to say. Thus, Hughes writes in her short preface: We were just an ordinary, suburban, Victorian family, undistinguished ourselves and unacquainted with distinguished people. It occurred to me to record our doings only because, on looking back, and comparing our lot with that of the children of to-day, we seemed to have been so lucky. 31 She stresses her modesty by presenting her family as ordinary and undistinguished. Her main purpose is a comparison between the past and the present time and she underlines this aspect in her first chapter: I hope to show that Victorian children did not have such a dull time as is usually supposed. 32 This attitude shows an awareness of the historical change that took place during her lifetime and reveals her nostalgic look on the past. With repeated references to luck as a central category, she also places herself in a nostalgic context. Her concept of luck is noteworthy: it is at one s own disposal and there is nothing either good or bad but thinking makes it so. 33 For her, the attitude towards life is more important than wealth or even fortune. She reveals a general satisfaction with her life, even though she had to face some hardships. Hughes nostalgic perspective becomes also apparent in the first chapter, where several paragraphs are introduced by a positive comparison of her childhood toys and pastimes with present-day ones: 29 June Purvis, Mitchell, Hannah Maria ( ), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography < (2004, accessed: 4 February 2013). 30 Cf. in this context Hughes, London Girl, 199, and Mitchell, Hard Way, Hughes, London Child, 2 (emphasis in the original). 32 Hughes, London Child, Hughes, London Child, 2.

266 240 Uta Schleiermacher We were rich too in another way, richer, so far as I can observe, than the average children of to-day. Our parents had accumulated a large number of books, which we were allowed to browse in as much as we liked. 34 Apart from the positive assessment of her past childhood, she already stresses that she was never limited in her reading. Mitchell also justifies her autobiography by a comparison, though in a different way: A famous writer in the preface to his own autobiography says: Anyone aged sixty or more should have had enough colour in his life to make an interesting story. This seems especially true of those who have lived through the last sixty or seventy years, who have witnessed the merging of one century into another, helped or hindered, according to their capacity and temperament, by the far-reaching changes of that period. For this reason I propose to write, so far as memory serves, a simple account of my own reactions to the world into which I was born over seventy years ago. 35 She assures herself of a double consent: initially, through the authority of an unnamed famous writer that acknowledges her as worthy to write an autobiography (mainly because of her advanced age), and secondly through the particularities of her lifetime and the social change she had been witness to. Unlike Hughes, she observes historical changes without regret; at times she sees them as clear success. Reflections on social change during her lifetime and the advantages gained by the social movement figure prominently throughout Mitchell s autobiography, 36 especially in a comment on her wedding, which took place on the weekly half-holiday previously gained by the workers: But for the pioneers who had won for shop workers this weekly respite, we should have had to be married on a Sunday as many working folk were in those days. 37 The way she points out this aspect of her wedding shows how this holiday almost had gained symbolic character for her. In their justifications, Molly Hughes and Hannah Mitchell already reveal different attitudes towards the past. While Hughes looks back with nostalgia on a happier time, Mitchell stresses her negative experiences and pictures herself as an actor and vital participant in social change. Allusions to reading, literature, and books are made in different contexts throughout both autobiographies. The descriptions of reading situations can roughly be divided into descriptions of reading habits and descriptions of single reading experiences; the latter being frequently linked to a special book or situation. Additionally, reading situations are often related to certain functions like education or pleasure or they are connected to special occasions like reading on Sundays or the early literary socialization. Such a division is predominant in Molly Hughes autobiography and she even structures her experiences accordingly in individual chapters, while such an arrangement is less obvious in Hannah Mitchell s text. 34 Hughes, London Child, 7, cf. also 3, 4, 6, and Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, 70, 74-75, 76-77, and 91; cf. also Galbraith, Reading Lives, Mitchell, Hard Way, 91.

267 Class-Related Aspects of Reading in Victorian Autobiographies 241 The attitude towards reading could not be more different in the two families. Hughes characterizes and underlines in several instances what a literary-minded family they were. All her four brothers contribute indirectly to her early contact with literature and story-telling in general: Tom sings nursery rhymes to her, Vivian (called Dym) recites poetry and plays theatre, Charles tells her made-up stories and even Barnholt repeats to her aloud the poems and vocabularies he had to learn by heart for school. 38 Interestingly, she presents her brothers in combination with their role in her early literary socialization, thus adding to the general impression of the positive literary climate in the family. Even before she is able to read for herself, she gets to know many literary characters through discussions about literature at family meals, 39 and often her brothers comment on texts or authors. 40 Central for her understanding of literature and its function in her family is the remark: [T]hese [books and authors] were not taught at school, or set as holiday tasks, but became part of our lives. 41 These descriptions show that reading is taken for granted and books and literature play a vital part in the daily life of the family. Mitchell, in contrast, characterizes her childhood as book-starved. 42 The relation between her and her mother was tense and Mitchell held her mother s temper accountable for her unhappy childhood. 43 Her mother did not like to see her reading, she always spoke contemptuously of [Mitchell s] desire for culture 44 and regarded reading as wasted time. Mitchell comments on their disagreement on several instances: My mother honestly thought me lazy because I didn t like housework, and held that reading was only recreation, meant for Sundays. 45 She continues: I never quite forgave her for my lack of education, and she never forgave me for my lack of interest in the things she considered important. 46 Book learning in general is negatively assessed in her family. 47 The mother also plays a key role in the way both autobiographers reflect on luck. The concept of luck reveals in both texts much about their interpretation of childhood and their attitude towards life. Hughes expresses already in the preface her conviction that luck is at one s own disposal 48 and sees her good spirits as inherited from her mother. Mitchell suffers from her mother s bad temper and considers this influence and the lack of education and culture accountable for her unhappy childhood Hughes, London Child, Hughes, London Child, Hughes, London Child, 130 and Hughes, London Child, Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, 39, cf. also 40-41, and Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, 51, Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, Hughes, London Child, Mitchell, Hard Way, 40.

268 242 Uta Schleiermacher They both clearly define the moment when their childhood ends. Hughes sees this moment in connection with her father s suicide, which she refers to as an accident. She is 13 when this happens and describes this as a clear break in her life: [In] 1879, my happy childhood was abruptly ended. 50 Mitchell is also 13 when she leaves home for good in She says about this moment: [S]omewhere on the moorland road I left my childhood behind for ever. 51 These two incidents that end their childhood already foreshadow their later careers. Hughes seems to be rather passive and good or bad things just seem to happen to her. The end of her childhood is seen with regret. Mitchell actively builds up her life and struggles for her personal success. Putting an end to her childhood is liberating for her. Again, this confirms the different attitudes they have towards their lives. Despite the obvious differences in the families, both present themselves as avid readers with a passion for books. 52 While Hughes built up a background of a positive, open and assertive attitude towards reading and literature in her home, Mitchell s experiences are set against a background of hard work and a climate that is opposed to culture and education. Thus, she conceptualizes herself as a rebel against difficult circumstances, an interpretation that is already expressed in the subtitle Suffragette and Rebel. In both autobiographies, reading is closely connected to education and many memories of reading centre around this aspect. Their school careers and the way in which education is treated in the autobiographies differ immensely, though. Up to her eleventh year, Molly Hughes was educated by her mother in several subjects such as literature, grammar, French, Latin, history, geography, painting, and occasionally a little mathematics. 53 The teaching was not methodically conducted and sometimes influenced by her mother s religious convictions. 54 All in all, Hughes enjoyed learning: Not as a lesson, but for sheer pleasure, did I browse in A Child s History of Rome, a book full of good stories. And: My new history book was Little Arthur, which one could read like a delightful story. 55 She treats her schoolbooks on history, science and geography partly as literature as she enjoys the stories and reads them for pleasure. This expresses a general delight in stories and story-telling. Later, at school, the playfulness and pleasure is partly spoiled by the educational principles that Hughes criticizes harshly. At her brother s school, works by John Milton are used as punishment while otherwise the pupils have no significant contact to English literature: 50 Hughes, London Child, Mitchell, Hard Way, Hughes, London Child, 51, and Mitchell, Hard Way, Hughes, London Child, Hughes, London Child, 41, cf. also Hughes, London Child, 42 and 62.

269 Class-Related Aspects of Reading in Victorian Autobiographies 243 The only English literature that reached him were lines to be put into Latin verse, while Milton was used for punishment. There is a pencil note in his copy of Paradise Lost: Had to write 500 lines of this for being caught reading King Lear in class. 56 In grammar lessons, they have to parse every word of The Tempest: It is almost incredible, but we spent a whole term on the first two scenes of The Tempest It seems absurd to do this with Shakespeare, but it was better than being bored with the learned notes at the end of the play. 57 The criticism of education apparent in these passages may be influenced by Hughes later interest in education as she became a teacher herself. Also, this characterization of school contrasts the situation at home and marks school in her eyes as an institution that spoils a more playful interest in learning. It reveals her sense of superiority over such, in her eyes, rather dull ways to deal with literature. Hannah Mitchell only had two weeks of formal schooling. 58 She constantly suffered because she felt inferior to other, allegedly better educated people: [I] was so painfully conscious of and ashamed of my ignorance, that I did not fully appreciate the knowledge I possessed. 59 Thus, she valued education above everything and described herself as very eager to learn: I cannot remember a time when I could not read. I was passionately fond of books, which as events turned out were to be almost my only source of learning. 60 Her uncle supplied her with exercise books which she studied for herself as she was denied other possibilities to learn. In this way, she virtually tried to convert every possible situation into learning. 61 Even at church she followed the service in the hope to learn the pronunciation of unknown words. 62 With these descriptions, she conceptualizes herself as a self-made woman, which is typical for working-class self-understanding. This concept is already addressed in the title Hard Way Up, which contains the idea of upward social mobility and the personal struggle for a better life. 63 To get more reading material, she even offers to do small tasks for her brothers in exchange for books that they bring home from school on Fridays. 64 It is not specified which books she read, but interestingly, the reading is not considered to be pleasure but referred to as education. For her, reading is always linked to the pursuit of knowledge. 65 Throughout the autobiography, she describes her constant struggle for self-education: in her childhood it was the hard work that held her back, later, long working hours did not leave much time for studies, and as for 56 Hughes, London Child, Hughes, London Child, Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, Cf. Burnett, Vincent, and Mayall, Introduction, xvi. 64 Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, 48.

270 244 Uta Schleiermacher her married life, her most important claim was that she should have time to herself to study. 66 Compared to the way in which Hughes treated her schoolbooks it becomes evident how different their concepts of reading and education are. Molly Hughes takes education for granted and even studying is connected to pleasure. She never mentions any difficulties. She treats most subjects with ironical distance or playfulness, does not take education too seriously and does not hesitate to criticize school. For Hannah Mitchell, education is a privilege that she has to fight for. She sees it as hard work as she has to study for herself in her spare time and mostly against her mother s will. She feels too much awe towards (formal) education to criticize anything concerned with it, as this would mean to diminish the value she ascribes to it. In a similar way that Hannah Mitchell links almost all her reading experiences to the function of education, Molly Hughes emphasizes the aspect of pleasure in nearly every reading situation. Beyond this general attitude, a playful and creative dealing with text structures becomes apparent in several episodes in the autobiography, especially when moralizing texts are concerned. Thus, Hughes and her brothers or cousins change plots to render them more interesting: [I]f you left out everything that was in italics, and altered the endings of the plots, the stories were good there was no lack of gripping incident. But sometimes one could improve on the plot. 67 In another situation, they try to guess the ending of such stories: When all was arranged we brought out the book. Only one, because a great point was its being read aloud in turn. We chose from the Library shelves any book of Tales for the Young, and took much pleasure in prophesying the events We had bettings of gooseberries on such points death itself usually befell the leading characters. 68 This attitude towards texts shows how they see through the structure. Seen in a wider scope, these comments can be interpreted as critical remarks on a form of children s literature that tried too hard to put forward a moralistic message or tried to influence the children and instil good behaviour in them. In a further incident, her brother Charles plays with her reading expectations and also gives some hints concerning the narrative structure of stories: Charles broke our rule of never discussing a book s plot with one still reading it, when he saw me one day deep in A Journey to the Interior of the Earth. Have you come to where they all die? said he. I read on, expecting the worst on every page, until the end showed them all alive and well Well, said he, I never said they all died, I only asked if you had come to it. And if you weren t a little silly you would know they couldn t have all died, or who was left to tell the story? 69 The importance and value of literature for Hughes and her brothers is further stressed by the fact that they founded their own club, The Library, with the 66 Mitchell, Hard Way, 54, 68 and Hughes, London Child, Hughes, London Child, Hughes, London Child, 131.

271 Class-Related Aspects of Reading in Victorian Autobiographies 245 purpose to acquire books. 70 The magazines she mentions in this context are all contemporary, relatively modern family and children s magazines. 71 Most significantly, she brings up the Nineteenth Century (a monthly review founded in 1877, which was known for its controversial discussions) in which the liberal politician William Ewart Gladstone published many articles. 72 He was considered as semi-divine in the family. 73 The magazines serve here as an indicator for the cultural and even the political (namely liberal) orientation of the family. Hannah Mitchell s allusions to Robert Blatchford and the magazine Clarion can be interpreted in a similar way. Blatchford published The Clarion, a socialist weekly, between 1891 and As a reader of this magazine, she defines herself as interested in and belonging to the socialist movement. There are hardly any allusions to reading for pleasure in Mitchell s autobiography. Almost every reading situation is foremost linked to the function of education. In situations where she describes her pleasure in reading, she in a way excuses herself at the same time often with the explanation that she was very young and inexperienced then and read what was available for lack of better judgement. She read some curious and unsuitable matter such as early Methodist magazines, cookery books and queer tales of murder and robbery 74 : A good deal of rubbish I daresay. But as I have forgotten it, it did me no harm. 75 If she mentions titles and authors at all, she refers mostly to respectable literature, for example, books by Sir Walter Scott, poetry or works on history. 76 Thus, she evaluates her reading material in retrospect, maybe to show that her taste in literature was not so bad after all and that she has meanwhile acquired the competence to judge. Literature gains here a representative character. 77 Mitchell shows neither a comparable variety of titles nor the quantity of reading material that Hughes autobiography displays. There is no evident preference for contemporary literature or certain genres. She later refers in general to socialist writings as reading material which again stresses the educational function reading had for her. 78 The special reading situation on Sundays plays an important part in Molly Hughes autobiography while it is practically not referred to at all by Hannah Mitchell. Sunday reading is characterized above all by a restriction of reading material. Only some, mostly religious texts were considered appropriate pastime reading. Another characteristic of Sunday reading are shared reading situations 70 Hughes, London Child, 127 and Hughes, London Child, She mentions Sunshine, Little Folks, and Cassell s Family Magazine. 72 William Ewart Gladstone ( ), statesman of the British Liberal Party and British Prime Minister , , 1886 and Hughes, London Child, Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, 44 and Cf. Rose, Reader Response, Mitchell, Hard Way, 86.

272 246 Uta Schleiermacher in which the whole family participates. Hughes describes such reading situations in much detail: The afternoons hung heavy. It seemed to be always 3 o clock Naturally our main stand-by was reading, but here again our field was limited by mother s notions of what was appropriate for Sunday. 79 Her father is less rigid in his control of reading material: My father s Sunday efforts weakened towards evening, and after tea he liked to read aloud to us from books that sounded quite well, but afforded some chance of frivolity often my father would read us things that he loved, without a single word of explanation. 80 This reading situation characterizes on the one hand the social function of literature the whole family gathers around the father to enjoy literature and on the other hand stresses the attitude that literature can speak for itself and does not need explanations. To avoid boredom, Hughes and her brothers try to make the best of religious texts and find that biblical plots can be quite diverting. They do not read them for the religious implications, but enjoy the suspense in the plots: The Bible proved often more entertaining than the good books. One day when Barnholt was desperate for a new story I recommended Esther as being as good as the Arabian Nights. [He] soon became absorbed in the plot. 81 She comments on a Bible that included the Apocrypha: [We] were astonished at the readable stories it contained. 82 In Mitchell s autobiography there is only one allusion to reading habits on Sundays. On rare occasions, her mother reads with the children from the New Testament as a substitute for Sunday school. 83 The differences in the way in which Sundays are spent in these two families can be related to class aspects. Molly Hughes family reveals its middle-class values connected to Sundays, while in the less culturally oriented working-class family of Hannah Mitchell, Sundays are first of all used for recreation. While differences between Molly Hughes and Hannah Mitchell already surface in the description of reading habits, it is in the single reading experiences that discrepancies figure most prominently. Rose argues that the display of a single reading experience shows a great influence on the reader as such. 84 Molly Hughes expresses a direct impact that her reading had on her in a special situation. Once, she gets lost and remembers the story of the Babes in the Wood. Her reaction is very strong and this incident underlines the importance of literature for her interpretation of the world Hughes, London Child, Hughes, London Child, Hughes, London Child, Hughes, London Child, Mitchell, Hard Way, 50, cf. also Rose, Reader Response, Hughes, London Child, 16; in this tale, two orphans first set out on a journey with two ruffians who shall murder them. Then, the children are deserted in the wood where they

273 Class-Related Aspects of Reading in Victorian Autobiographies 247 Another memory of reading evoked by the book in her hand is related to Alice in Wonderland: Alice in Wonderland we all knew practically by heart, and one of the red-letter days of my life was a birthday when I received from my father Through the Looking-Glass. I got through the morning somehow, and then buried myself in it all the afternoon, my pleasure enhanced by the knowledge that there was a boring visitor downstairs to whom I ought to be making myself agreeable As I handle the book now I live over again that enchanted afternoon. 86 This description of a reading situation shows again her pleasure in reading, which, in this case, is even augmented by the fact that she can steal away from a social situation. She not only alludes to the image of losing oneself in a good book, but in a way even becomes Alice: Like her, Hughes is somehow underground ( buried ) and escapes a boring afternoon with social obligations and rules, meanwhile experiencing adventures all of her own. Alice in Wonderland was published in 1865 and Through the Looking Glass in At the time of her childhood, it was a new and modern text. When Hughes wrote her autobiography, the books about Alice had gained the status of widely acknowledged classics. In characterizing this book as her favourite, Molly Hughes stresses that she had already as a girl a refined literary taste. Later, she receives the French translation Aventures d Alice au Pays des Merveilles as a Christmas present: My curiosity was to see how [the translator] had put into French Off with his head! and I was amply satisfied with the funny way he rendered it. 87 This incident illustrates her connection to this text as well as her literary competence, as she reads it not only as a story, but also with an interest in literary form and language. It also shows her language skills she read the French translation and was even able to assess the translation. The allusion to classics, the discussion of literary form, and the pleasure in reading all point towards middle-class values. Hannah Mitchell describes three reading experiences in her childhood in detail: Among some old books in my grandmother s cottage I found a curious one entitled Adam s First Wife. This was a sort of history of the Garden of Eden which rather discounted the rib theory and raised some doubt in my mind as to Adam s innocence in the pre-apple days. 88 It was not possible to identify the book, but the title refers to Lilith, who, according to a medieval story contained in the Alphabet of Ben Sira, was the first wife of Adam. Lilith was Adam s equal as she was also created from earth and not from his rib, like the more subservient Eve. Consequently, she demanded equal rights, but she was outcast by Adam. Lilith later became a symbol of are left to die. First circulated as a broadside ballad and later as chap-book, it was a very popular tale and was published as a picture book in the late 1870s (Humphrey Carpenter and Mari Prichard, The Oxford Companion to Children s Literature [Oxford, 1999], 111). 86 Hughes, London Child, Hughes, London Child, Mitchell, Hard Way, 44.

274 248 Uta Schleiermacher feminism. Through this story, Hannah Mitchell stresses her early interest in feminist ideas and places herself in a feminist context. It is noteworthy that she obtains the book via her grandmother, who is a rather independent woman and, unlike her mother, an important role model for Mitchell. 89 The second reading experience concerns a copy of Wordsworth s Poems, left at their home by a passing gentleman in Mitchell was then seven years old. She calls this book a godsend and even though she admits that she did not understand all poems, she liked the descriptive parts and identifies with Lucy in She Dwelt among the Untrodden Ways. 90 With this identification she emphasizes how forlorn and desolate she felt in her childhood. At the time of writing the autobiography, she learns that her sister still has the book. The book in her hand revokes distant memories a common trope in descriptions of reading. She discovers the name of the unknown gentleman, Hans Renold (a Swiss engineer), in the book and learns that she actually knows him as a model employer and a man of wide culture. 91 His visit was an important incident in her life: [H]e sowed his tiny seed of culture, which did not fall on stony ground, 92 and, as it turns out, she can later connect him exactly to those things that are most important to her: worker s rights and culture. These topics, she suggests, were already important to her as a seven-year-old. What sets this experience even more apart is a remark about her sister: She was no reader and had forgotten the incident. 93 With this short sentence she distinguishes herself from her sister, as the latter has already forgotten a moment that Mitchell interprets as a key incident in her life. 94 This is typical for working-class autobiographers, as education often estranges them from their families and might lead to a break of family ties. The third incident relates how two ladies visited her family s farm, one of which Mitchell later identified as Mrs Humphrey Ward, who was the author of The History of David Grieve (1892). With the two episodes that show her in the context of a cultured gentleman and a famous writer, Mitchell invents a cultural tradition for herself. In placing these incidents at the centre of her childhood experiences, she constructs a past influenced at least in some remote way by literature and places herself in the wider cultural context of the time. Foregrounding her interest in Lilith and the connection to the model employer Renold, she invents and structures her past so that it fits the politically and socially active person she has become. The single reading experiences of Molly Hughes and Hannah Mitchell thus serve mainly to support the later personality of the autobiographer and to highlight an early interest in the topics that became important for them in their later lives. 89 Mitchell, Hard Way, 46 and Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, Mitchell, Hard Way, 52.

275 Class-Related Aspects of Reading in Victorian Autobiographies 249 Aspects of gender turn up in both autobiographies, though they are not always discussed explicitly. Galbraith notes that in most autobiographies women are conscious of the imbalance between their own household obligations and their brothers educational opportunities, 95 and this is true for Molly Hughes and Hannah Mitchell as well. However, the awareness and the way in which gender-related inequalities are addressed are quite different. Molly Hughes is aware of differences between her and her brothers, but does not see them related to gender: I suppose there was a fear on my mother s part that I should be spoilt, for I was two years younger than the youngest boy. To prevent this danger she proclaimed the rule Boys first. I came last in all distribution of food at table, treats of sweets, and so on. I was expected to wait on the boys, run messages, fetch things left upstairs, and never grumble, let alone refuse. All this I thoroughly enjoyed, because I loved running about I have never ceased to thank her for this bit of early training. 96 In this description of her role in the family, the lack of a gender-perspective is striking. Hughes retrospectively explains and justifies her mother s behaviour and interprets her principles as related to her age and upbringing. She does not see herself treated in this way because she is a girl. In the same way, she stresses the advantages of her education: The boys had the advantage of me in going about, but I had the advantage of them in not being sent to school. Until my eleventh year I was saved from the stupefying influence of such a place. 97 That she is not allowed to go to the theatre evokes no regret on her part, let alone rebellion. She just accepts it as a fact: [I]t made no difference to me what [theatres and music halls] were like, since I was never allowed to go even to a theatre. 98 She does describe differences that are related to gender, but she is not at all critical in her interpretation of such situations. She reveals a rather conservative view and instead of criticizing unequal treatment, she justifies the others behaviour and underlines the personal advantages for her. Hannah Mitchell expresses a stronger perception of gender-related injustices: At eight years old my weekly task was to darn all the stockings for the household, and I think my first reactions to feminism began at this time when I was forced to darn my brothers stockings while they read or played cards or dominoes. Sometimes the boys helped but for them this was voluntary work; for the girls it was compulsory, and the fact that the boys could read if they wished filled my cup of bitterness to the brim. 99 She emphasizes gender aspects and describes her early disgust for domestic work and an aversion to fixed role models. Retrospectively, she sees these early experiences of injustice in the context of her later commitment to the 95 Galbraith, Reading Lives, Hughes, London Child, Hughes, London Child, Hughes, London Child, 16; needless to say that her brothers were allowed to go. 99 Mitchell, Hard Way, 43.

276 250 Uta Schleiermacher suffragette movement. 100 As Hughes, in contrast to Mitchell, even in her later life, never openly revolted to fixed role models, the differences in their assessment of these situations can again be read in the wider context that they made sense of who they had become by looking back into their early years 101 and retrospectively interpreted their experiences accordingly. The analysis of reading situations in the two Victorian autobiographies A London Child of the 1870s and The Hard Way Up reveals prominent differences. These differences correlate with aspects of class and, in connection with it, with status and cultural capital of the autobiographers. What divided Molly Hughes and Hannah Mitchell was not so much their living conditions or their income, but instead their education and cultural capital. Aspects of gender are connected to their social position. Mitchell rebelled openly against restrictions and there is a stronger class-awareness evident in her autobiography. Hughes view on life was more conservative and she seemingly accepted her limited possibilities as a girl, while she nevertheless in her career already transcended gender restrictions in her education at Cambridge. The issues discussed in this paper are selective and would need further confirmation within a wider context and further examples of reading in autobiographies. 102 While this synchronic analysis shows class-related differences in reading, a diachronic perspective would be required to analyse any change of reading habits as a cultural practice for different classes or status groups. All in all, the examples show in how far reading contributed to selfinterpretation and self-invention in Victorian autobiographies. The significant difference between these two examples of autobiographical writing is their interpretation of reading and thus the role of culture and education in the autobiographers lives. Hughes sees reading as a lifelong pleasure and is able to play with her literary competence. Mitchell connects reading almost exclusively to education with the larger scope to overcome ignorance and social boundaries. This is mirrored by their respective reading material, their attitude towards it, by their assessment of reading, their role models and the persons that influenced their reading and, ultimately, the construction of their literary background. For both of them, reading has a distinctly social function, albeit with a different outcome. For Mitchell, reading is a means to work her way up in the social hierarchy, which also opens up new possible careers for her. Reading and literature are for Hughes a means to maintain her social position, if only in a symbolic way, as her knowledge and abilities provide her with cultural and symbolic capital which secure her connection to middle-class values and defend herself against the ever-threatening social decline. 100 Cf. Galbraith, Reading Lives, Galbraith, Reading Lives, Especially examples of members of the upper class or male autobiographers could complement the findings of this study.

277 Marketing Socialism? Sales Strategies for rororo rotfuchs, a Left-Wing Children s Paperback Series in the 1970s Corinna Norrick-Rühl, Johannes Gutenberg-Universität, Mainz Abstract The West German Rowohlt Verlag launched a paperback series for children, rororo rotfuchs, in Using archival records from the Mainzer Verlagsarchiv, this contribution analyses the intricate relationship between the left-wing rotfuchs books and Rowohlt s capitalist marketing strategies. In the 1970s, the German Studies scholar Jack Zipes published two articles discussing a distinct leftward movement in West German publishing, in particular in certain children s and young adult programmes. 1 He showed that this shift was motivated and influenced by the ideas of the student protest movement that had begun in West Germany in 1968, which, among other things, propagated educational reform from the pre-school to the university level. Besides these brief articles by Zipes, the 1970s West German market for children s and young adult literature has not received much scholarly attention in the Anglophone world. In fact, even in the German-speaking world, the particularities of this market in the 1970s, especially its rapport with the political developments of the period, have not been treated much at all, though they are exceptionally illustrative of the intricate relationships between texts, publishers, and readers that lie at the heart of book historical research. The dynamics of the student protest movement and its effects on the 1970s West German market for adult readers, on the other hand, have been studied extensively. 2 As early as 1969, Dieter E. Zimmer explained in the weekly national newspaper Die Zeit why the relationship between the student protest movement and the publishing industry is so compelling to study. Zimmer wrote about the conflicts that ensued because socialist texts were distributed by capitalist, 1 Jack Zipes, Educating, Miseducating, Re-Educating Children: A Report on Attempts to Desocialize the Capitalist Socialization Process in West Germany, New German Critique, 1 (1973), ; Jack Zipes, Down with Heidi, Down with Struwwelpeter, Three Cheers for the Revolution: Towards a New Socialist Children s Literature in West Germany, Children s Literature, 5 (1976), See, for instance, Adelheid von Saldern, Markt für Marx: Literaturbetrieb und Lesebewegungen in der Bundesrepublik in den Sechziger- und Siebzigerjahren, Archiv für Sozialgeschichte, 44 (2004), , and Die Politisierung des Buchmarkts: 1968 als Branchenereignis, ed. Stephan Füssel, Wiesbaden, 2007.

278 252 Corinna Norrick-Rühl sometimes conglomerate-owned firms. 3 The authors were dependent on the publication processes dominated by precisely the types of companies they were protesting against, and publishers were making a profit by selling texts and ideas that questioned their existence. As Zimmer described, authors and publishers were moving about in a vague terrain between the willingness for cooperation and enmity. 4 Needless to say, countless conflicts resulted from the sale, distribution, and marketing of left-wing texts by capitalist, conglomerateowned publishers. As a case study, this contribution will discuss how the popular and successful children s paperback series rororo rotfuchs, published by the Rowohlt Verlag from 1972 onwards, handled this predicament. The series contained non-authoritarian, progressively authoritarian, critically democratic books, 5 and this paper will focus on the unconventional marketing strategies of rororo rotfuchs. The marketing strategies clearly reflected Rowohlt s status as a major trade publisher in West Germany, partially owned by the conglomerate Georg von Holtzbrinck. 6 In order to combine the socialist ideals of the rotfuchs programme with the capitalist goal of selling the high print runs characteristic of the paperback format without alienating his buyers and his readership, the founder and editor of rororo rotfuchs, Uwe Wandrey, experimented with new and unconventional marketing strategies. On the basis of archival material from the Mainzer Verlagsarchiv (MVA), 7 as well as two particularly enlightening articles from the German book-trade magazine Börsenblatt für den deutschen Buchhandel, 8 this contribution will discuss Wandrey s key marketing scheme in the 1970s, the loyalty programme rotfuchs-club. First, however, this paper will give an introduction to the series and Wandrey, as well as its target group, embedding rororo rotfuchs within the social history of the 1970s. 3 Dieter E. Zimmer, Frißt die Revolution ihre Verleger? Unter- und Hintergründe einer Affäre im Hause Rowohlt, Die Zeit, 26 September 1969, Zimmer, Frißt die Revolution ihre Verleger? 16. Here and below, all German quotes translated by author. 5 Uwe Wandrey and we, letter to Christine Nöstlinger, 23 September 1971, Mainzer Verlagsarchiv (MVA), rororo rot Aut 33, separator N, no 32, 1-2, 1. 6 Partial ownership (26 per cent) by Holtzbrinck began in 1971; in the 1980s, Holtzbrinck bought the remaining shares. 7 The Mainzer Verlagsarchiv was founded in 2009 as part of the Institute for Book Studies at Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz. The material from the Rowohlt Verlag is split up between the MVA and the German Literary Archives in Marbach. The MVA houses all of the material pertaining to Rowohlt s dynamic paperback production and to children s and young adult literature. I would like to express my gratitude to the MVA, in particular to its director Stephan Füssel, for the opportunity to work there as well as for permission to reproduce images from the archive in this contribution and to Cornelia Gisevius for support with the archival materials. 8 Prämiert mit dem Frankfurter Bembel : betrifft Marketing 73, Börsenblatt für den deutschen Buchhandel, 28 September 1973, 1479; Nils-Henning von Hugo, Fuchs, du hast die Gans gestohlen: oder wie rotfuchs einen kräftigen Bissen Marktanteil eroberte. Die Fallstudie, Börsenblatt für den deutschen Buchhandel, 21 May 1974,

279 Marketing Socialism? 253 Two of the topics on the agenda of the student protesters in the late 1960s and early 1970s were education and parenting. Anti-authoritarian parenting methods were discussed intensely, and so were traditional books and toys for children. In 1976, Eckhard Bernstein wrote: In the wake and as a by-product of the student rebellion of the late sixties, a children s literature has sprung up Written mostly by students and young educators with strong leftist leanings, it is a very diverse literature ranging from clumsy attempts to illustrate the complicated workings of the wicked capitalist society to more subtle stories Though it is hard to generalize about this literature, it is safe to say that an antiauthoritarian strain runs through most of them. 9 Small independent publishing collectives such as the Basis-Verlag or the Rheinische Kinderladen-Coop as well as the so-called Kinderläden (alternative kindergarten initiatives) produced these alternative children s books; however, these books were usually collectively written and illustrated, bound and printed in low quality, but [were] therefore cheap. 10 They may have been inexpensive, but they never managed to reach a large audience the print runs usually did not exceed 500 copies, and often, the books were sold regionally or within the protest movement, but not to the general public, as Dieter Richter explains: The [anti-authoritarian] children s book publishers c[a]me from the Kinderladen movement, they developed the books with the Kinderladen children, and it seems that the books were distributed mainly in the Kinderläden. 11 Wandrey was part of the Kinderladen movement as a parent, but he also was active in the left-wing publishing scene. He had been apprenticed as a shipwright and thereafter had studied history, German literature and philosophy in Hamburg. He founded the Quer Verlag in 1966, 12 publishing political and polemic texts for adults as well as for children, such as the book Little Erna on the Leftist Route. 13 Today, it is impossible to reconstruct the readership and the print runs of the Quer Verlag books some of the books were underground editions, published outside of the book trade without an ISBN and thus no longer traceable. It is possible that Wandrey was frustrated that his experimental children s books only reached a limited public. Wandrey certainly knew that he would only attain a substantial readership for critical books by cooperating with an established publishing house like Rowohlt. Hence, 9 Eckhard Bernstein, From Struwwelpeter to Rotfuchs: Suggestions for Using Children s Books in Culture Classes, Die Unterrichtspraxis/Teaching German, 9.1 (1976), , Brigitte Raitz, Antiautoritäre Kinderbücher der zweiten Generation: Aus den Verlagsproduktionen von Basis und Weismann, Kinder Bücher Massenmedien, eds Karl W. Bauer and Jochen Vogt (Opladen, 1975), , Dieter Richter, Kinderbuch und politische Erziehung (Teil II): Zum Verständnis der neuen linken Kinderliteratur, Ästhetik und Kommunikation, 5-6 (1972), 23-32, Quer means diagonal or aslant. In German, the metaphor quer denken means to think outside the box. 13 Uwe Wandrey, Klein Erna auf Linkskurs: Dumme Fragen, plietsche Antworten, Hamburg, 1970.

280 254 Corinna Norrick-Rühl in 1971, Wandrey proposed rororo rotfuchs to Rowohlt as a package deal with a complete business plan and with him as the series editor. 14 Wandrey s proposal was well-received in the publishing house; he was hired as editor of the new series, which was launched in April Rowohlt was an obvious choice for Wandrey, because, at the time, the Rowohlt Verlag was known as a liberal and inventive publisher and a major player in the booming paperback market. Rowohlt had introduced modern paperbacks to the German market in 1950, 16 but did not rely on its backlist. Instead, Rowohlt published original paperbacks from the mid-1950s onwards, gaining recognition in particular with its original non-fiction series such as Rowohlts Monographien (established 1957) or the dignified, intellectual series rororo aktuell (1961), in which for the most part, left-wing thinkers discussed ecology, emancipation, politics, and economics in an unorthodox way. 17 In the 1970s, rororo rotfuchs followed in the footsteps of these liberal series, picking up on trends that were a part of the student protest movement, and publishing over 50 per cent first editions. 18 Wandrey was a keen and critical observer of contemporary children s literature, and one of his main points of criticism was that it perpetuated an ideal and unrealistic world, void of conflict and far away from the reality of children: when underprivileged children read, if they read, they read literature by socially and culturally privileged authors and mediators; their own world does not take place, or if it does, then merely in a form which is foreign to them. 19 Wandrey strove to alleviate these deficiencies, producing realistic books for young readers of all ages and trying to promote more diverse books overall. He chose topics which formerly had been considered taboo in children s literature, such as divorce, puberty, drug abuse, politics (for instance neo- Nazism), war (in particular WWII in retrospect and the war in Vietnam as a current issue), inequality (conditions in the Third World), and minorities (for instance, the situation of immigrants in German society). In fact, Wandrey and 14 The original business plan and concept is not archived in the MVA, but luckily, main ideas can be reconstructed through other sources. Cf. Corinna Norrick-Rühl, panther, rotfuchs & Co.: rororo-taschenbücher für junge Zielgruppen im gesellschaftlichen Umbruch der 1970er und 1980er Jahre (Wiesbaden, 2014), 72-73, Wandrey quit as editor-in-chief of rororo rotfuchs in 1980, but the series still exists today and is thus one of the longest-running children s book series in German book-trade history. 16 The Rowohlt Verlag is generally considered to have introduced the modern paperback to the West German book market. On the establishment of the paperback and its role in the politics of the book industry in the 1970s, cf. Mark W. Rectanus, Literary Publishing in the Federal Republic of Germany: Redefining the Enterprise, German Studies Review, 10.1 (1987), , in particular Ab nach Kassel: Rowohlt-Chef Michael Naumann versucht ebenso hartnäckig wie vergeblich, seinen Lektor Freimut Duve zu feuern, Der Spiegel, 10 April 1989, 72-75, For the exact breakdown of the programme, cf. Norrick-Rühl, panther, rotfuchs & Co., 129, figure Uwe Wandrey, Acht Fragen zum Kinderbuch: Realistisch schreiben für Kinder, Betrifft: Erziehung, 8.4 (1975), 52-56, 53.

281 Marketing Socialism? 255 rotfuchs helped establish the problem novel as a popular genre for children and young adults in Germany. Wandrey s political agenda became even more obvious through his publication of left-wing children s literature from the Weimar Republic and of East German children s favourites such as Martin Selber s adventure novels, which encouraged protest, solidarity, and persistence. 20 Wandrey brought these books to the West German market, effectively selling socialism to West German readers. 21 In 1976, Zipes described the books as inexpensive paperbacks with superb artwork and photography Most of the authors are already well known in West Germany. It is to Wandrey s credit that he has encouraged authors and artists who normally work for the adult world only to concern themselves with children s needs. The general policy of Rotfuchs is one of cultural pluralism. That is, the series contains books which range in their critique of society from mildly reformist to socialist. The age groups addressed are anywhere from five to fourteen. Some of the books are limited in their appeal to a distinct age group, whereas others cut across age and social class differences. 22 Naturally, the key to success for an inexpensive paperback series was high print runs (in the early 1970s, the average first edition print run for books in the series rororo rotfuchs was over 20,000 copies 23 ), and Wandrey knew that he would have to market the series effectively in order to achieve the economic success that Rowohlt paperback series were expected to produce, regardless of content. According to Nils-Henning von Hugo, Rowohlt s marketing director in the 1970s, one of the goals of the rotfuchs marketing campaign was to create advertising which was as unconventional as possible. 24 From the outset, Rowohlt tried to get booksellers and educators as well as other gatekeepers on board with their new programme. Even before the series first appeared in April 1972, Rowohlt included information for booksellers and the press in their catalogue. Wandrey wrote to the booksellers and the press, delineating the target group of the new series. While this short letter is not preserved in the archives, von Hugo quoted from it in a 1974 Börsenblatt article, thus giving us access to rotfuchs first contact with the public: Children are fastidious readers. They demand thrilling entertainment and a lot of action. They want to laugh, they require jokes and surprises. Children are critical readers. No one can force books upon them that do not please them. They do not like a schoolmaster s tone, they do not love adults sentimental dreams of childhood either Martin Selber was Martin Merbt s pseudonym. For an evaluation of his contribution to German children s and young adult literature, cf. Rüdiger Steinlein, Antifaschistische Literatur, Handbuch zur Kinder- und Jugendliteratur: SBZ/DDR. Von 1945 bis 1990, eds Rüdiger Steinlein, Heidi Strobel, and Thomas Kramer (Stuttgart, 2006), cols , Cf. Norrick-Rühl, panther, rotfuchs & Co., Zipes, Down with Heidi, Cf. Norrick-Rühl, panther, rotfuchs & Co., 133, figure von Hugo, Fuchs, du hast die Gans gestohlen, von Hugo, Fuchs, du hast die Gans gestohlen, 910.

282 256 Corinna Norrick-Rühl This correlates with the contents of another, more direct letter which Wandrey wrote to gatekeepers in childcare institutions and elementary schools, announcing the series and claiming that rororo rotfuchs is publishing the books that children wish they had. 26 Wandrey was quite aware that more marketing would be necessary to get his books into the hands of children, even if the books were children s dreams come true. In addition to these two letters, specific advertisements for the series as well as more general advertisements for new rororo series were published in trade and professional magazines. Booksellers were also targeted with complimentary copies, rotfuchs puzzles and free decorations for store windows, such as an inflatable red fox or rotfuchs sales boxes (for about 5o books later, a revolving paperback book rack was produced which could hold up to 300 books). 27 So far, these marketing activities only targeted professionals in the book industry and in the education sector. The wider public also needed to be informed about the new series. In order to reach parents, Rowohlt initiated two large-scale advertising campaigns in April and October Magazines for parents such as Spielen und Lernen, Eltern, and Leben und Erziehen played an important role in these campaigns. The advertisements were printed in black and red or on red paper to reinforce the impact of the series title, and all of the advertisements played with the image of the red fox. Fox footprints covered the page, and fun rhyming mottos introduced the series. The series was thus launched with a variety of marketing measures for booksellers, gatekeepers, and parents. Nonetheless, Wandrey and his colleagues Renate Boldt and Gisela Krahl wanted to find ways to address the young readers themselves, without making it seem like children were being treated as consumers. Wandrey wanted children to love the rotfuchs brand. In Reinbek (near Hamburg), where the Rowohlt Verlag is located, children from local art programmes were asked to draw pictures inspired by rotfuchs books for booksellers shop windows. In addition, the publisher rented a games booth at the Hamburg Book Week in Yet these were small, local initiatives and not feasible on a larger scale. Moreover, they seem insignificant in comparison with Wandrey s grander scheme: a loyalty programme for readers, founded in late 1972 the rotfuchs-club. While today, we are living in the age of the loyalty scheme, 28 Wandrey s idea can be considered highly innovative for the 1970s, in particular for the book industry. By collecting loyalty points printed into rotfuchs books, readers could become members of the rotfuchs-club. Depending on the price of the book, readers received between two and four points per book. Five points were needed to become a member and receive the official membership ID card. After children had become members, they were able to trade in additional points for small gifts (bookmarks, stationery, key chains, whistles, and even t-shirts or an 26 von Hugo, Fuchs, du hast die Gans gestohlen, Cf. von Hugo, Fuchs, du hast die Gans gestohlen, Susan Hart, et al., Are Loyalty Schemes a Manifestation of Relationship Marketing? Journal of Marketing Management, 15.6 (1999), , 544.

283 Marketing Socialism? 257 Fig. Fig. 1: 1: Title Title page, page, ZISCH!, ZISCH!, 1 (September (September 1973), 1973), 1, 1, MVA MVA deposit deposit copy. copy. Courtesy Courtesy of of MVA MVA

284 258 Corinna Norrick-Rühl inflatable red fox). All of these items were branded with the rotfuchs logo. 29 In addition, from 1973 onwards, the members received the magazine ZISCH! (see Figure 1). According to the economists Susan Hart, Andrew Smith, Leigh Sparks, and Nikolaos Tzokas, possible goals of loyalty schemes are to build lasting relationships with customers by rewarding customers for patronage, to gain higher purchase profit through extended product usage and cross-selling, to gather customer information, to de-commodify brands, to defend market position in the face of a competitor s loyalty scheme, or to pre-empt competitive activity. 30 The rotfuchs-club and the club magazine ZISCH! fulfilled a number of these goals. 31 In an industry in which brand recognition is a particular challenge, 32 the rotfuchs-club reinforced the rotfuchs brand in an unconventional way, bringing a branded periodical and merchandising articles directly to children s homes. In addition, Rowohlt was able to gather valuable customer information (age, geographical location, etc.) about rotfuchs readers. Arguably, during the 1970s, the only viable competitor for rotfuchs was the paperback series dtv junior (founded by Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag in 1971), though it primarily published backlist titles. In any case, dtv junior has never offered a loyalty scheme to its readers at any point in time, so Rowohlt was not trying to defend a market position, but rather pre-empt[ing] competitive activity. 33 In fact, the rotfuchs-club was unique in all of Europe. In 1975, the editors wrote (not without pride): There is none comparable [readers loyalty club] in West Germany. In England, there is the Puffin Club, for which members have to pay dues and re-new their membership annually. And there are no gifts. 34 It is possible that Penguin s Puffin Club for young readers served as an inspiration for the rotfuchs-club. It was founded in 1967 and published the magazine Puffin Post for its young readers continuously until According to the Guardian, the Puffin Club had 16,000 members after only one year, and [a]t its height the Puffin Post had more than 200,000 readers Cf. Prämiert mit dem Frankfurter Bembel, Hart, et al., Loyalty Schemes, All 11 issues of ZISCH! are available as deposit copies in the MVA. 32 Cf. Ulrich Huse, Verlagsmarketing (Frankfurt am Main, 2013), Hart, et al., Loyalty Schemes, 546. Regarding the competition that rotfuchs faced in the 1970s, cf. Norrick-Rühl, panther, rotfuchs & Co., Jahre rotfuchs, ZISCH!, 5 (February 1975), 6-7, 7. In 1986, membership in the Puffin Club cost 3.75 per year, and approximately four issues of the Puffin Post were published annually. Cf. Nancy Wiseman Seminoff, Children s Periodicals throughout the World: An Overlooked Educational Resource, The Reading Teacher, 39.9 (1986), , 893 and The Puffin Post was briefly revived, from 2009 to 2012, but has been discontinued in the wake of the 2013 Penguin Random House merger. Cf. Alison Flood, Puffin Post to Become Extinct, The Guardian < (17 December 2012, accessed: 6 June 2014). 36 Flood, Puffin Post to Become Extinct.

285 Marketing Socialism? 259 The rotfuchs-club was introduced with a series of over 30 launch parties throughout Germany and Austria, beginning on 7 November 1972 in the children s bookstore Paul und Paulinchen in Hamburg. Depending on the source, either 400 or 1,400 children were present at the first launch party, 37 which featured a reading by the rotfuchs author Rüdiger Stoye, a raffle with prizes such as rotfuchs books and paraphernalia, as well as an exclusive screening of a short film version of the first rotfuchs book, Angela Hopf s picture book The Elephant Olympics. 38 Rowohlt s investment in these launch parties emphasizes how important this element of the marketing strategy was to Wandrey and his colleagues. In 1974, two years after its launch, the rotfuchs-club was awarded a prize for innovative marketing ideas in the book industry by the German trade magazine Börsenblatt. To celebrate, the Börsenblatt interviewed von Hugo about the club, its goals, and its success. According to von Hugo, the addresses of interested readers were an extremely valuable asset, and Rowohlt planned to conduct market analysis and motivation research on the basis of the club. 39 Von Hugo also emphasized that older members 10- to 14-year-olds could be introduced to the other Rowohlt paperback series through the club, encouraging loyalty for the rororo brand in general with its widespread thematic offerings. 40 These objectives echo Hart, Smith, Sparks, and Tzokas s definition of loyalty schemes. The club was wildly popular with rotfuchs readers. In the second issue of ZISCH! (February 1974), some statistics were revealed. At the time, there were 4,500 members, and approximately 300 of those members lived outside of West Germany mainly in Austria and Switzerland, but also in Japan, Canada, Kenya, and Chile. 41 The archival records in the MVA do not contain names and addresses of members these were probably recorded on punched cards at the time. Nonetheless, the impressively steady increase in members can be reconstructed from 1973 to 1978 on the basis of the numbers mentioned in the editorials of the ZISCH! magazine (see table 1). In addition, correspondence between the rotfuchs editors and their authors in the MVA reveals that authors were also enthusiastic members of the club and readers of ZISCH! 42 Hence, it may not come as a surprise that in 1974 the oldest member was 56 years old The newspaper Hamburger Abendblatt claimed that 1,400 children were present, which seems unrealistic. Cf. ck, Mächtiges Gedränge bei den Rotfüchsen : Jugendbuchwoche. Vorträge, Debatten, eine Party, Hamburger Abendblatt, 8 November 1972, 11. Nils- Henning von Hugo on the other hand wrote in 1974 that 400 children came to the first launch event. Cf. von Hugo, Fuchs, du hast die Gans gestohlen, Angela Hopf, Die große Elefanten-Olympiade, rororo rotfuchs 1, Reinbek, von Hugo, Fuchs, du hast die Gans gestohlen, Cf. von Hugo, Fuchs, du hast die Gans gestohlen, Wer? Was? Wo? ZISCH!, 2 (February 1974), Cf., for instance, Peter and Ute Friese, Rüdiger von Hanxleden, et al., letter to Uwe Wandrey, 3 September 1973, MVA, rororo rot Aut 4, separator 1, no 4, 1-5, Wer? Was? Wo? 3.

286 260 Corinna Norrick-Rühl Table 1: Membership development, 1973 to Month/Year Members September ,500 February ,500 June ,500 October ,000 February ,000 June ,700 December ,000 July , > 32,000 According to Gérard Genette s landmark study Paratexts, the magazine ZISCH! would most likely be categorized as a particular form of publisher s epitext to various rotfuchs books. 45 But Genette s slightly deprecating judgement of the publisher s epitext as merely fulfilling a marketing and promotional function 46 does not fully cover the potential of ZISCH! In addition to being a publisher s epitext, ZISCH! contained public authorial epitexts (other texts by authors, such as interviews), 47 as well as autonomous public epitexts (reviews and responses by readers, including negative responses). 48 In order to define the magazine s function, an anachronistic but more precise category may be corporate publishing output. 49 Still today, Rowohlt is active in the field of corporate publishing with its monthly journal Rowohlt Revue. Rowohlt Revue features articles about Rowohlt authors, reviews of Rowohlt books, and news from the book industry in general. ZISCH! offered readers all of this, but also gave Wandrey and his colleagues a chance to communicate directly with their readers. ZISCH! is an ideal example of the balancing act of marketing socialism and merging corporate interests with left-wing, critical overtones. In many ways, ZISCH! was more experimental and reminiscent of anti-authoritarian Kinderladen principles than the rotfuchs books themselves. Some texts by Wandrey for ZISCH! have obvious (left-wing) political overtones. For instance, in his column From Z to A, Wandrey discussed everyday terms from an 44 Translation of table 1 in Norrick-Rühl, panther, rotfuchs & Co., Gérard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretations (Cambridge, 1997), 347; originally published as Seuils, Paris, Genette, Paratexts, Cf. Genette, Paratexts, Cf. Genette, Paratexts, Responses by young readers can be found in ZISCH!, 9 (December 1976), 7, and ZISCH!, 10 (July 1977), Cf. Marc Reichwein, Corporate Publishing im Buchhandel: Literaturvermittlung zwischen Marketing und Journalismus, Perspektiven der Literaturvermittlung, eds Stefan Neuhaus and Oliver Ruf (Innsbruck, 2011),

287 Marketing Socialism? 261 unconventional and critical perspective, starting with Z for Zäune (fences). He wrote: [M]ost fences in the world protect someone s property. Entire forests, parks, lakes, rivers, factories, villas cannot be entered, because they belong to someone If these things belonged to everyone, the fences would seem silly to us. We could remove them, we would not have to make detours, and could move about much more freely. 50 In the second issue, Wandrey wrote about clocks and time. 51 The third column dealt with doors, and was similar to the segment about fences. Here, Wandrey criticized police power and traditional hierarchy models: The police can stride through other people s doors in their boots, without even asking the residents first, but normal citizens cannot enter the offices in the police station if they have not been asked to. A factory director can always enter the factory hall, but his workers cannot enter his office unbidden. The more important the person behind the door is, the more valuable the door. The director often sits behind a leather-upholstered oak door, while the workshop door is usually made of sheet metal, and the wind blows through the cracks. 52 Wandrey s fourth column described streets, again emphasizing that public spaces should belong to everyone, and also criticizing the fact that open spaces such as pedestrian zones are filled with stores selling items that most people cannot afford. 53 In the fifth issue, he wrote about wheels and our reliance on the invention: Many machines and factories are so complicated that a single wheel that stops turning can bring the work to a complete halt. Wheels are not intelligent. Humans have to operate and control them. They decide why wheels turn: for slot machines, bicycles, military tanks or strollers. 54 The sixth column discussed parks, reiterating Wandrey s argument about public spaces and accessibility. 55 Furnaces were Wandrey s seventh and final topic; among other observations, he explained that not everyone in the world has central heating and criticized the fact that while families used to gather around the furnace, they now came together in front of the television set. 56 This small column is illustrative of Wandrey s political and social agenda in ZISCH!, as with his selection of rotfuchs books, he wanted to provoke discussions and new perspectives. A subversive, anonymous text can be found in a word puzzle, which was published in the first issue in If the children cut out the puzzle and put it together, a rhyming text would appear: We are always pushed around, the big guys tell us what to do; soon there will be many of us, and then we will do 50 Uwe Wandrey, Von Z bis A: Der Zaun, ZISCH!, 1 (September 1973), Cf. Uwe Wandrey, Von Z bis A: Uhren, ZISCH!, 2 (February 1974), Uwe Wandrey, Von Z bis A: Türen, ZISCH!, 3 (June 1974), Cf. Uwe Wandrey, Von Z bis A: Straßen, ZISCH!, 4 (October 1974), Uwe Wandrey, Von Z bis A: Räder, ZISCH!, 5 (February 1975), Cf. Uwe Wandrey, Von Z bis A: Parks, ZISCH!, 6 (June 1975), Cf. Uwe Wandrey, Von Z bis A: Öfen, ZISCH!, 7 (December 1975), 5.

288 262 Corinna Norrick-Rühl whatever we want to. 57 The text encouraged strength in numbers, which was also a sort of motto for the series, as Bernstein wrote in 1976, [t]he message is twofold: one can and should rebel against authority, but one will only succeed if one acts collectively. 58 Finally, another element which was inherent to Kinderladen principles was the involvement of children in creative processes, such as book production, as mentioned above. This principle was important to Wandrey and his colleagues with ZISCH! as well. Since ZISCH! was a non-profit publication, the involvement of children in editorial decisions was a feasible experiment. For instance, the first issue stated: ZISCH is a magazine that you are supposed to help us with, because it s there for you. You can laugh, praise, talk, complain, nag, object ZISCH is for games, learning and thinking Four times a year, when we are putting ZISCH together, we will invite five children to the rotfuchs editorial offices. They will help us decide which pictures and letters will be printed and which topics will be dealt with in the next issue. 59 Children sent ZISCH! drawings, a wide variety of letters (club members would ask others for advice, find pen pals, sell used toys, etc.), 60 and responses to impulses such as Design your own playground! thousands of children sent their playground ideas to ZISCH! in a matter of weeks. 61 All of these elements must have appealed to many young parents in the 1970s, since they reinforced the new parenting values that the student protest movement had transmitted. Krahl, who was responsible for taking care of the rotfuchs-club correspondence (amounting up to 100 letters a day by the mid-1970s 62 ), took on the risk of putting together a rororo rotfuchs book from 2,800 submissions by rotfuchs-club members. Together with a group of children, Krahl selected submissions for publication in the book Nasenputzer und Flimmerbacke (1977). 63 Children were paid approximately 30 DM per printed page. 64 The book received some favourable reviews, such as in the journal Bücherkommentare, 65 but unfortunately these stories by children for children were not very successful. Although the club itself had 27,500 members in 1977, only 15,000 copies of the book were printed and the copies never sold out. 57 Einer ist keiner, ZISCH!, 1 (September 1973), 10: Alleinesein ist dumm. / Einer ist keiner. / Zwei sind mehr als einer! / Sind wir aber erst zu dritt / machen auch die andern mit! / Andauernd schubst man uns herum: / Noch reden uns die Großen rein / und sagen, was wir solln / Bald werden wir ganz viele sein / und machen, was wir wolln. 58 Bernstein, From Struwwelpeter to Rotfuchs, Hallo! hier ist ZISCH, ZISCH!, 1 (September 1973), Cf. Helmut Ahrens, Wir hatten schon alle fast Busen: Helmut Ahrens über rororo rotfuchs, Börsenblatt für den deutschen Buchhandel, 3 October 1975, Cf. Spielplätze, ZISCH!, 3 (June 1974), 12-13, Cf. Hallo! ZISCH!, 4 (October 1974), Gisela Krahl, ed., Nasenputzer und Flimmerbacke: Geschichten von Kindern für Kinder, rororo rotfuchs 145, Reinbek, Cf. Preisausschreiben! ZISCH!, 5 (February 1975), Cf. Rev. Nasenputzer und Flimmerbacke, Die Bücherkommentare, 1 (1977), 16.

289 Marketing Socialism? 263 Besides the subversive tone of some of the articles and initiatives, the magazine was clearly corporate publishing output, meant to strengthen the brand. As von Hugo indicated in 1974, the interaction between the publisher and the club members helped Wandrey and his colleagues better understand the anonymous target group of children. 66 Moreover, it was a potent advertising vehicle the final page of every issue offered information on upcoming rotfuchs titles, and allusions to other rororo books could be found throughout the magazine. As indicated, Wandrey and his colleagues planned to publish ZISCH! four times a year. This was an ambitious goal, which they never achieved. From 1973 to 1978, eleven issues were published with 16 pages each. For the first five issues, the recto side of the sheet was printed in colour, and the verso in black-andwhite, thus creating a full-colour cover (front and back) as well as three twopage spreads in colour on the inside, and four in black-and-white. Ultimately, however, the dramatic increase in membership numbers led to the downfall of the club and ZISCH! As early as 1975, there were discussions in the publishing house whether to eliminate the free magazine and instate a subscription-based model in which each issue would cost 3.80 DM, but Wandrey and his colleagues were worried about alienating members (and thus readers and buyers of rotfuchs books). 67 For economic reasons, issues six to eleven appeared in blackand-white with only one extra colour. Extra rotfuchs points for acquisition of new club members were discontinued in 1975 as well. 68 Nonetheless, the costs were still too high. In 1976, Wandrey and his colleagues told ZISCH! readers that the magazine could not appear as often (and as punctually) as originally planned for financial reasons. 69 In 1978, the final issue of ZISCH! was published, and the club was discontinued. Ultimately, despite the political tendencies of the series and ZISCH!, the financial argument was the most important one. The decision to discontinue the club was economically motivated, and certainly the right decision at the time for the conglomerate-owned publishing house Rowohlt. The actual discontinuation process was costly and problematic as well, though, since thousands of rotfuchs books still contained the rotfuchs points and avid collectors still expected club membership and gifts. Finally, in 1979, Wandrey and his colleagues decided to compose a generic response letter in order to put an end to the club once and for all, though Krahl in particular was worried about the disappointment this would cause amongst readers von Hugo, Fuchs, du hast die Gans gestohlen, Cf. Uwe Wandrey, Hedigunde Petzold, and Gisela Krahl, fascicle containing discussions about rotfuchs-club and the 1976 marketing budget for rotfuchs (correspondence, draft papers, meeting minutes, etc.), 23 May to 2 December 1975, MVA, rororo pa Allg 1, separator rotfuchs, no 127, 1-20, 3; cf. likewise Norrick-Rühl, panther, rotfuchs & Co., Cf. Hallo! ZISCH!, 6 (June 1975), Cf. Hallo! Fröhlichen Glückwunsch! Prost Neujahr! Herzliche Ostern! ZISCH!, 9 (December 1976), Cf. Uwe Wandrey, note to Horst Varrelmann, 2 August 1979, MVA, rororo pa Allg 1, separator rotfuchs, no 18, 1; and Gisela Krahl, note to Horst Varrelmann, 14 July 1980,

290 264 Corinna Norrick-Rühl Certainly, in the wake of the discontinuation, there were hundreds, if not thousands, of frustrated rotfuchs readers, and the long-term damage to the brand is hard to gauge. In a 2000 article, at least, the journalist Jenni Zylka remembered the club fondly. 71 Despite (or maybe because of) the financial overload that the club caused, and the problems during the discontinuation process, the rotfuchs-club with its ZISCH! magazine is prototypical of the balancing act that some West German publishers attempted in the 1970s. Marketing socialism directly to readers in a capitalist, conglomerate-owned publishing house was a challenge that rotfuchs took on. Wandrey and his colleagues sought after unconventional methods to introduce gatekeepers and the readers themselves to their products, and they remained true to this strategy for the larger part of the 1970s. However, after the demise of the rotfuchs-club, other marketing strategies came into play. These were much more traditional, such as an annual catalogue (Schnüffelbuch) and a focus on bringing rotfuchs books into the classroom through publication of didactic resources for teachers. 72 In conclusion, rororo rotfuchs and its inventive marketing strategies provide an instructive example of how publishers adapt and adjust their brands to cater to very specific audiences. Furthermore, the club and ZISCH! stand as reminders of an exceptionally experimental phase in West German children s publishing, which still influences the book market today. MVA, rororo pa Allg 1, separator rotfuchs, no 5, 1-2; cf. also Norrick-Rühl, panther, rotfuchs & Co., , for more detail on the discontinuation and the problems involved. 71 Cf. Jenny Zylka, Mit neuen, modernen Sprichwörtern in die Zukunft schauen, taz Berlin lokal, 28 April 2000, Cf. Norrick-Rühl, panther, rotfuchs & Co., , regarding the marketing strategies employed after the demise of the rotfuchs-club.

291 Marketing Socialism? 265 Fig. 2: Title page, ZISCH!, 6 (June 1975), 1, MVA deposit copy. Courtesy of MVA