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1 University of Iowa Iowa Research Online Theses and Dissertations 2001 Musical style as a representation of social milieu : the 1927 premieres of Ernst Krenek's Jonny spielt auf and Erich Wolfgang Korngold's Das Wunder der Heliane Jenny L. Jackson The University of Iowa Copyright 2001 Jenny L. Jackson Posted with permission of the author. This thesis is available at Iowa Research Online: Recommended Citation Jackson, Jenny L.. "Musical style as a representation of social milieu : the 1927 premieres of Ernst Krenek's Jonny spielt auf and Erich Wolfgang Korngold's Das Wunder der Heliane." MA (Master of Arts) thesis, University of Iowa, Follow this and additional works at: Part of the Music Commons

2 MUSICAL STYLE AS A REPRESENTATION OF SOCIAL MILIEU: THE 1927 PREMIERES OF ERNST KRENEK'S JONNY SPIELT AUF AND ERICH WOLFGANG KORNGOLD'S DAS WUNDER DER HELIANE by Jenny L. Jackson A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree in Music in the Graduate College of The University of Iowa December 2001 Thesis supervisor: Associate Professor Roberta M. Marvin

3 Graduate College The University of Iowa Iowa City, Iowa CERTIFICATE OF APPROVAL MASTER'S THESIS This is to certify that the Master's thesis of Jenny L. Jackson has been approved by the Examining Committee for the thesis requirement for the Master of Arts degree in Music at the December 2001 graduation. Thesis committee: Thesis supervisor Member Member

4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe many people a serious debt of gratitude for their emotional support, and intellectual and spiritual guidance. I would like to begin by thanking Dr. Roberta M. Marvin whose support and guidance during my tenure at The University of Iowa has been integral to this thesis. Her undying confidence in my abilities and constant quest for my best work meant so much. I would also like to thank Dr. Elizabeth Aubrey and Professor Stephen Swanson for their service on my thesis committee. Their insights were essential to the fine-tuning of this paper. Many thanks and much love to my dearest friends, Sarah Bobenhouse, Beverly Everett, and Kyle Gassiott. Your patience, generosity, understanding, and encouragement will never be forgotten. To my Seattle Symphony family: Sandi Macdonald, Heather Hoeksema, Mary Macenka, Judy Cites, Michael Dawson, Alison Sever, Michelle Peel, Wendy Berner, Chris Gruits, Steve Lowe and Rosalie Contreras, I owe the deepest appreciation for their great friendship and support. ii

5 Special thanks to my sister, Julia Jackson, who assisted with the mechanics of the paper and encouraged me to be persistent and patient. To my parents, my greatest teachers and supporters, I dedicate this work. Without them, none of this would have been possible. iii

6 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF FIGURES... LIST OF EXAMPLES... vi vii INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I THE AFTERMATH OF WORLD WAR I The Austrian Musical Establishment Opera in the Weimar and Austrian Republics and the Perceived Opernkrise Korngold vs. Krenek: The Press, the Premiere, and the Reviews CHAPTER II JONNY SPIELT AUF: GENRE, CHARACTERS, PLOT, AND MUSICAL STYLE AS SOCIAL COMMENTARY ON THE NEW CENTURY Krenek's Ideas about and Involvement in the Evolution of Zeitoper Mirroring Society: Plot, Storyline, Characters, and Symbolism in Jonny spielt auf Musical Style in Jonny spielt auf CHAPTER III DAS WUNDER DER HELIANE: A CONTINUATION OF NINETEENTH-CENTURY ASTHETICS Korngoldian Style and the Wagnerian Tradition Return to the Nineteenth Century: The Storyline, Characters, and Symbolism in Das Wunder der Heliane Influences of Strauss and Puccini and the Musical Style of Das Wunder der Heliane CONCLUSION iv

7 BIBLIOGRAPHY v

8 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 2.1 Jonny spielt auf, Leipzig production Page Figure 3.1 Das Wunder der Heliane, Lotte Lehmann as Heliane and Jan Kiepura as The Stranger, Viennese premiere, 29 October vi

9 LIST OF EXAMPLES Example 2.1 Jonny spielt auf, opening measures Example 2.2 Jonny spielt auf, Max's hymn Example 2.3 Jonny spielt auf, Max's aria Example 2.4 Jonny spielt auf, "Jazz" section Example 2.5 Jonny spielt auf, scene iii, Paris Page Example 2.6 Jonny spielt auf, "Leb Wohl, mein Schatz" Example 2.7 Jonny spielt auf, "Tango" Example 2.8 Jonny spielt auf, "Triumph-Lied" Example 2.9 Jonny spielt auf, Conclusion of opera Example 3.1 Das Wunder der Heliane, Resurrection Motive Example 3.2 Das Wunder der Heliane, Heliane's sound world Example 3.3 Das Wunder der Heliane, Heliane's sound world invaded by The Stranger Example 3.4 Das Wunder der Heliane, first complete statement of the Resurrection Motive Example 3.5 Das Wunder der Heliane, Heliane's sound world disturbed by The Stranger v i i

10 Example 3.6 Das Wunder der Heliane, Recapitulation of beginning of opera Example 3.7 Das Wunder der Heliane, "Ich ging zu ihm" Example 3.8 Das Wunder der Heliane, transformation of Heliane's sound world Example 3.9 Das Wunder der Heliane, final love duet Example 3.10 Das wunder der Heliane, continuation of final love duet v i i i

11 1 INTRODUCTION Despite the unstable economic, social, and political environment of the Weimar Republic, the years proved to be an era of fruitful artistic endeavors. Although inflation, economic instability, skepticism of democracy, and rising social tension plagued the era, intellectual and artistic innovations created a new sense of modernity. In the 1920s the lofty pomposity and excessiveness of German opera, often associated with Wagnerian music drama, receded into a new, simpler style that was inspired by societal and international influences. The rise of the bourgeoisie, changing philosophical ideology, political convictions, influence of American culture, and new compositional techniques developed by the Second Viennese School all contributed to the change in musical style. The decade following World War I was one of the most fertile eras of the German operatic tradition. In recent years scholars have begun to explore the rich repertoire excluded and suppressed during the years of the

12 2 Third Reich. Even though operas by Franz Schreker, Alexander Zemlinsky, Ernst Krenek, and Erich Wolfgang Korngold are being rediscovered after their temporary erasure from music history, few journal articles, biographies, and studies of these composers and their works exist, and even fewer recordings of these works are available. There are two comprehensive biographies of Erich Wolfgang Korngold. In 1996 Jessica Duchen published a biography, and in 1997 Brendan Carroll wrote a more extensive one.1 Prior to Carroll's opus, no factual account of Korngold's life existed, as the 1967 version by his wife Luzi contained many inaccuracies.2 Although the latter details Korngold's professional career and compositional output, it does not study his works in depth; furthermore, it emphasizes his American career as a film composer rather than his years in Europe. 1 Jessica Duchen, Erich Wolfgang Korngold (London: Phaidon Press, 1996); Brendan G. Carroll, The Last Prodigy: A Biography of E.W. Korngold (Portland, OR: Amadeus Press, 1997). 2 Luzi Korngold, Erich Wolfgang Korngold, Ein Lebensbild (Vienna: Osterreichischer Bundesverlag, 1967).

13 3 Similarly, materials about Krenek are scant. In 1980 Claudia-Maurer Zenck completed the first major study of Krenek's music, which served as a basis for John L. Stewart's biography of the composer, published eleven years later.34a personal friend of Krenek, Stewart wrote a general, non-musicological biography. While Stewart's book has been indispensable for this paper, it is more a memoir than a contextual discussion of Krenek's career and musical life. Published in 1988 as an extension of her dissertation, Susan C. Cook's book Opera for a New Republic: The Zeitopern of Krenek, Weill and Hindemith provided the first concentrated study of Jonny spielt auf and the genre of Zeitoper.4 She defines opera of the times (Zeitoper) as "a type of opera current in Germany, especially during the 1920s and 30s, dealing with issues 'of the times,' usually 3 Claudia Maurer Zenck, Ernst Krenek: ein Komponist im Exil (Vienna: Lafite, 1980); John L. Stewart, Ernst Krenek: The Man and his Music (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991). 4 Susan C. Cook, Opera for a New Republic: The Zeitopern of Krenek, Weill and Hindemith (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1988).

14 4 socio-political ones."5 Zeitoper is a comic genre that relies on parody and social satire as comical tools. Often times, Zeitoper imitated features of contemporary life, such as office buildings, modern transportation, cabarets, and elevators, included in the production. Librettos were often set in the present with typical, everyday characters or modern stereotypes.6 While the musical component of Zeitoper took a variety of styles and forms, one musical feature was found throughout the repertoire: the incorporation of jazz or American dance idioms. Cook provides a reappraisal of Zeitoper, within the context of Krenek's success with Jonny spielt auf. Her discussion of the opera's success as a logical manifestation of the Weimar Republic's artistic life 5 "Zeitoper" in The New Grove Dictionaryr of Opera, ed. Stanley Sadie, vol. 4 (London: Macmillan, 1992), The definition continues "It is applied to such works as Krenek's Jonny spielt auf (1927) which deals with the claims of pleasure seeking as opposed to intellectual pursuits, Hindemith's Neues vom Tage (1929), a satire on social behavior, and Weill's Die Burgschaft (1932), a wideranging commentary on current civilization and its values." 6 Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 7. Cook provides a detailed definition of Zeitoper, its beginnings and influences.

15 5 reexamines the debates concerning an opera crisis of the 1920s, Krenek's aesthetic viewpoints, the influence of Neue Sachlichkeit, American popular culture, and a critical reception of Krenek's, Weill's, and Hindemith's forays into Zeitopern. Although many scholars have tackled the subject of Nazi suppression of the arts, very little research has been done on the repertoire of Entartete Musik, the music deemed degenerate and decadent by the Nazis in the 1930s. Two operas, Krenek's Jonny spielt auf and Korngold's Das VJunder der Heliane, warrant detailed investigation, for they illustrate the shift in musical taste from the traditional, Germanic music drama of Wagner to a music influenced by various cultures. Both of these operas had their Viennese premieres in 1927, Korngold's Heliane on 27 October and Krenek's Jonny on 31 December. Jonny spielt auf, though widely popular with audiences, was greeted at the Vienna Staatsoper by Nazi protesters and a negative press campaign instigated by E.W. Korngold's father, Julius, a critic for the Neue freie Presse. Jonny was sensationalistic and rooted in jazz, music that the Nazis despised. In contrast, the nineteenth-century-inspired Heliane, with its expressive chromaticism, through-composed form and

16 6 metaphysical depiction of love, continued the operatic tradition of Wagner, Puccini, and Strauss and appealed to the conservative Viennese audiences and critics. The publicity and scandal associated with these operas sparked public interest in both productions. Despite the negative press campaign and the National Socialist Party's condemnation of Jonny, the opera's success and popularity with the traditionalist Viennese public resulted in its overshadowing Korngold's work. Critics' attitudes toward these operas did not necessarily reflect Viennese opinion. In 1938 the National Socialist government of Germany held an exhibition, Entartete Musik, in Diisseldorf, which denounced the music of several major composers whose works may otherwise have changed the course of music composition after Both Das Wunder der Heliane and Jonny spielt auf were included in this exhibit, although reasons for their inclusion differed. Korngold's opus appeared because he Jewish, thus "degenerate"; Krenek's Jonny was included because of its Negro, jazz influences, thus "decadent". Decca/London's Entartete Musik series, released in the early 1990s, has been proclaimed the first, nearly complete

17 7 representation of how music developed in pre-nazi Austro- Germany.7 First released in 1993, the series was hailed as a reputable portrayal of this historically important, yet silenced, musical era. Jonny spielt auf and Das Wunder der Heliane were paired to open the series. As perfect examples of the variance of musical style during this era, the two operas were fitting for the revival of the controversy of Entartete Musik; for they were hotly debated before, during, and after their 1927 premieres. When the Entartete Musik repertoire was rediscovered in the late 1980s, a flood of research came about concerning these silenced composers, reintegrating them into the repertory, tradition, and history of twentieth-century music. The aforementioned biographies of Ernst Krenek and Erich Wolfgang Korngold both appeared during the 1990s; articles and biographies concerning suppressed composers Schreker, Zemlinsky, and Eisler were also published.8 Through the 7 James H. North, "The Music Survives: Decca/London's 'Entartete Musik Series'" (review), Fanfare (July/August 1999): Christopher Hailey, Franz Schreker, : A Cultural Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Werner Loll, Zwischen Tradition und Avantgarde: die

18 8 rediscovery of these suppressed composers, musicologists better understood the musical era that predated the rise of National Socialism and was a harbinger of the musical climate of the 1930s. In an effort to contextualize the significance of early National Socialist activities in the 1920s, scholars have begun reexamining fascist musicology and the musical establishment before and during the Third Reich. Pamela Potter's research concerning the musicological culture of the war era concludes that most of the themes associated with the Nazi musical establishment were in place well before Hitler's ascension to power.9 Longer-term cultural trends in Germany reflected a brewing National Socialist ideology; furthermore, the fascists' insolence toward the "tainted" music of the late 1920s proved fodder for the Kammermusick Alexander Zemlinskys (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1990); Antony Beaumont, Zemlinsky (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000); David Blake and Hanns Johann Faustus Eisler, eds. Hanns Eisler: A Miscellany (Luxembourg: Harwood Academic, 1995). 9 Pamela M. Potter, Most German of the Arts: Musicology and Society from the Weimar Republic to the End of Hitler's Reich (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998).

19 9 more strongly assembled National Socialist party of the 1930s.10 Today, an understanding of the National Socialist's organizational and aesthetic vision is significant in understanding the musical climate of the 1920s, thus making the circumstances in which these two operas had their premiere better understood. * * * By contextualizing the socio-political climate of the Weimar Republic in the 1920s, I draw on the sociological implications and significance of Krenek's Jonny spielt auf and Korngold's Das Wunder der Heliane. Through discussion of plot, musical style, characters, and symbolism, I illustrate how these operas exemplify the evolving social 10 In addition to Potter, several scholars have investigated the musical culture, rather than the discipline of musicology, during the Nazi regime. For example, much research has been done on the Reichsmusikkammer, anti- Semitic musical propaganda and the Aryanization of music. The following are invaluable resources that place the musical climate of the 1920s into context: Erik Levi, Music in the Third Reich (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994); Michael Kater, The Twisted Muse: Musicians and Their Music in the Third Reich (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997).

20 10 milieu of the Weimar Republic, and by extension the Austrian Republic, in the late 1920s. My thesis provides the first systematic study of these two operas, one of which glances forward while the other looks backward during this transitional and volatile era in cultural history. I elucidate how this societal transformation, quickly stifled by fascism, was represented in the musical styles of two very different works and how these musical styles correspond to their social milieu and present a larger sociological parallel. With their vastly different styles and subject matter, Jonny spielt auf and Das Wunder der Heliane encapsulate the dichotomous spirit of Austro-German culture and society.

21 11 CHAPTER I THE AFTERMATH OF WORLD WAR I After the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand at Sarajevo on 28 June 1914, Europe launched a war that ended with the disappearance of the great ruling families of the Hohenzollerns in Germany and the Hapsburgs in Austria. When Germany surrendered four years later, the conclusion of World War I and the dismantling of the existing monarchies occurred simultaneously. Discredited by the outcome of the war, the monarchical political system lost its appeal in the Austro-German states. Both newly formed German and Austrian republics moved quickly to form democracies. Because of their shared pasts during the centuries of monarchical rule, after the breakup of the Empire Germany and Austria existed not as separated entities but rather as a unit, each dependent on the other in politics, culture, and economics. In response to the divided political ideologies of Austrians during the post-world War I era, a coalition government was formed of the two major parties, the

22 12 Christian Socialists and the Social Democrats. The political ideologies behind the new Austrian Republic were compromised; on the one hand, Christian Socialists had been happy under the empire and would have preferred a constitutional monarchy, while on the other hand, the Social Democrats viewed the new coalition government as a precursor to a socialist system. Austrian Jewish writer Stephan Zweig enumerated the political situation by saying: [Austria], pillaged and desolate, managed to escape disintegration... In the critical hour the political parties, despite their fundamental differences, formed a coalition government. There were mutual concessions in order to prevent a catastrophe which might have swept all Europe with it, and in due time life became ordered and integrated.11 In 1920 the short-lived coalition crumbled and the Christian Socialists came into power. During this time the German nationalist faction established the Grossdeutsche Volkspartei (Greater German People's Party) and became active in Austrian politics. 11 Douglas Jarman, "Vienna after the Empire" in Modern Times, ed. Robert P. Morgan (London: Macmillan Press, 1993), 61.

23 13 Throughout the 1920s the Austrian Republic, as in the Weimar Republic, witnessed a surge in extremist political views. With the fluctuating and eventually declining economy came an intensified fissure among political parties. As pronounced differences between the two major political parties became more apparent with the disintegration of the coalition government, the formation of private armies for these parties created a precarious political situation. In the late 1920s the relationship between the two major parties deteriorated and frequent clashes occurred between the private armies of the two parties the Social Democrats' Schutzbund and the Christian Socialist's Heimwehr.12 Prompted by the escalating political unrest in the Austrian Republic, the economic situation was equally grim. After World War I, the Austrian economy suffered greatly because it no longer was part of a larger empire. As a part 12 The Schutzbund, a paramilitary organization, was founded in 1922 at the initiative of the Social Democrat Party in opposition to the Heimwehr, the paramilitary organization of the Christian Socialist Party. In 1934 the Heimwehr formed an alliance with the National Socialist Party and were responsible for most of the anti-jewish riots during Hitler's reign.

24 14 of the Hapsburg monarchy, Austria had established economic interrelationships with the other lands of the Empire. Now that the Empire had dissolved, the Austrian Republic became more dependent on outside resources. Because the area previously had depended on other nations, energy and food resources were not developed and the country did not have the capital to invest in new enterprises.13 With the loss of agricultural land to Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Poland, Austria lost its autonomy and had to rely on imported products to sustain its people. Moreover, none of the successor states was interested in reestablishing old relationships, and the adoption of high tariffs made trade with these lands less desirable. Because of her lack of resources and industry, Austria had an equally gloomy financial picture. Debts of war, liquidation of the empire, and war reparations contributed to the fall of the currency value. Expenses exceeded revenues, and the resulting inflation made the Austrian currency virtually worthless by the time Ignaz Seipel assumed the chancellery in May But Seipel's 13 Jarman, 72.

25 15 administration dealt immediately with existing terrible economic conditions in Austria by stabilizing the currency. Although Seipel succeeded in stabilizing the finances of the Austrian Republic for a few years, the general economic and political picture turned bleak. Following the Seipel administration, weak leaders, especially the ministry of Johann Schober, governed the Republic. Schober's administration was overwhelmed by the renewal of the economic crisis and the increasingly violent actions of the Heimwehr. As the economy worsened, the political climate of Austria grew in intensity and the Heimwehr increased in strength and adopted more conservative, fascist ideologies. In spite of the escalating political demise of the Republic, Austrians seemed.more concerned about the worsening economy than the political climate. Unemployment skyrocketed and taxes and prices reached high levels. An influx of foreigners from Poland and Hungary triggered racism and bigotry among a faction of Austrians as these people were seen as an economic burden and threat to the already dismal Austrian economy. As the economic situation worsened in the early 1930s, conservative, insular political ideologies gained ground among the

26 16 Austrian population, giving rise to National Socialism and proving the fragility of the situation. In the Weimar Republic, a similarly unpredictable economic situation ensued. After a few years of unprecedented economic growth in the early 1920s, Germany's unemployment rose to nearly ten percent during the 1920s, and in 1928 strong signs of recession loomed. Similarly, as the economy worsened, so did the political situation. As the Weimar Republic came to be viewed as a failed democracy and an emblem of defeat, Germans became more divided in their views. As one segment of the population upheld anything modern or republican, another faction defended and encouraged its nineteenth-century heritage. Naturally, these radically opposing views, much like those in the Austrian Republic, insured a lack of socio-political consensus. At the same time, this lack of consensus among factions also provided a stimulus for artistic activity. Similar to the socio-political divide among Austro-Germans, a similar discord existed in terms of aesthetic principles. In the musical world, a clash between republican and Wilhelmine, progressive and conservative, ensued. As some saw the infiltration of non-germanic music as a threat to

27 17 national heritage, the modernist faction embraced it and began to challenge traditional notions of Austro-German culture. In an era of political anxiety and economic fears, Weimar culture (and by association, Austrian culture) thrived on the unrest. Despite the Weimar era's inability to balance the pre- and post-war economic and political atmospheres, a revolutionary spirit infiltrated cultural life and provided the opportunity to challenge and question previously held convictions of Austro-German culture. The Austrian Musical Establishment Long associated with a rich, yet conservative musical heritage, Vienna was taken by storm in the early twentieth century by the radical experiments of the Second Viennese School Arnold Schoenberg and his pupils Alban Berg and Anton Webern. Schoenberg's use of atonality and later dodecaphony grew out of the German, late romantic tradition. Viewing his practices as an extension of tradition, Schoenberg did not see himself as a nonconformist revolutionary who sought to destroy tradition, as so many of his peers saw him. In 1S31 Schoenberg explained that his foundation lay in the great

28 18 German tradition: Bach (counterpoint), Mozart (thematic relationship), Beethoven (development), Wagner (harmonic expression), and Brahms (phraseology).14 Throughout his career, Schoenberg frequently found himself defending the lineage of his musical style. A poll undertaken in 1930 by the Neues Weiner Tageblatt linked Vienna's favorite son Erich Wolfgang Korngold with the misunderstood modernist Schoenberg. The poll intended to rank those Austrians regarded as pillars of Austrian culture. The paper's readers placed Korngold as seventh and Schoenberg astwelfth among artists.15 While Schoenberg's inner circle of followers flourished before World War I, his recognition was not farreaching, nor were his methods understood. Throughout the 1920s, the Second Viennese School was considered extremist, and Schoenberg's circle remained secondary in Viennese musical life as the musical establishment represented, on the whole, more conservative viewpoints. As in the Weimar 14 Glenn Watkins, Soundings: Music in the Twentieth Century (New York: Schirmer Books, 1995), Jarman, 63.

29 19 Republic, so too among the predominantly conservative Austrian public, a modernist faction supplied new musical, artistic, and literary trends from abroad. Although at the time Schoenberg's music did not have far-reaching effects, his music, along with that of other modernists, provided fodder for the debate between modernity and traditionalism-. Moreover, much of the attention that Schoenberg attracted in the 1920s was negative in nature, and critics 'often portrayed him as a musical pariah. However, in the 1920s the musical establishment began shifting its attention from the lofty, esoteric style of Schoenberg and his school to the newest trend in the Weimar Republic, Neue Sachlichkeit, or "new objectivity." Neue Sachlichkeit, a term coined in 1923 by-gustav Friedrich Hartlaub, was the artistic trend that marked a dramatic renunciation of Expressionism and adopted a new kind of practicality with emphasis on social realism. A product of its time, Neue Sachlichkeit came about as a direct result of post-war disenchantment with nineteenth-century artistic values. Consequently, most music of this type was both anti-wagnerian and anti-schoenbergian, embodying the notion of sobriety and detachment and presenting an unemotional, non-romantic approach to everyday issues. Oftentimes,

30 20 popular musical elements and vocabulary were used in this new trend, and the musical inspiration was American or French, from the victors of World War I. Neue Sachlichkeit was the general term for this trend, and Hindemith's Gebrauchsmusik and Weill's and Krenek's Zeitopern were the musical manifestations of the movement. Gebrauchsmusik dismissed traditional tendencies and celebrated practicality, usefulness, relevance, and the use of modern technology through mechanical instruments. Zeitoper, on the other hand, maintained some traditional roots but implemented non-traditional instruments, stage techniques, and modern technology to renew the genre. After World War I many Austro-German artists viewed the military defeat of the Empire as an affirmation of the worthlessness of the past tradition and a need to engage a broader audience. With the creation of both the Weimar and Austrian Republics, some believed former notions of German artistic ideals should be shunned, and the quest for new directions began. As some artists and musicians renounced the past, a strong tension within society prevailed. While the more liberal and cynical faction of society adopted these new directions with fervor, the conservative faction defended,

31 21 upheld, and crusaded for its nineteenth-century heritage. As Peter Heyworth stated: The young republic inscribed the slogans of cultural innovation on its banners, but public taste remained essentially Wilhelmine. Hence the scene was set for a clash between an essentially conservative society and a radical culture.16 Although Heyworth spoke of the Weimar Republic, his observations hold true for the Austrian Republic as well. Not only did most of Austrian society remain conservative but also critics of the major Austrian newspapers were staunchly conservative. For the most part, much of society opposed the modern spirit of the Republics.17 Nonetheless, a radical subculture formed in virtually every aspect of artistic endeavors, while general audiences of the time continued to revere their nineteenth-century heritage. As this radical subculture defined the spirit of the time, great debates concerning the nature and purpose of 16 Peter Heyworth, Otto Klemperer: His Life and Times, vol. I: (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 1.

32 22 art ensued. Although the conservative segment of society still held on, this era of intense reexamination and questioning sparked much debate about the nature and purpose of art. In the musical world, young composers and critics indulged in passionate dialogue concerning the chaotic state of music and its future in Austro-German society. Most hotly debated was opera's postwar state of uncertainty and turmoil. Opera in the Weimar and Austrian Republics and the Perceived Opernkrise During the 1920s, critics, composers, and musicians engaged in debates concerning operatic style, content, and staging. As the decade progressed, a reduction in opera attendance generated growing concern for the future of the genre. Writers and critics became increasingly aware of the artistic and social significance of opera in this new era and often weighed issues related to musical, theatrical, and dramatic trends. They discussed the looming, so-called Opernkrise, the alleged crisis resulting from economic conditions, the controversy between absolute music and dramatic music, new entertainment media that competed with opera, and the technical issues of operatic

33 23 production. For many of them, the debate focused on whether opera should continue Wagnerian practices, emphasizing the individual, human emotion, and symbolism and treating grand, timeless themes, or rebel against the past, accentuating community, Alltaglichkeit (everydayness), and the dark side of humanity, and dealing with larger sociological, political situations. The main issue concerned Zeitoper as the solution to the Opernkrise. As the decade came to a close, one contingent of the musical establishment believed that the genre in general was endangered. Essays titled "Krisis in der Oper" ("Crisis in Opera"), "Die Krise in deutsche Opernshaffen" ("The Crisis in the German Opera House"), and "Gibt es eine Krise der Oper?" ("Is there an Crisis in Opera?") filled music journals.18 These and other contemporary reviews and descriptions revealed a common opinion that opera should reflect modern society and close the gap between "serious" 18 Ernst Schliepe, "Krisis in der Oper," Signale fur die musikalische Welt 89 (1931): ; Hans Stieber, "Die Krise im deutschen Opernschaffen," Rheinische Musik-und- Theater-Zeitung 27 (1926): 8-9; Julius Kapp, "Gibt es eine Krise der Oper?" Blatter der Staatsoper 9 (April 1929) : 10-12; cited in Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 9.

34 24 and "popular" music to alleviate the Opernkrise.19 Critics Adolf Weissmann, Hans Mersmann, Adolf Aber, Kurt Westphal, and Hans Curjel hailed Zeitoper as the solution. Soon after the Leipzig premiere of Jonny spielt auf, Weissmann wrote that Krenek had revealed himself to be a musician who understood his time and that his opera was "a definite reflection of the Zeitgeist and for that reason of the greatest musical significance."1920 Curjel emphasized the mass appeal of Zeitoper in his essay "Triumph der Alltaglichkeit," stating, "A work should fulfill a definite purpose for the listener or viewer. In a new sense, the work is created for the consumer."21 As many of the essays suggest, the glorification of the "everyday" and timeliness in Zeitoper should lead naturally to a more direct relationship between artist and audience; furthermore, this healthier relationship was believed to remedy any looming Opernkrise. 19 Cook, Opera for a New Republic, Ibid., Ibid., 67.

35 25 Although progressive journals and critics supported operatic experimentation and Zeitoper, more conservative journals and critics spoke out against the solutions of the anti-wagnerians to the post-war Opernkrise. Some critics believed Zeitoper was only exacerbating the crisis; the «issue of topicality, based in "everydayness" or Alltaglichkeit, became the point of departure for their arguments. Hermann von Walterhausen, Julius Kapp, and Fritz Ohrmann were major supporters of adhering to Wagnerian rhetoric. Walterhausen suggested, for example, that modern opera should strive toward a loftier goal than the "everyday," in keeping with Wagnerian sentiment. Kapp, employed by the most conservative of Berlin's opera houses, the Staatsoper, denied the existence of an Opernkrise in his essay "Gibt es eine Krise der Oper?" in Blatter der Staatsoper. He believed that the decline in audience attendance resulted from several factors, above all that spectators preferred not to be reminded of the problems of the day on the opera stage. The opera experience was supposed to be an escape from the realities of life Ibid., 69.

36 26 Although the Opernkrise and its solution were central issue among critics, most of the controversy centered on the future of Wagnerian music drama in the post-war republics. The musical establishment struggled with how music drama related to a post-war, modernist artistic vision that sought new principles for Austro-German music. Most of the pejorative Wagnerian views had more to do with how the late romantic idiom was perceived by composers and critics than with Wagner's compositional style.23 Nonetheless, a "general boredom" with Wagner was often expressed, as Alfredo Casella described in the following excerpt from Modern Music: In Germany we find another characteristic sign of the times one which would have defied credence twenty years ago, namely an ever growing appreciation of Verdi, both by the public and the young musicians, as against a general boredom with Wagner. There is nothing startling in this development if we recognize the prevalent temper of the European public, which increasingly demands art that is above all, dynamic, synthetic and amusing and now shuns everything that is or seems tedious Ibid., Alfredo Casella, "Reflections on the European Season," Modern Music V (May-June 1928) : 17.

37 27 One of the era's most vocal Wagnerian critics was Ferruccio Busoni. Published in 1907, Busoni's treatise Entwurf einer neuen Asthetik der Tonkunst discounted nineteenth-century trends and Wagnerian dramatic principles. Its second printing in 1916 reached a larger audience, and composers like Krenek, Weill, and Hindemith noticed Busoni's ideas. In 1925 Busoni's opera Doktor Faust was completed posthumously by his student Philip Jarnach. Capturing Busoni's ideas for operatic subject matter, Doktor Faust enjoyed success at its Dresden premiere. Lazare Saminsky, a popular music critic, referred to it as "a relief from the stodgy and artificial continuity of the Wagnerian music drama."25 This work served as a model for the young composer Ernst Krenek. The influential music critic Paul Bekker also contributed to the progressive ideologies of post-war opera omposers. Bekker supported the works of less modern composers like Franz Schreker but recognized in Busoni a champion of reforms who proceeded "from a realization of 25 Lazare Saminsky, "More about Faustus," Modern Music (November-December 1927): 39.

38 28 opera's need for thorough remodeling."26 Bekker argued that art no longer belonged solely to the upper echelon of society but represented the greater populace. He believed that the new society created within the Weimar Republic necessitated new forms of artistic expression, which would be the truly, productive, direct incarnation of the new state. The cultural life of the community is the justification and culmination of the economic life; both need, support and supplement one another. The "State of Social Rights' determines the state of social art.27 Stressing the notion that opera was a product of its time, Bekker explained: If, then, we speak of the opera of today, we must first dispose of the widely held opinion that the opera is the product of a long-outdated social order, and that it can therefore be regarded in our time onl} as a sort of fossil remain of a culture belonging to < past society. The opposite is true: the opera is not of court origin, and has always and everywhere adaptec 26 Paul Bekker, The Changing Opera, trans. Arthur Mendel (London: J.M. Dent, 1936), Paul Bekker, "Die Kunst geht nach Brot," in Kritische Zeithilder (Berlin: Schuster and Loeggler, 1921), 217; translated and cited in Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 12.

39 29 itself to the prevailing social order.28 This idea of art's representing the contemporary community influenced Krenek and became vital to the foundation of Zeitoper. With the numerous debates concerning the Opernkrise, the musical establishment was hesitant to accept new aesthetic ideologies. For instance, Alfredo Casella contended that regardless of the increased discourse, very little had changed: The programs of recent years reveal no notable change in the taste of the European public since the end of the war. At the opera, Wagner, Verdi and Puccini (Mozart in Germany) remain the gods of the crowd.29 It may be said that the reengangement of opera classics in the European houses was merely a financial necessity. As economic conditions worsened in the mid 1920s, opera houses remained conservative in their programming in order to 28 Paul Bekker, "The Opera Walks New Paths," The Musical Quarterly 21 (July 1935) : Casella, 16.

40 30 ensure revenue. However, in the late 1920s, as more government funding became available, the situation changed. Casella added that despite the fagade of conservatism, "signs of evolution and of progress have made their appearance in the last few years, especially during the season."30 The premieres of Ernst Krenek's revolutionary Jonny spielt auf and Erich Wolfgang Korngold's Das Wunder der Heliane in 1927 illustrate the shift in musical taste that Casella commented on in the aforementioned excerpt. Moreover, the press battle regarding these two operas demonstrates the lively discussion and heated climate and transformation of Austro-German musical culture. Korngold vs. Krenek: The Press, the Premiere, and the Reviews In Vienna during the 1920s, the Neue freie Presse was the formative influence on Viennese opinion. The journal's music critic, Julius Korngold (father of the composer), remained a staunch conservative who often expressed 30 Ibid.

41 31 irreverent attitudes about new musical styles. A lawyer by profession, Korngold maintained an equally important career in music. In 1901 he moved from Moravia to Vienna to practice law, and in that city his work as a critic changed the course of his life. As Eduard Hanslick's successor as chief music critic at Neue freie Presse, Korngold wielded extraordinary power.31 Throughout his thirty-year tenure at the newspaper, he repeatedly rebuffed modern trends that offended his traditionalist sensibilities. During the early 1920s, Korngold often criticized Richard Strauss's management of the Vienna Staatsoper, remarking that the programming and supervision of the organization had deteriorated since his appointment. His condemnations of Strauss placed his son, Erich Wolfgang, a frequent conductor at the Vienna Staatsoper, in the middle of a volatile situation. In 1924 Richard Strauss resigned from the Vienna Staatsoper, and Franz Schalk, Julius Korngold's former student, became the director.32 Schalk's employment 31 Carroll, The Last Prodigy, Duchen, 97.

42 32 coincided with the Viennese premiere of Krenek's Jonny spielt auf. Because of allegiances to Julius Korngold, Schalk's appointment, concurrent with the premiere of Krenek's opera, prompted criticism. In fact, despite the success of Jonny spielt auf at its Leipzig premiere in February 1927, Schalk, a vehement supporter of the Korngold family, was hesitant to stage Krenek's work in Vienna. In the end, he refused to stage the opera, in keeping with Julius Korngold's wishes. Eager to cash in on Jonny's success, however, other European opera companies prepared their own productions of the work.33 Estimating the potential for box-office draw at a financially dismal time, the general administrator of the Austrian State Theaters, Franz Schneiderhan, overruled Schalk's decision and insisted that the opera be staged at the Staatsoper as soon as possible.34 Upon Schneiderhan's decision, Julius Korngold immediately defended Schalk and called for respect of his authority as the director of the Vienna Staatsoper. 33 German premieres: Berlin, 8 October 1927; Hamburg,27 October 1927; Munich, 16 June 1929; Wiesbaden, late October (Exact date unknown.) 34 Carroll, The Last Prodigy, 198.

43 33 Despite Julius Korngold's defense, rehearsals for the production began. The Viennese premiere of Jonny, scheduled for 31 December 1927, overshadowed the production of Erich Wolfgang Korngold's Das Wunder der Heliane, set to have its world premiere in Hamburg in October Conducted by Egon Poliak, the performances of Jonny were hailed with praise and commendation.35 While Erich Wolfgang Korngold went to Hamburg for the world premiere of Heliane, his father fought the Viennese press battle between Jonny and Heliane. Like his fellow conservatives, Julius Korngold viewed the infiltration of non-germanic elements as a threat to the German operatic tradition. A staunchly conservative music critic, Julius Korngold viewed all things modern with disdain. But Krenek's opera drew more fire and hostility than usual from Korngold. Fighting an aesthetic and personal battle against Krenek's work, Julius Korngold set out to protect his son's future as a composer. 35 The cast included Maria Hussa, the principal high dramatic soprano in the Hamburg company, as Heliane; Rudolf

44 34 At the time, however, it seemed as if Erich Korngold's future was not endangered. The reviews of Heliane following the Hamburg premiere were indicative of the people's admiration for Korngold's music. Ferdinand Pfohl, one of the most distinguished critics of the time, wrote positively about the opera: E.W. Korngold has remained true to himself and to his music, both in his new opera and in the new period of development and maturity that followed Die tote Stadt, the mighty creative effort of his youth. He, who belongs to no partisan trend... trusts in his own talent which has no equal among contemporary musicians... And was the work a success? It was really extraordinary, rising from act to act, ending in a storm of applause for artist, conductor, and above all, the composer himself, who took repeated curtain calls.36 With an all-star cast, Lotte Lehmann as Heliane and Jan Kiepura as The Stranger, and the Vienna Philharmonic led by Franz Schalk, the 29 October Viennese premiere was sold out.37 Despite Heliane's initial success and Bockelmann as The Ruler; and lyric tenor Carl Gunther as The Stranger. 36 Carroll, The Last Prodigy, Originally, Korngold had composed Heliane especially for Maria Jeritza in the leading role, and his hopes were to have her sing the first performance in Vienna. However,

45 35 uncomplicated production in Hamburg, its Viennese debut was surrounded by complications. Due to conflicts with singers, Korngold's original plan to hold two premieres with two star casts on successive nights did not materialize. Rather, his well-known work, Die tote Stadt, was performed on the second night.38 Characteristic of Viennese musical circles, a rumor circulated that the second performance of Heliane did not take place due to its failure, adding to the scandalous gossip and great anticipation surrounding Heliane's Viennese premiere. The Viennese reviews were satisfactory, but they focused mainly on the opera's weaknesses. Although the critics praised Korngold's compositional technique, they condemned the opera's libretto problems, as in the her international career had blossomed in the mid 1920s, and Jeritza declined due to a previous engagement, and Schalk suggested that Vienna's other star prima donna, Lotte Lehmann, consider the role of Heliane. Lehmann had many misgivings about the role; however, after a dinner invitation and Korngold's performance of the entire opera at the piano, she decided to sing the role. Many decades later, Lehmann modestly dismissed her performance, stating that the role would have been better played by "the very young and lovely Margit Angerer." Ibid. 38Marcel Prawy, The Vienna Opera (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1969), 122.

46 36 following review by Hans Liebestockl from the Neues Wiener Tagblatt: Right into the middle of the turbulent ravings of today's modern musical impotents now falls the glowing light of Korngold's new opera, which while experimenting freely with new tonal and expressive possibilities faithfully preserves the pure substance and essence of post-wagnerian musical dramas... In the text, many things appear contrived and coldly constructed, Korngold's music ennobles them... The opera is cast in one mould... From the infant prodigy, Korngold has emerged a great master.39 Nevertheless, the lukewarm Viennese reviews of the opera failed to rescue Heliane from being a victim of critical politics. The opera continued to be staged in a few cities throughout Germany, enjoying moderate success in Munich, Nuremberg, Chemnitz, Breslau and Luebeck but dismissed as backward by critics in Berlin.40 Following the mixed reaction and political circumstances surrounding Heliane, Erich Wolfgang Korngold ceased major composition for several years. 39 Carroll, The Last Prodigy, Ibid., 204.

47 37 While Heliane struggled to survive on European stages, despite some negative press Jonny spielt auf flourished. For several weeks before its Viennese premiere scheduled for 31 December 1927, Viennese critics continued to denounce the opera. Julius Korngold wrote the following about the work in his memoirs: This opera [had]...a text which could have been written by a high school pupil. A bustle of jazz and sundry props foreign to opera were meant to stun the public. After efforts to gain a foothold in Germany, [Krenek] befriended Vienna because of the good wine, so he proclaimed publicly and declared himself for Schubert, confirming this bold endorsement by active imitation. It is not surprising that this flexible schemer, who might turn a chorale into jazz or a Beethoven scherzo into operetta, engaged in pranks against insubordinate critics.41 In response to the fiery debate between Krenek's defenders and critics, Austrian public opinion was divided into two camps. Feeding the public uproar, the Austrian Tobacco Company produced two new cigarettes called "Jonny" and "Heliane." 42 Even the cigarettes represented a point 41 Ibid., Ibid., 199.

48 38 of view. The "Heliane" was an expensive, delicate, and exotic smoke with a mouthpiece shaped like a rose petal. The "Jonny" was a cheap smoke and at the bottom of the market but more affordable to the populace. In fact, years later the "Jonny" smoke was still available, while "Heliane" was discontinued.43 More significant than the flippant, harmless marketing campaign pursued by the Austrian Tobacco Company was the National Socialist's crusade against Jonny. Prior to the Viennese premiere, Schalk and his National Socialist friends engaged party members to stage a blatant campaign against Jonny. Dubbed a jazz opera, Jonny spielt auf became a victim of National Socialist propaganda, and because of American Negro jazz influences, the opera was deemed entartet or degenerate. Although the Nazis were not actually denouncing Krenek in favor of Korngold, Julius Korngold's campaign was advanced by their denunciation. In addition to the Neue freie Presse, Nazi propaganda papers printed anti-krenek articles. As one example, DOTZ (Deutsch-dsterrerichische Tagezeitung) pleaded with the 43 Duchen, 126.

49 39 Viennese public to boycott "this Jewish desecration of the Staatsoper by a work containing jazz tunes and a pornographic plot."44 The Nazi attacks did little to stifle Jonny's success, however; in fact, they incited excitement and curiosity about the work. Flabbergasted by the excitement and interest generated by the negative Nazi campaign, Julius Korngold relentlessly continued his attempts to defame Krenek's Zeitoper. He sent copies of a scathing twelve-column review of Jonny to all theaters that planned to stage it. Denouncing Korngold's actions, Universal Edition (Krenek's publisher) printed flyers citing positive reviews of the work with excerpts from Korngold's comments in a parallel column.45 A copy sent to the Neue freie Presse never made it into print; nonetheless, the paper devoted its front page to an article titled "The End of the Opera Rumpus."46 The article ended the ongoing battle between Korngold's and Krenek's 44 Stewart, Carroll, The Last Prodigy, Author unknown; cited in Alfred Mathis, "Elisabeth Schumann and the Vienna Opera," Opera 24 (November, 1973): 979.

50 40 supporters, but it mobilized a negative sentiment toward the Korngold family with its interpretation of Julius Korngold's antics.47 Although Heliane debuted before Jonny, the Viennese press was engrossed in discussion of Krenek's sensation. In addition, one may conclude that the Nazi condemnation of Krenek's opera did little to harm its reputation and may even have helped to enhance its success. Since the public's attention focused more on the Viennese premiere of Jonny spielt auf, the first performance of Heliane was eclipsed by the uproar over Jonny. Despite only satisfactory reviews, Korngold's Heliane continued to be performed throughout the Weimar Republic; however, the Nazi denunciation of the opera (because of its Jewish composer) 47 Unfortunately, I have not been able to acquire a copy of this scathing review that defamed Krenek's opera and his artistic legitimacy. Later in his memoirs, Julius Korngold recognized the disastrous effect that his antics had on his son and realized that his actions as a music critic had harmed his son: "Being wronged, persecuted by an active musical party, boycotted in its German sphere of influence, he awakened from the naive dream of creation and lost his joy of it. These were hard times for me also, since I had to admit to myself that my convictions as a critic had contributed to reprisals against my son." Carroll, The Last Prodigy, 204.

51 41 and the cancellation of many productions (due.to.small boxoffice draws) proved damaging to the work. The circumstances surrounding these two operas and their dissimilar aesthetic notions represent the deeply divided culture of this era. As Austro-German historian Eberharb Kolb explains, "we may say that there were two cultures which had scarcely anything to say to each other and were mutually alien and hostile, each denying that the other was a culture at all."48 As the subsequent chapters illustrate, these two works represent a confrontation in aesthetic and cultural matters and like all art of the period, aggravated the basic political discord among Austro-Germans. 48 Eberhard Kolb, The Weimar Republic, trans. P.S. Falla (London: Unwin Hyman, 1988), 84.

52 42 CHAPTER II JONNY SPIELT AUF: GENRE, CHARACTERS, PLOT, AND MUSICAL STYLE AS SOCIAL COMMENTARY ON THE NEW CENTURY Often criticized for its lack of stylistic consistency, Krenek's oeuvre spans more than seven decades of the twentieth century. Krenek composed in an atonal language, with elements of French neo-classicist style and the integration of American popular music and jazz dance idioms. As an avant-garde composer of the early 1920s, Krenek represented the "new music" of the Weimar Republic that in response to social upheavals after 1918 reassessed the purpose of art, replacing highbrow attitudes toward art with a more direct, witty, and middle-class approach. In order to understand Krenek's creative impetus for Jonny spielt auf, knowledge of Krenek's Berlin years is essential. Although Krenek identified his trip to Paris in December 1924 as the strongest influence in the creation of Jonny, his early works and association with Berlin composers, performers, and critics were also significant to the opera. In 1920 Krenek went to Berlin to study

53 43 composition with Franz Schreker at the Hochschule fur Musik. While studying at the Hochschule, Krenek made the acquaintance of pianist and composer Eduard Erdmann, who, in turn, introduced him to pianist Artur Schnabel. Both Erdmann and Schnabel introduced Krenek to American jazz, which he integrated into his music. Schnabel routinely exposed Krenek to American popular music and provided him with sheet music and recordings for his study. Susan Cook cites Krenek's comments on this subject: Schnabel was fascinated with America, according to Krenek, and enjoyed playing his examples of American popular music for Krenek and his friends. Krenek remembers this music as consisting of popular songs by George Gershwin, Irving Berlin and other Tin Pan Alley composers.49 As a testament to Schnabel's and Erdmann's influence, Krenek's first American jazz-inspired works appeared in the early 1922: Toccata und Chaconne, op. 13 and a single movement "Tanzstudie." Both works post-date Schnabel's first American tour and were most likely the product of 49 Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 77. Phone conversation with Krenek from 1982.

54 44 Schnabel's musical imports and Schanbel's own works, which Erdmann frequently performed. In 1923 both jazz-inspired works were published in the Universal-Edition Grotesken Album piano anthology. Because of its diversity and the startling contrasts in the music, the collection was named "The Grotesque Album." The editor, Charles Selig remarked that the works it contained exemplified "how young composers had turned away from traditional formal and harmonic principles and sought inspiration in folk music or modern dance."50 The Toccata und Chaconne were based on the chorale "Ja, ich glaub an Jesum Christum" and were published along with an appendix, op. 13a, titled Eine kleine Suite von Stucken uber denselbigen Choral verschiedenen Charakters. Studies of old contrapuntal forms, the Toccata und Chaconne included dissonant harmonies and its appendix contained neo-classical inspired movements. A concluding movement, "Foxtrott," contrasted greatly from the rest of the movements. The swinging melody and syncopated rhythm 50 Ibid., 78. "Tanzstudie," with its persistent tango rhythm, was the only work in the antthology that incorporated a modern dance idiom.

55 45 illustrated Krenek's understanding of the foxtrot's character. By 1923, Krenek had become interested in the popularity and commercial vitality of his music; consequently, he concerned himself with reaching a larger audience through his compositions. His journey to Paris in 1924 solidified his new ideology and proved important to the composition of Jonny. Krenek often wrote about the effects of the trip and the subsequent development of his style: I was fascinated by what appeared to me the happy equilibrium, perfect poise, grace, elegance, and clarity which I thought I perceived in the French music of that period... I decided that the tenets which I had followed so far in writing "modern music" were totally wrong. Music according to my new philosophy had to fit the well-defined demands of the community for which it was written; it had to be useful, entertaining and practical.51 Krenek's trip to Paris centered on arranging a performance of his third opera, Orpheus und Eurydike,- 51 Ernst Krenek, "Self-Analysis," New Mexico Quarterly 23, no. 1 (1953) : 14.

56 46 however, the trip had deeper meaning, as suggested in the following letter to Paul Bekker: I believe that my stay in Paris will have an entirely decisive meaning for me: The people understand something there which we either never got or have forgotten: to live. Thus art occupies a completely different sphere, and daily I experience new surprises, such as those I might find in South America. I doubt that my original plan for which I came to Paris will come about. To perform Orpheus in Paris would be like translating Palestrina into Chinese. No one would understand the piece. Instead, I now have the greatest desire to write something especially for Paris.52 In contrast to what he perceived in Germany and Austria, in Paris Krenek observed a specific, non-germanic artistic mentality. Furthermore, Krenek's implementation of French aesthetics became the dramatic theme of Jonny spielt auf and also the basis of essays that are discussed below. 52 Krenek to Bekker, letter of 9 December 1924, cited in Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 83.

57 47 Krenek's Ideas about and Involvement in the Evolution of Zeitoper In 1925 Krenek presented a talk titled "Musik in der Gegenwart" to the Congress on Music and Aesthetics, later published in Funf-und-zwanzig Jahre neue Musik (1926), a collection of articles by critics celebrating Universal Edition's twenty-fifth anniversary.53 In this essay, Krenek stated that throughout history composers had turned to the community for inspiration, and thus the community exercised control over a composer's output. Expounding on his idea regarding the community's inspiration to composers, Krenek concluded that various societal issues contributed to divisions in the community; further, the divisions in societal ideology produced a difference between light and serious music. He postulated that this societal chasm contributed to the mediocre musical world of the post-war era and that the music of central Europe appealed only to a small contingent the intelligentsia. Reconsidering their audience, many composers aimed to appeal to the 53 Susan C. Cook translates this entire excerpt in Appendix B of Opera for a New Republic. It is from this translation

58 48 bourgeoisie. Pointing to Schoenberg, Krenek referred to modernist composers as the executors of cerebral music that no longer appealed to the majority of consumers who preferred entertaining music over what Krenek called "headin-hands" music. He declared further that composers should no longer compose for posterity. In accordance with the ideals of Neue Sachlichkeit and Hindemith's Gebrauchsmusik, Krenek believed that composers must compose for practicality and functionality. Krenek applied this philosophy to the plot of Jonny spielt auf. Offering suggestions for the future development of opera, Krenek espoused the importance of a libretto with a psychological impact that relies on familiar cultural personages. Adhering to the principles of Zeitoper, Jonny spielt auf used recognizable characters and comedic social satire that imitated contemporary life. The brooding, esoteric intellectual composer, Max, represented the familiar Romantic artist of the nineteenth century, a character quite familiar to European audiences. With her twentieth- century grit and tenacity, Anita, the opera diva, and comments in her discussion of the passage that I launch

59 49 epitomized the new woman of the Weimar Republic. Typical of violinists associated with salon orchestras of the day, Daniello characterized the shallow virtuoso, while Jonny represented the new, popular Kabarett jazz musician whose musical influence came from America. Each of these characters represented everyday life and situations, which supported the philosophy of Zeitoper. This ideology ensured mass appeal and was of utmost importance to Krenek, as he explained in "Musik in der Gegenwart": In drama in general, and particularly opera, how something is portrayed is more important than what is portrayed. And therein lies the problem of opera today: the need to locate the basic premises of our times. As far as the material itself is concerned, it is a matter of finding that all-encompassing circle of character types, facts, situations and data that we can safely assume must be well known and interesting to the greatest number of our contemporaries.34 Krenek's reliance on familiar, almost stereotypical characters and his desire to present reality reflected the 54 my discussion of the article. 54 Ernst Krenek, "Music of Today," address presented on 19 October 1925 to Congress of Music Aesthetics in Karlsruhe. Reprinted in 25 Jahre neue Musik, eds. Paul Stefan and Hans Heinsheimer (Vienna: Universal Edition, 1926), 43-59; cited in Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 201.

60 50 new aesthetic viewpoint that led to the culmination of these principles in the Zeitoper Jonny spielt auf. Throughout the opera, the composer kept an objective, non-judgmental approach to the characters and a straightforward treatment of the drama, a trend that demonstrates features of Neue Sachlichkeit. Krenek's use not only of familiar characters but also of facets of modern technological advancements and city life is characteristic of Zeitoper. The D-Zug express train appears onstage; a large station clock ticks away during times of anticipation; giant loudspeakers on the hotel broadcast Anita's voice over the mountains to Max on his glacier, signaling his need to join his lover; a radio station broadcasts Jonny's violin playing which spawns Daniello's trip to the police. These technological advancements act as catalysts for change in the dramatic action in the opera. In Jonny spielt auf modern technology plays the role of deus ex machina. As the train leaves the station, Max and Anita are reunited and journey to the land of freedom. The analogy of the "new" overthrowing the "old" may be drawn as the train transports Max, the highbrow composer, and leaves Jonny, the popular, modish entertainer, to rule over the land.

61 51 According to Susan Cook, Jonny spielt auf deserves its distinction as the first true Zeitoper.55 The following discussion examines how Krenek's approach to plot, characters, and musical style embodies the burgeoning atmosphere of the Weimar Republic, the rise of the bourgeoisie, the influence of American culture, a dismal economy that exacerbated social and political divisions, and an increasingly popular mass culture while reflecting Krenek's individual beliefs about opera's purpose and the larger picture of a turbulent and changing society. Mirroring Society: Plot, Storyline, Characters, and Symbolism in Jonny spielt auf Just as the definition of Zeitoper implies, Jonny spielt auf presents a satirical, comic look at contemporary views of the role of the artist in society, the relationship of the intellectual with the world, and the principles of freedom. Krenek used current popular music trends as the backdrop to the story. The opera thus 55 Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 88.

62 52 captures the spirit of the age and the societal changes taking place during the late 1920s. After my summary of the opera, I discuss the social ramifications of the dramatic action and the characters involved.56 Scenes i/ii On his glacier in the mountains, Max meets Anita and they fall in love. Eventually, Anita feels stifled by Max's love. In an attempt to reconcile, Max offers her the manuscript of his new opera. Unfortunately, Anita must travel to Paris to perform the opera. Max begs her to stay, but she leaves anyway. Scene iii While in Paris, Anita is pursued by a black jazz musician named Jonny. Rescued from Jonny's advances by Daniello, the virtuoso and ladies' man, Anita falls victim to lust. Overcoming her inhibitions, she and Daniello spend the night together. Meanwhile, Jonny has ulterior motives as he has asked his lover, Yvonne, a chambermaid, to gain him access to Daniello's room, so that he may steal his Amati violin. While Daniello and Anita consummate their relationship, Jonny succeeds in stealing the violin and hides it in Anita's banjo case. 56 My summary of the opera is based upon and adapted from Susan C. Cook's summary, included in Opera for a New Republic,

63 53 Scenes iv-vi Preparing to leave for home, Anita is approached by Daniello. Explaining that she is involved with Max, Anita spurns Daniello's love. His confidence wounded, he seeks revenge and asks for Anita's ring, by which to remember her. Anita asks Yvonne to come with her as her personal maid. Daniello then slips Yvonne the ring and gives her specific instructions to give it to Max. Max waits all night for Anita's return. Commenting that Anita has melted the ice that used to isolate him, Max admits he now knows what it is to be alive. Anita finally arrives and they discuss their differences. Max explains why he loves the glacier and the security it provides him. Anita complains that the glacier suffocates her and that life and happiness are elsewhere. Max must find assurance within himself, not her. Innocently, Yvonne gives Max Anita's ring that has come from Daniello. Upset, Max rushes to the glacier for solace. After following Anita and the banjo case, Jonny removes Daniello's violin in the company of Yvonne. Jonny explains to Yvonne that he is the rightful owner of the violin, as the Old World no longer understands what to do with it. Scenes vii-ix Max contemplates suicide but the voice of the glacier rejects him and demands that he return to life. At this decisive moment, he hears Anita singing his song from the nearby resort's loudspeaker and he is drawn to her. On the radio, Jonny's jazz band can be heard and the timbre of the violin sparks Daniello's concern and he alerts police. Jonny puts the violin with Max's luggage. Waiting for Anita, Max decides to go to America with her, where she has a new job. The Amati violin is discovered and Max is arrested. While Anita waits for Max, Daniello alerts her to Max's theft. While trying to prevent

64 54 Yvonne from clearing Max's name, Daniello falls into the path of an approaching train. Scenes x-xi At the police station, Yvonne spots Jonny lurking around, attempting to nab the violin again. He promises that he will liberate Max and crawls into the police car with him. The police drive the two in for questioning. During the transport, Max realizes that his passiveness has allowed life to happen to him without his input. He vows to take control of his own destiny and just before the train is to leave, Max jumps on to join Anita, who is impressed by his assertiveness. Jonny stays behind and swings onto a station clock, which turns into a globe. He plays a dance tune on the violin and the crowd goes wild over the music of the New World. Max, a prototype of the brooding, pessimistic, introverted, and esoteric Central European composer, represents the Romantic artist of the Old World, and his life on the glacier parallels the world of the German intellectual. In fact, Krenek often remarked that Max was an autobiographical character who represented his early views on music, as he explained in his memoirs on his music, "Circling My Horizon." In this excerpt, Krenek speaks specifically of his first large-scale opera that explored some of the same philosophical issues later presented in Jonny:

65 55 The shy poet of Sprung [Der Sprung uber Schatten] became an introverted, problem-ridden composer, and what happened to him was not without autobiographical implications.57 An embodiment of the elitist and disconnected composer, Max is depicted as a gloomy, mountaineer artist, a portrayal that had particular contemporary appeal. Film historian Siegfried Kracauer researched the "mountain film" genre of the post-world War I era, a genre that was popularized by director Arnold Fanck, a geologist and mountaineer. In many of Fanck's popular films, mountain climbing was symbolic of human struggle. Kracauer goes on to mention that mountain climbing was quite popular with the German intelligentsia, whose lofty physical and intellectual endeavors surpassed the "valley-pigs."58 The glacier also has societal connotations. Static, yet comfortable to Max, the glacier symbolizes monarchical 57Ernst Krenek, "Circling My Horizons," in Horizons Circled: Reflections on My Music with contributions by Will Ogdon and John L. Stewart (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), Siegfried Kracauer, From Caligari to Hitler: A Psychological History of the German Film (Princeton:

66 56 rule, specifically the Hapsburg Empire, the most powerful and long-lived ruling dynasty in Europe. The glacier's sedentary and motionless nature may parallel the nineteenth century, or the "old world," and is the embodiment of the esoteric composer's (probably Schoenberg's) world of reason and law.59 In addition to the stuffy and arcane principles of the academic composer, the glacier represents the conservative, lofty, and aristocratic ideals of the Hapsburg Empire. Representing the unspoiled and sanctified, conservative nineteenth-century culture that is to be left unscathed, the glacier (as well as Max) begins to be penetrated by Jonny's modernist, industrial world. Max's eventual departure from the glacier and integration into the recklessly modern age of Jonny's world symbolize the Weimar Republic's egress from the ordered character and intrinsic values of the Hapsburg Empire and the Princeton University Press, 1947), 111; cited in Cook, Opera for a New Republic, Joseph Auner, " 'Soulless Machines' and Steppenwolves: Renegotiating Masculinity in Krenek's Jonny spielt auf" in Siren Songs: Representations of Gender and Sexuality in Opera; ed. Mary Ann Smart (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 226.

67 57 infiltration of American culture that greatly influenced Austro-German musical style and national identity. Like the divergent worlds of Jonny and Max, the environments of Anita and Max are in opposition, as Anita's cosmopolitan, lively surroundings of Paris contrast greatly with Max's stodgy and oppressive glacier. Anita's travels to Paris in scene iii represent the first of many polarities introduced in the opera. During this era, the divergence widened between the intellectual, stoic, and reserved cities of Germany and Austria and the liberal, open atmosphere of Paris. Krenek himself remarked on this divergence between the cities of central Europe and Paris. In a letter written from Paris to Paul Bekker, he explained his praise for this magical city and the opportunities he sought: It all comes together here even life itself in a completely altered sense: all the problems of art which we have discussed for so long and so often I go about in this enchanting city as if in a dream... I've come so far from middle Europe, as if I had journeyed to another planet Ernst Krenek to Bekker, letter of 9 December 1924, cited in Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 83. All Krenek-Bekker correspondence is from the Bekker papers at the Music

68 58 Anita sees Max as weak and dependent. In sharp contrast, she sees Jonny as representative of the unrestrained and carefree artist of the New World. To be sure, Krenek underscored the contrast between Max and Jonny through stage settings. Max's glacier differs from Jonny's modern industrial street-scene. For example, in scene vii the contrast between Max's natural setting and Jonny's urban environment is accentuated when Jonny's jazz-band drowns out Anita's performance of Max's aria. As Max sits upon his glacial asylum, he hears Jonny's music overshadow the performance of his aria. The conflicting worlds and ideologies of Max and Jonny are illustrated, and once again Jonny triumphs as the crowd shouts with glee at the arrival of Jonny's jazz-band. When Anita meets Jonny in scene iii, she entertains his lewd advances, but she is "saved" by the nineteenthcentury romantic icon Daniello. More sexually brazen than her nineteenth-century predecessors, Anita is a fearless, uninhibited "New Woman" of the 1920s. A source of great anxiety among the conservative faction, this new kind of Division of The Library of Congress, and Cook's use was

69 59 woman contributed to the unpleasant review of Jonny's premiere in Neue Zeitschrift fur Musik (1927) which reported " [Anita] belongs in the space of five minutes to no fewer than three men, two of whom she has just seen for the first time."61 Unlike the modern Anita, Daniello is a caricature of the passionate virtuoso, an archetypal figure of the nineteenth century. The "Don Juan" figure of the opera, he captivates Anita with his suave and sophisticated behavior. Nonetheless, Daniello's ability to woo Anita does not translate to his audiences. To be sure, his egotism prevents him from gaining admirers. In contrast to Daniello, Jonny easily attracts and sustains audiences. Jonny's theft of Daniello's Amati violin, a nineteenthcentury vehicle of expression, is taken lightly and his crime is seen as mere mischief rather than a criminal act. At this point in the opera, the larger symbolism of the theft of the violin becomes apparent. Jonny's seizure of with permission of Krenek. 61 Alfred Heuss, "Ernst Kreneks Jazz Oper, Jonny spielt auf," Zeitschrift fur Musik 94 (March, 1927) : 169.

70 60 and obsession with the violin, rather than a saxophone, threatens traditional concepts of Austro-German cultural value and entertainment. With the rise of jazz and American bandmasters in popularity and the new experiments of the Second Viennese School, conventional Austro-German classical music tradition began to lose its foothold in the cities of both the Weimar and the Austrian Republics. The final two scenes of the opera culminate in liberation for Max and victory for Jonny and his music. Wrongly accused of the theft of the Amati violin, Max is exonerated by the real criminal, Jonny. Despite a slapstick police chase and mischievous antics, Krenek seriously portrays the recurring Expressionist theme of an introverted and alienated artist longing to flee from despair and join with ordinary people in a carefree and simple lifestyle. Jonny also liberates the gathered crowd from the introverted artist and gives the people the popular, danceable music that they want. As Jonny climbs the train's signal arm onto the balcony of the bridge, he

71 61 has ascended the throne of musical hegemony.62 At the Leipzig premiere, the concluding scene worked a bit differently, as Olin Downes, critic for The New York Times, remarked in his review of the Leipzig premiere in 1927: At 11:58, Max and Anita are reunited; Jonny skulking about to avoid arrest, the train steams in. In the Leipzig production it sped straight to the rim of the stage and threatened to catapult over the footlights. The guards call out, the hands of the great station clock move by seconds toward the hour. The train starts, but not before Jonny, from a scaffolding overhead, jumps for it. The train disappears. Jonny lands, instead, on the station clock. The clock becomes the world. Jonny is atop of it fiddling wildly, scornfully, lackadaisically. The characters of the opera are grouped below him. They are joined by a throng of men and women in every kind of dress and undress, who dance to Bacchanalian jazz about the base of the whirling globe. At Leipzig the stars in the sky tottered, then whirled, until, at last, the globe had become a record disk, which came gradually to a stop, with the inscription, 'Jonny spielt auf: Ernst Krenek, Opus 45' upon it Ernst Krenek, Jonny spielt auf, Oper in zwei Teilen, (Vienna: Universal Edition, 1926), 207. This description of the final moments of the opera comes from the pianovocal score. 63 The New York Times, 28 February 1929.

72 62 Below is a photograph from the Leipzig production, which gives some idea of the staging that enthralled contemporary audiences.64 Figure 2.1 Jonny spielt auf, Leipzig production 64 Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 91.

73 63 A thief and a rascal, Jonny prevails as the hero of the opera. However, Jonny's character is problematic, as he often acts on impulse rather than rational thought. As Susan C. Cook remarks, this quality of impetuousness was a Negro stereotype to which Krenek adhered.65 Nonetheless, this recklessness presents Jonny as unafraid and unbound by law. The societal significance of Jonny's character lies not only in his misdeeds and wild behavior but also in his identity. In part, Jonny's American heritage is significant to his characterization, since contemporary European audiences were fascinated by America and viewed the land as the epitome of freedom. In addition, by the early 1920s when jazz was assimilated into Austro-German culture, Germans immediately associated it with the notion of blacks as a transplanted race. Jazz was fundamentally antithetical to German cultural traditions; it was the aural representation of national, social, racial and sexual difference. It was the "other." As Marc Weiner states, [it] could refer both to American as the foreign and victorious New World divorced from European 65 Ibid., 86.

74 64 traditions, and at the same time to Africa as the purportedly uncivilized Dark Continent from which the feared black was seen to challenge Europe's racial and national hegemony.66 This pejorative view of blacks resulted from Germany's occupation by foreign black troops from After World War I, black soldiers from French colonies in North Africa, Madagascar, and Senegal occupied the Rhineland and the Ruhr. Many Germans saw these soldiers as a racial and sexual threat to their already established white culture and in turn developed a xenophobic attitude.67 Along with this fear, Germans held a fascination and infatuation with Black Americans at the time, as the popularity of Josephine Baker and jazz music symbolized freedom, untamed sexuality, and all things "other." Furthermore, Jonny spielt auf is one of many contemporary instances that presented jazz and blacks as forces for regeneration. For example, Ivan Goll described the arrival 66 Marc A. Weiner, Undertones of Insurrection: Music, Politics, and the Social Sphere in the Modern German Narrative (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), Ibid., 123.

75 65 of Josephine Baker and the Revue Negre as a rejuvenating rain of "Negro blood... slowly falling over Europe, a longsince dried up land that can scarcely breathe."68 Baker's sexually suggestive rendition of the Charleston created a sensation, reinforcing what was already a widespread association of jazz, blacks, and sexuality in the Austro- German mind. Because Europeans generally viewed blacks as sexually hyperactive, powerful and threatening, jazz was seen as a racially foreign and therefore sexually dangerous acoustical power.69 And, it was the black male, who through the sexual-magical energy of his primitive rhythmic music controlled white European women like puppets. This perception of jazz and the black male took root in the German imagination in the 1920s. The following description from Vicki Baum's literary work Stud. Chem. Helene Willfuer 68 Ivan Goll, "The Negroes are Conquering Europe," Originally published in 1926; cited in The Weimar Republic Sourcebook, ed. Anton Kaes, Martin Jay, Edward Dimendberg (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), Sander Gilman, Difference and Pathology: Steroetypes of

76 66 (Helene Willfiier, student of Chemistry) illustrates this idea: Good heavens! What kind of music did this black Samson begin to play! At once he beat a rhythm on the old piano that went into your blood like salt and pepper. Syncopations rained down, basses were drumming, a falsetto whistled, primeval jungle sounds screamed into the bourgeois glass veranda. Then suddenly everything melted, became stark naked, was homesick, moaned with love, loosened the women's hips and made them lower their eyes... A black devil with white laughter sat at the piano and raised and lowered lustful marionettes in the ballroom; the lights whirled around, the walls whirled around..., and then there was only the Negro-rhythm left, which cast a spell on everything.70 Baum's characterization of a middle-class social event upon which the black male encroaches and hexes the women with his primeval jungle sounds illustrates the equation of jazz and race, typical of the era. As the "others," blacks sparked the curiosity of European intellectuals and jazz became a symbol for modernity and primordial vitality. The Sexuality, Race, and Madness (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985), Vicki Baum, Stud. Chem. Helene Will filer, 74; cited in Weiner, 125.

77 67 linkage of jazz, blacks, unrestrained sexuality, and visceral inhibition in contemporary European thought is documented further in the following contemporary account of the European fascination with black Americans. A 1927 article by Max Geisenheyner in the Frankfurter Zeitung described the effect of a jazz recording at a fashionable party: A jungle flash hits the salon; the music thunderously electrifies silken calves and formal trousers... Saxophone blasts cast couples about, niggersong entwines them like garlands, lustful cries weaken their knees... An art historian anxiously feels himself turning primitive and the ground giving way under him.71 In many contemporary accounts, jazz is viewed as a method of deliverance from stodgy Germanic custom. Thus Krenek's use of jazz elements presents another social commentary altogether. In 1924 H. H. Stuckenschmidt explained jazz's potential for new music in the art journal Die Kunstblatt, writing: "This land America has given the 71 Cited in Beeke Sell Tower, "'Ultramodern and Ultraprimitive': Shifting Meanings in the Imagery of Americianism in the Art of Weimar Germany," in Dancing on

78 68 world new dance rhythms. They will provide the solution to the artistic struggle which binds Europe."72 The avant- garde journal Auftakt published a special issue on jazz in Critic Alfred Baresel's article "Jazz as Deliverance" described jazz's characteristic syncopation as a narcotic that produced self-liberation, and it continued, saying that jazz "was a means to our self-liberation."73 As the decade waned, the American genre of jazz, which had pervaded the German musical and social landscape, became a victim of attacks by the Fascists. Many journals that earlier had spoken out against jazz and its influence denounced jazz as a threat to German musical hegemony. Attacks on jazz could be found in such journals as Allgemeine Musikzeitung, Zeitschrift fur Musik, and Signale fur musikalische Welt, as many critics did not share the the Volcano, ed. Thomas W. Kniesche and Stephen Brockmann (Columbia, SC: Camden House, 1994), H. H. Stuckenschmidt, "Die heutige Musik," Das Kunstblatt 8 (1924), 189; cited in Susan C. Cook, "Jazz as Deliverance: The Reception and Institution of American Jazz during the Weimar Republic," American Music 7 (1989) : Cook, "Jazz as Deliverance," 39.

79 69 views of those more liberal critics who wrote for Anbruch, Auftakt, Melos, or Die Musik.74 Much of the anti-american, anti-jazz rhetoric associated with the growing National Socialist movement found its roots in these early attacks. For example, the Zeitschrift fur Musik, which became increasingly anti- Semitic and anti-modern as the 1920s progressed, published several articles denouncing earlier critics' proclamations of jazz as a form of deliverance for a plagued nation.75 Symbolic of the American defeat of Germany in World War I, jazz became fodder for the conservative right-wing's anti-american, anti -international campaign. As Susan Cook explains: The violent objection of some Germans to jazz in general was part of an overall polarization that existed during the fragile postwar German musical and artistic life. The Weimar Republic, with its public support of art, encouraged a heady decade of experimentation as the avant-garde acted out on the modernist republican ideals... But this experimentation came at a great financial cost. With 74 Ibid., Ibid., 41. Baresel's article, along with many others, became fodder for the National Socialists' anti-jazz campaign. In addition, Hans Pfitzner's seething response to jazz cast it as not only anti-german but also as an embodiment of pacifism and internationalism.

80 70 the stock market crash in 1929, the economic situation worsened, political instability increased, and the skepticism of the conservatives hardened into hatred for anything "republican." Many believed that German musical culture, just like Germany itself, had been stabbed in the back by foreigners.76 Despite the negative political ideology concerning jazz in the late 1920s, the societal popularity of jazz continued to be evidence of a particularly dominant obsession with America. But, the peoples' fascination with American jazz would come to a halt in 1933 when Eugen Hadamowsky, national director of German radio, announced that the future broadcasting of "nigger-jazz" would be banned.77 The Nazi ban on American jazz stemmed from the protection of socio-economic interests of a domestic music industry that was threatened by increasing competition from America.78 The Nazis viewed American jazz as a threat to 76 Ibid., Peter Wicke, "Sentimentality and High Pathos: Popular Music in Fascist Germany", Popular Music 5 (1987) : Jazz did not cease to be performed because of the Nazi edicts; its performance was confined to German musicians. In fact, Joseph Goebbels, president of the Reichskulturkammer, himself declared that jazz served

81 71 German musicians' livelihoods, as the increased popularity of American dance music brought thousands of jazz and popular music records from the United States, and prompted the regular appearance of American dance bands in metropolitan centers of Europe.79 Furthermore, the National Socialists perceived a direct relationship between Jewish influences and jazz, as Jewish composers and musicians were the most successful in assimilating the jazz idiom into the Germanic musical tradition.80 Surprisingly, when Krenek created the libretto for Jonny spielt auf he had never met a Negro or an American, but he envisioned America as the ultimate symbol of freedom. Krenek explained his vision of America: certain propaganda functions by pleasing the soldiers during wartime. Nonetheless, works by black American and Jewish jazz artists like Louis Armstrong, Duke Ellington, and Benny Goodman were not introduced with their names, and broadcasters insisted that the music was not "Negro and Jewish jazz" but was simply the "relaxed, strongly rhythmic music that soldiers desired." Nanny Drechsler, Die Funktion der Musik im Deutschen Rundfunk, (Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus, 1988), 24, 33, 42, Cook, "Jazz as Deliverance," Hans Severus Ziegler, Entartete Musik. Eine Abrechnung (Diisseldorf, 1938); cited in Levi, 122.

82 72 Jonny and his America stood for the fullness of life, optimistic affirmation, freedom from futile speculation and devotion to the happiness of the moment. [Jonny had a special personal importance he was] the fulfillment of a wish dream for I felt that all these elements, which I admired so greatly and passionately desired to acquire for myself, were really foreign to my nature.8182 For Krenek, Jonny served not only as the opera's symbol of freedom but also as the composer's own concept of deliverance. Krenek commented on the Max-Jonny dichotomy in geographical terms: The main idea of Jonny spielt auf is the split between the historically overburdened and brooding European, and especially central European, spirit and the fresh life-asserting mentality of the West, symbolized by, o 2 America. Krenek's statement reinforces the German obsession with America in the post-war years. Writers, composers, and artists regarded the United States as the epitome of modernity and vitality, and America's skyscrapers, city 81 Stewart, 82. Interview with Krenek. 82 Ernst Krenek, in a letter to Nicholas Slonimsky, Music since 1900, 4th ed (New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1971), 447.

83 73 life, sports, movies, capitalism, and popular music fascinated Germans. Jazz was one musical component of this fascination with the United States. In the concluding scenes of Jonny, the chorus sings: "So, now the new world in all its splendor arrives across the sea and inherits old Europe through dance."83 And the triumph is also mentioned in the culmination of the opera, when Jonny and his jazz have prevailed. The chorus declares: The hour of the old time has come; the new time is at hand. Don't miss your connection. The journey is beginning into the unknown land of freedom.84 As the internationally influenced, newly formed democracies eclipsed the insular, monarchical era, jazz, a symbol of the modernism, freedom, and experimentation of the new democratic age, threatened to overshadow Austro-German musical hegemony. As Susan Cook points out, Heinrich W. Schwab suggests that Jonny's stance atop the world held 83 Claudia Maurer Zenck and Thomas Gayda, liner notes to Ernst Krenek, Jonny spielt auf. Gewandhausorchester Leipzig/Leipzig Opernchor, Lothar Zagrosek, conductor. Decca/London Ibid.

84 74 special iconographical significance for German audiences. Cook continues: From the Middle Ages on, artists often depicted the sovereignty of Christ by showing him literally enthroned atop the world. In the nineteenth century two violinists the young prodigy Joseph Joachim and Johann Strauss, the younger were pictured in music journals as playing astride the world, symbolizing the international extent of their popularity. Thus Jonny the jazz violinist, fiddling atop the world, has dethroned such nineteenth-century musicians, as witnessed by Daniello's demise. His jazz, and all it stands for, now rules.8586 Joseph Auner postulates that Jonny spielt auf reinforces and perpetuates traditional oppositions of masculine and feminine, spiritual and corporeal, human and beast, civilized and primitive, white and black.87 Auner explores the similarity between Krenek's remarks and the language of conservative, anti-modernist Hans Pfitzner, who 85 Heinrich W. Schwab, "The Violinist on the Globe," RIdIM/RCMI Newletter 7 (no. 2, 1983) : 10 ; cited in Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 236, n Cook, Opera for a New Republic, Auner, 224.

85 75 described jazz as "soulless American machinism."88 Krenek viewed Jonny similarly, as he noted in 1930: Showing these completely soulless machines is the shortest way of demonstrating the antithesis, which inspires the piece the antithesis between man as a "vital" animal and man as a "spiritual" animal as incarnated in the diametrically opposed figures of Jonny and Max. In this sense, Jonny is actually a part of the technical-mechanical side of the world; he reacts as easily, as gratifyingly exactly and amorally as a well-constructed machine.89 Thus the opera certainly champions the confluence of American with Austro-German culture; however, at the same time it seems to reflect contemporary uncertainty over whether Americanism means liberation or doom, deliverance or decadence for Austro-German culture. Although uncertainty concerning the worth of American influence loomed, as the 1920s progressed jazz music would 88 Hans Pfitzner, Gesammelte Schriften, vol. II (Augsburg: Fisler, 1926), 117; cited in Cornelius Partsch, "Hannibal Ante Portas: Jazz in Weimar," in Dancing on the Volcano, Ernst Krenek, Exploring Music, trans. Margaret Schenfield and Geoffrey Skelton (London: Calder and Boyars, 1966), Translation modified by Auner in "'Soulless Machines' and Steppenwolves: Renegotiating Masculinity in Krenek's

86 76 be increasingly characterized as a threat to German musical hegemony in the political world. The integration of jazz studies at the Hoch Conservatory in Frankfurt unleashed much protest and served as a point of contention for the anti-jazz movement. For example, the Zeitschrift fur Musik suggested that the Hoch Conservatory "could bring about its wished-for transfusion more easily by importing young black men and women to commingle with German youth."90 In this context, Jonny spielt auf presents several diametrically opposed ideas high art vs. low art, jazz vs. classical, American vs. European, white vs. black whose mixture and associations in the opera led the Nazis to deem the opera entartet. On the grandest scale, the opera's use of traditional operatic style infused with jazz elements created controversy. More so, the intrusive quality of Jonny's American music and the way in which it takes over the entire German musical world of the opera, overshadowing Max's opera, was certainly scandalous at the time. Jonny spielt auf" in Siren Songs: Representations of Gender and Sexuality in Opera, Susan C. Cook, "Jazz as Deliverance," 41.

87 77 Finally, the depiction of a black jazz bandleader as the hero of the story, who dethrones the white nineteenth- century prodigal violinist, symbolized the overthrow of romantic ideals. The overthrow of the European hegemony of classical music by the American vernacular of jazz illustrates the changing times. Musical Style in Jonny spielt auf Typical of Zeitopern, Jonny spielt auf contains jazz and American dance idioms. Krenek utilized dance styles attributed to jazz, like the foxtrot, tango, and shimmy, and aspects of jazz harmony, such as blue notes, flattedsevenths, and blues harmonic progressions. For the most part, Austro-Germans had been introduced to jazz and popular musical idioms through the cabaret culture that permeated coffeehouses and clubs of Berlin and Vienna. Moreover, German radio provided exposure to jazz through its live radio broadcasts from Berlin nightclubs and dancehalls. For example, the 1924 schedule of Funkstunde, the weekly program guide for the Berliner Sende

88 78 Stell, shows Tanzmusik being broadcast most weeknights from 10:30-11:30pm and on weekends until midnight.91 During the early stages in the creation of Jonny spielt auf, Krenek heard the Paul Whiteman orchestra in its first European tour in In an interview with biographer John L. Stewart, Krenek remarked that he was "fascinated by the new sounds, new materials and new musical images such an ensemble could create."92 Krenek also heard American popular music in dance-inspired jazz gramophone recordings.93 But, even though Krenek was enamored of this musical style, he did not abandon his own compositional style for an exclusively jazz technique. Rather, he successfully integrated jazz elements with his own modernist compositional style. Krenek's harmonic language takes on a jazz sound world for much of the opera. The music is generally homophonic and colored by dominant seventh chords, blue notes, and flat thirds and sevenths, hallmarks 91 Cook, Opera for a New Republic, Stewart, Ibid. Stewart writes, "He had soaked for hours in the tepid fox-trots Anna (his wife) kept going on their gramophone in Zurich."

89 79 of 1920s jazz harmony. Syncopations are by and large in the eighth note-quarter note-eighth note pattern, with frequent use of the dotted eighth and dotted sixteenth. The orchestration of the opera too hints at jazz. In addition to standard orchestration, Jonny spielt auf includes supplemental instrumentation with various percussion and traditionally jazz instruments like the saxophone and banjo. The large percussion section includes bass, snare, tenor drums (occasionally played with wire brushes), gong, woodblocks, castanets, tambourine, xylophone, glockenspiel, and high-hat cymbal. Other instruments for special effects include a harmonium, glass harmonica, celeste, swanee whistle, electric signal bell, siren, and flexatone.94 Jazz instrumentation includes two saxophones, banjo, piano, and solo violin. 94 A swanee whistle is another name for a slide whistle, a stopped duct flute with no finger holes. The pitch is altered by means of a piston or stopper that is moved up and down by a cylindrical tube from the lower end by one hand. A flexatone is a percussion instrument patented in the 1920s and used for special effects. A metal sheet is suspended in a wire frame ending in a handle. The player shakes the instrument and an eerie tremolo sound is produced, similar to that of the musical saw. Hugh Davies "Swanee Whistle," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2d ed., ed. Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell, vol

90 80 Much of the U.S. audience abhorred Krenek's use of the solo violin as a jazz instrument. After Jonny's 1929 Metropolitan Opera premiere, Herbert Peyser wrote: "And why, when all's said, so much pother and glorification over a violin? Doesn't Herr Krenek know that the instrument sacred above all others to jazz is the saxophone, not the fiddle?"95 Krenek later admitted that his characterization of Jonny as a violinist who led a jazz band illustrated his own ignorance of the non-prominence of the violin in jazz. He did, however, know that the violin had a legitimate place in American jazz music, as he witnessed several German dance and jazz bands that included violinists.96 Although it is not clear why Jonny is seen with a saxophone rather than a violin in his first on-stage appearance, his 24 (London: Macmillan, 2001), 756. James Blades and James Holland, "Flexatone," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2d ed., ed. Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell, vol. 8 (London: Macmillan, 2001), Herbert Peyser, "Jonny Over There" Modern Music 6, no. 2 (January-February 1929): Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 91. Sam Wooding reportedly signed a black British violinist, Jimmy Boucher, for his band before leaving for Russia in 1926.

91 81 sketch on the piano-vocal score, as well as publicity photographs with a saxophone, uses standard iconography associated with jazz. Portraying an operatic lead as a jazz-playing saxophonist may have been more marketable. But, more important is the unusual combination of jazz and operatic style that were integrated in this illustration. As the opera concludes, Jonny is playing his fiddle atop the world and the audience is entertained by, and more importantly, convinced of his new use of the traditionally classical instrument. Krenek's assimilation of jazz idioms into the score is evident from the beginning. Introducing the opera with several jazz-influenced bars, Krenek established the style for the score, based on dominant-thirteenth chords. 97 (See Example 2.1 on next page.) 97 All examples are from Ernst Krenek, Jonny spielt auf, op. 45 (Vienna: Universal Edition, 1926).

92 82 Example 2.1 Jonny spielt auf, opening measures The musical style of the opera quickly changes with Max's ode to the glacier. Immediately shifting back to a more dissonant idiom, Krenek suitably used a leitmotif to embody the glacier, which represents the past tradition that will soon be eclipsed. With its stationary, stagnant tonal center of D-flat, the dissonant leitmotif fittingly illustrates the stagnant and impenetrable world of the academic, modernist composer. Max, a caricature of the German academic, subsequently defines his view of his artistic role in the opening hymn. 98 (See Example 2.2 on following pages.) 98 Liner notes to Ernst Krenek, Jonny spielt auf. Translation by J.S. Rushworth. Gewandhausorchester Leipzig/Leipzig Opernchor, Lothar Zagrosek, conductor.

93 83 Example 2.2 Jonny spielt auf, Max's hymn Du schoner Berg! der mich anzieht, der mich antreibt, zu gehn fort von der Heimat, fort von der Arbeit. Deinen Gletscher sendest Du mir entgegen, gross und herrlich weiss und leuchtend im mittagslicht! Lovely mountain! that attraces me, you urge me to leave my native country, my work. You send your glacier to meet me, huge, wonderful, white and shining in the mid-day light! Decca/London All libretto excerpts and translations are from this source.

94 84

95 85 Max longs for the isolated, cerebral environment of the glacier that secludes him from others and grants him independence from the masses. In this respect, Max represents the previous, post-war philosophy of man. Contrary to this viewpoint, a shift of interest from man as an individual to man as one of the masses infiltrated all aspects of society at this time. In addition, Max appears to be a non-flattering caricature of members of Arnold Schoenberg's circle, known for their highbrow and unfaltering aesthetics. Dating from the early 1920s, the Schoenberg-Krenek antagonism is demonstrated by the doubtfully coincidental pun on mountain, "schoner Berg," and the implied, cerebral Schoenbergian musical style.99 During Act I, scene ii, Max and Anita rehearse an aria from his new opera. Capturing not only his compositional style but also, more significantly, his personality, Max's aria (sung by Anita) implies the somewhat disjointed relationship between voice and accompaniment and quasiatonal harmonies characteristic of the Second Viennese School. (See Example 2.3 on following pages.) 99 Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 85.

96 86 Example 2.3 Jonny spielt auf, Max's aria Als ich damals am Strand des Meeres stand, Suchte das Heimweh mich heim. Ich suchte mein Heim in der Traume ich nicht froh, Das Leid blieb das Gleiche im Schlaf! 0 Schmerz, o schmerz, der mich todlich traf! Drum, 0 Trane, fliesse, Trane, fliesse, Drum, o Trane, fliesse, Trane, ah-ah- fliesse. As I stood one day on the seashore I was assailed by homesickness. I sought my home in the land of dreams, Hoping that my grief would be eased. But my dreams gave me no comfort. Awake or asleep, I suffered. 0 pain, you have mortally wounded me! Therefore flow, my tears. Flow. Therefore, flow, my tears. Flow, ah-ah-flow.

97 87

98 88

99 89 With its relaxed rhythm, wandering harmonies and quasiparodic atonal writing, the aria pokes fun at Max's hypersensitive, over-emotional and isolationist character. Joseph Auner discussed this idea of parody: The accuracy of Krenek's parody is underscored by the strong similarity between the way that the voice part destabilizes the harmonic structure and David Lewin's discussion of the "transcendent woman's voice" in Schoenberg's op. 10, Erwartung, and other works.100 Two different tonal structures exist simultaneously in Max's aria: one in the voice, the other in the accompaniment. Auner also notes that Lewin's analysis in the essay "Women's Voices and the Fundamental Bass" recalls a specifically female "upper register Hauptstimme that controls the flow of musical events with a motivic throughline, specifically wresting control of that flow away from any fundamental bass."101 Auner suggests that Krenek used Max's aria as an indication of his disengagement from the world. He states: 1UU Auner, David Lewin, "Women's Voices and the Fundamental Bass," Journal of Musicology 10, no. 4 (1992): 469.

100 90 Although the ultimate function of Max's aria in the opera as a whole is complex and contradictory, Krenek leaves little doubt that we are to hear it as a symptom of Max's disengagement from the world.102 For example, in Act II, scene ii, the aria's conclusion is cut short by the interruption of the Manager with his talk of cabs and trains, which contrasts greatly with the aria's esoteric, otherworldly text. Later in Act II, scene vii, a radio broadcasts the same aria over the hotel loudspeakers. While the crowd admires the beautiful voice that comes from the radio loudspeakers, they remark, "What a shame chat is she is so fond of modern music!" Max thinks he hears Anita singing his aria in the distance, and as it reaches its most Schoenbergian chords, Max sings "Am I going mad?" At the end of the aria, the crowd rejoices "Gott sei Dank!" when the station is turned to Jonny's jazz band. As this incident illustrates, Jonny's jazz delivers Max from his emotional weakness. Furthermore, Max's ultimate deliverance from his isolation comes through Jonny's music at the end of the opera, which will be discussed later in this chapter. 102 Auner, 230.

101 91 One of only two places in the score where Krenek specified "Jazz," it is here that Max's restricted glacial world is juxtaposed with the freer urban world represented by the hotel and choir of hotel guests. The music of Act II, scene vii, is not in a specific dance idiom, but rather is a syncopated duet for violin and piano. Cook suggests that Krenek used the term "jazz" to imply a generic style of dance music, as he did in his earlier opera Der Sprung iiber den Schatten.103 (See Example 2.4 on next pages.) 103 Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 95.

102 Example 2.4 Jonny spielt auf, "Jazz" section 92

103 93

104 94

105 95

106 96 In this section, Jonny's music comes over the radio to underscore Max's decision to return to Anita, because Jonny and his jazz provide Max deliverance from his emotional weakness. While Jonny and his music move the dramatic action, both also influence the storyline surreptitiously. Always lurking, Jonny is both a physical prowler and a musical intruder. Entering the scene from a window or hallway, or running along the railroad tracks, Jonny is constantly loitering. Jonny's "otherness" is emphasized not only by his music but also by his language, which is a strange hybrid of French, English, and German. Krenek used the jazz idiom as external to the real, traditional operatic, musical world of the opera, but the incorporation of these two varied styles, opera and jazz, adds dramatic intensity. Since Jonny's music is identified as an intrusive force, it discretely prompts the action. For example, the jazz band numbers, "Shimmy," "Blues," "Tango,"and "Jazz," are heard only offstage or broadcast over the loudspeakers. Joseph Auner borrows from Carolyn Abbate's terminology in Unsung Voices to describe Jonny's music as "phenomenal"

107 97 since he is always performing.104 In contrast, Max and Anita are associated with "noumenal" music or more traditionally operatic music that is heard only by the audience in the opera house. In the following excerpt from "Circling My Horizon" in his memoirs, Horizons Circled, Krenek described this distinction and rejected the label of "jazz opera" for Jonny:...for whatever jazz there occurs is brought in to characterize the professional sphere of the protagonist, Jonny, leader of an American combo. The music attached to the other characters, which to me were at least as important, is conceived in that early romantic idiom that I had chosen as my model, occasionally touched up with dissonant spices and Italianizing Pucciniesque vocal exuberance.105 Contrary to this concept of the phenomenal-noumenal opposition is Max's opera aria. Initially, Max's aria is part of the phenomenal realm that Jonny's music occupies. 104 Auner, 234. Carolyn Abbate defined phenomenal music as "singing that is heard by its singer, the auditors on stage, and understood as 'music that they hear' by us, the theater audience"; Unsung Voices: Opera and Musical Narrative in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), Krenek, Horizons Circled, 26.

108 98 However, in contrast to Jonny's music, this piece is sung onstage in a recital-like performance with Max at the keyboard, which Auner states, "creat[es] a sense of immediacy and inferiority that Jonny's music lacks."106 Although Jonny's jazz remains phenomenal, Max's aria gradually becomes part of the noumenal. For example, when Anita travels to Paris and reminisces about Max, she cites both the music and words for the phrase, "I was assailed by homesickness" ("suchte das Heimweh mich heim"), to the melody and accompaniment of the aria. (See Example 2.5 on the next page.) 106 Auner, 2 34.

109 99 Example 2.5 Jonny spielt auf, scene iii, Paris Another example of this operatic convention of heard and unheard occurs in Act II, scene vii, when the noumenal and phenomenal coalesce. During this scene, the complete aria is broadcast over the hotel loudspeakers. Following his imagined conversation with the glacier, depicted by an ethereal offstage women's choir, Max is unable to tell if the aria he hears is real or imaginary. Auner suggests the aria's meaning changes in this scene. He states:

110 100 Despite the fact that the aria is clearly intended as a sort of parody, its return at several key points in the drama suggests this style as a norm at the center of a work that defines everything else as "Other."107 Serving as the fixed variable to which Jonny's music is compared, Max's music may be defined as real, while Jonny's sound world is imaginary. Auner continues with this idea: Through each of its appearances the aria acquires the aura of authentic utterance, in contrast to the patchwork of quotations and allusions that is Jonny's music. By Act II, scene 7, the aria has been performed and alluded to so many times that one comes to hear it as already somehow canonical.108 Auner concludes that Max's hearing of his own music initiates change in his character and "snatches him from death back into life."109 Although Max's own music instigates character transformation, it is through Jonny's jazz that he is liberated at the end of the opera. Despite the narrative thread that Max's music weaves 107 Ibid. 108 Ibid. 109 Ibid.

111 101 within the score, Jonny's jazz-inspired numbers were the most popular ones with the public. Once again, the popularity of these numbers signifies the audience's infatuation with all things different from traditional, conventional, and central European music. The most popular of these selections was "Leb wohl, mein Schatz," sung by Anita and Jonny in scene iii. With its sexually charged lyrics and portrayal of the sassy, impudent young woman, the song resonated with Weimar audiences. Earlier in this scene, Jonny attempts to seduce Anita, but to no avail. At the same time, Yvonne ogles over the handsome virtuoso, Daniello. They all join in the chorus "Leb wohl, mein Schatz" accompanied by a chordal ostinato reminiscent of traditional blues accompaniment. In addition to ostinato, syncopation, and a conclusion on a dominant seventh chord, lovers' departures were commonplace in traditional blues lyrics. (See Example 2.6.) Example 2.6 Jonny spielt auf, "Leb wohl, mein Schatz" Leb wohl, mein Schatz, leb wohl, Ich geh' hinweg aus meiner Heimat. Sei glucklich ohne mich, Ich will es probieren ohne dich Und nie komm' ich zuriick. Farewell, my love, farewell

112 I'm taking myself off. You can get on without me, I will get on without you And I'll never come back again. 102

113 103 Another of the opera's tunes, "Tango," was quite well- liked. With its suggestive rhythms, violent physical movement and sexual innuendo, the tango captivated European audiences. In Parisian society the dance became fashionable when dancer Camille de Rhynal (or 'Tod Cams') tailored the abrupt movements that were considered too crude for the ballroom. In fact, after World War I it became the most popular ballroom dance with many bands and was featured in most dance competitions.110 Once again, Jonny's jazzband provides the music for this section off-stage with the chorus. As Krenek made use of the previous "Blues" section to enhance the lovers' departure, in this musical number the first instance of the violin as a solo jazz instrument supplements Daniello's onstage seduction of Anita. The text is French and it underscores the tango's inherent sexual connotation. (See Example 2.7 on following pages.) 110 Gerard Behague, "Tango" The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2d ed., ed. Stanley Sadie and John

114 104 Example 2.7 Jonny spielt auf, "Tango" Choir: O reverie, doucement infinie! Daniello: Ecoute cette chanson et ferme les yeux! Choir: Melodie seduissante, son mysterieux, remplis mon coeur, d' ivresse de la tristesse...de la tristesse de l'eternel amour! Anita: Comme tu es beau! Si beau... Daniello: viens viens! Choir: 0 reverie, gently infinite! Daniello: Listen to this song and close your eyes Choir: Seductive melody, mysterious sound, fill my heart with the intoxication of sadness, of the sadness of eternal love! Anita: You are so handsome, so handsome Daniello: come, come! Tyrrell, vol. 25 (London: Macmillan, 2001), 74.

115 105

116 106

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118 108 As his character is pieced together with somewhat uninformed ideas about the primitive, jazz, and the American black male, Jonny's music relies on general references to his race through the imitations of jazz, spirituals, and minstrel songs. His music is independent from that of the other characters and retains an element of primitivism throughout the opera. In scene vi, Jonny sings of his role as a musician in the "Triumph-Lied," having just regained possession of the stolen violin.11"1 111 "Triumph-Lied" was a title applied later to the song after it became the opera's most popular tune, second only to "Leb wohl, mein Schatz." "Triumph-Lied" was also recorded and published as as a special piano-vocal arrangement. Ludwig Hofmann recorded the "Hymne des

119 109 Jetzt die Geige ist mein und ich will drauf spielen, wie old David einst die Harfe schlug, und preisen Jehova, der die Menschen schwarz enschuf. Mir gehort alles, was gut ist in der Welt Die alte Welt hat es erzeugt, Sie wiess damit nichts mehr zu tun. Da kommt die neue Welt iibers Meer gefahren mit Glanz und erbt das alte Europa durch den Tanze. Now the violin is mine and I shall play it, just like old David when he played his harp and praise Jehovah, who created black men. Everything of value in the world is mine. The old world created it but no longer knows what to do with it. So now the old world arrives across the sea in all its splendor and inherits old Europe through dance.x12 Jonny's "Triumph-Lied" is designated "Maestoso ma non troppo lento im Ton eines Negerspirituals." Orchestrated 12 Jonny," as it is called on the label, as side one of his "Leb wohl, mein Schatz" release. 112 Zenck and Gayda, Liner notes to Ernst Krenek, Jonny spielt auf.

120 110 for brass choir, the simple melodic line and chordal accompaniment illustrate Krenek's understanding of the black spiritual.113 Borrowing from Stephen Foster's "Swanee River" and using references to Jehovah and harp-playing King David, Krenek successfully integrated the style of the black spiritual.114 (See Example 2.8 below.) Example 2.8 Jonny spielt auf, "Triumph-Lied" Jetzt ist die Geige mein und ich will drauf spielen, wie old David einst die Harfe schlug, und preisen Jehova, der die Menschen schwarz enschuf. Now the violin is mine and I will play it Just like old David, when he plucked his harp, and praise Jehovah, who created black men. 113 Many black American choirs toured Europe in the late 1920s, which is where Krenek heard this style. In 1927 such a choir performed as part of the Frankfurt Summer Music Festival. Cook, Opera for a New Republic, Ibid. Although "Swanee River" is traditionally viewed as an American folk song, Susan Cook contends that it is "a song considered to be a true spiritual, having been used in the nineteenth century in dramatizations of Uncle Tom's Cabin and appearing in The Chocolate Kiddies Revue.

121 111

122 112 This "Triumph-Lied" is Jonny's main solo and a statement of his role as a musician. Symbolic of his world, the violin served as the instrument with which he facilitated change. Sparking a cultural revolution with his violin, Jonny has single-handedly defeated the stodgy and anachronistic music of Daniello and the nineteenth century. The theft of the violin and his vernacular application of the instrument are presented as a kind of cultural liberation rather than a crime. Jonny's victory by means of Daniello's violin represents popular music's transcendence over art music. Daniello is the archetypical artist-hero of the nineteenth-century; nonetheless, he is soon dethroned by Jonny, the new artist-hero of the twentieth century. Only through Jonny's music can Max and the decadent old world be overthrown. Furthermore, with

123 113 Daniello's demise, the cult of the artist-hero and the romanticism that prevented Max's transcendence are now destroyed. The music of the final scene recycles the melodies of these numbers, thereby combining pre- and post-war musical images of Black Americans. An orchestral version of "Leb wohl, mein Schatz" begins the scene, followed by an orchestral interlude. After the chorus proclaims the dawn of a new age with music similar to that of Jonny's "Triumph-Lied," another interlude decorated with blue notes and recollections of "Leb wohl" leads into the ensemble finale. The chorus recounts Jonny's success to the tune of the "Triumph-Lied" but accompanied by the ostinato of "Leb wohl, mein Schatz." Repeating the music of the "Triumph- Lied" underscores Jonny's fulfillment of conquering the old world with the new. In the final scene of the opera, Jonny plays "Leb wohl, mein Schatz" on the violin accompanied by string pizzicato in the orchestra. The entire orchestra joins in, concluding the opera. (See Example 2.9 on next pages.)

124 114 Example 2.9 Jonny spielt auf, Conclusion of opera Die Stunde schlagt der alten Zeit, die neue Zeit bricht jetzt an. Versaumt den Anschluss nicht. Die Uberfahrt beginnt ins unbekannte Land der Freiheit. Die Uberfahrt beginnt, so spielt uns Jonny auf zum Tanz. Es kommt die neue Welt fibers Meer gefahren mit Glanz und erbt das alte Europa durch den Tanz. The hour of the old time has come, The new time is at hand.. Don't miss your connection. The journey is beginning into the unknown land of freedom. The journey begins and Jonny is playing for us to dance. The glittering New World comes across the sea and inherits old Europe through dance.

125 115

126 116

127 117

128 118

129 119

130 120

131 121 Saying goodbye to the old world, Jonny7s final utterance of "Leb wohl, mein Schatz 7 provides a happy ending of sorts for the opera. Max and all of Europe have been delivered from the emotionally weak, melodramatic, esoteric, and inaccessible music of the academic. Jonny, the unrestrained, ultra-modern, and ultra-primitive man has freed the new world from the old through his music. Krenek's viewpoint concerning the relationship of the artist to society prevails. Jonny7s entertaining, pleasing music triumphs over Max's and Daniello's highbrow, elitist music. The score of Jonny spielt auf illustrates Krenek7s ability to employ various musical styles concurrently to suit the dramatic action. In regard to musical manifestations of the era's new aesthetic ideologies, Jenny spielt auf mirrored the new trend in Neue Sachlichkeit and abandoned the artistic values of the nineteenth century. Through the use of jazz-rooted dance idioms, jazz harmony, and rhythmic patterns, instrumentation, and the Negro spiritual, Krenek7s interpretation of American musical life captivated European audiences. Furthermore, Krenek7s integration of Schoenbergian style, albeit in parody form,

132 122 is another example of his abandonment of nineteenth-century aesthetics and adoption of modern principles. Krenek created a societal analogy by strategically juxtaposing two distinct musical styles, opera and jazz, throughout the work. For instance, the prevalence of Jonny's jazz and the defeat of Max's opera reflect the changing European society between the two World Wars. For some, jazz was a bitter reminder of Germany's defeat in the war; for others, jazz was a symbol of the freedom associated with America, as national autonomy subsided in Germany and Austria between the wars. Operatic style represented "old" Europe and its tradition. The infiltration or contamination of old Europe and its heritage by American music would be the cause of Zeitoper's demise with the inauguration of the National Socialist Party, as the genre would be declared entartet or "degenerate." During these changing musical times, Krenek successfully juxtaposed the old and the new, both musically and socially. Jonny spielt auf represented the archetypal Weimarian aesthetic created with thriving popular culture and critical mass appeal in mind. As cultural activities for entertainment purposes rather than for intellectual

133 123 edification became more important, Krenek's Jonny spielt auf was viewed as "the truest representative of the contemporary Zeitgeist."115 Years after the premiere of Jonny, Krenek remarked that the philosophy supported in the opera had been largely misunderstood and that the opera had become a sensation only because of its infusion of popular dance music and its black protagonist. While some believed that Krenek had betrayed his earlier compositional principles to appeal to mass culture, Paul Bekker viewed the situation differently: Poor Krenek: What did this Jonny bring about! Not the royalties, which were smaller than those malevolent, envious people maintained. No, instead, jealousy, hatred, defamation, moral and aesthetic proscription, judgments of inferiority and other charming musical accompaniments to a world success.116 If Krenek cannot be credited with giving rise to a new lasting school of opera, he must be credited with producing the first true Zeitoper, which encouraged other composers 115 Cook, Opera for a New Republic, Paul Bekker, "An Ernst Krenek," in Briefe an zeitgenossische Musiker (Berlin: Max Hesses Verlag, 1932),

134 124 like Franz Schreker, Eugen d'albert, Ernst Toch, Wilhelm Grosz, and George Antheil, who were interested in the same artistic, literary, and musical ideas, to produce works in the genre. A revolutionary, Krenek was simply an artist compelled by cultural and social tensions to attempt a kind of radical art that would appeal to audiences. 93; translated by and cited in Cook, Opera for a New Republic, 111.

135 125 CHAPTER III DAS WUNDER DER HELIANE: A CONTINUATION OF NINETEENTH- CENTURY AESTHETICS Korngoldian style and the Wagnerian tradition At the turn of the century, Wagner's music continued to prevail as the epitome of German operatic tradition; nonetheless, composers began to alter his techniques to suit their own compositional styles rather than blindly adopting his principles. For example, Richard Strauss and Giacomo Puccini attempted to modify the Wagnerian music drama by simplifying the use of leitmotif while implementing the characteristic sound of the Wagnerian orchestra.117 Letting go of the Wagnerian aesthetic of the arcane, these composers integrated new styles, which, although heavily influenced by Wagner, did not demand that 117Herbert Lindenberger, Opera in History From Monteverdi to Cage (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), 225.

136 126 the audience become active interpreters of the thematic construction of an opera. Rather, because of the increasingly bourgeois audience, composers lessened the expectation of the spectator's intellectual efforts to engage patrons of all socio-economic classes.118 Korngold found operatic inspiration and kinship from the two post-wagnerian opera composers noted above, Strauss and Puccini. Although Julius's adversarial relationships with Strauss and Puccini inevitably hindered Erich's career, his father's disrespect to both composers did not influence his compositional style. In other words, Julius's dislike for certain composers did not sway his son's musical tastes and influences. E. W. Korngold's relationship with Strauss began at an early age. In 1909 Julius Korngold sent approximately forty copies of a collection of his young son's works to musicians and experts who lived outside of Vienna. The works were not to be performed or publicized; Dr. Korngold sent them only as proof and promotion of his young son's genius. Upon their review, many critics wrote Dr. Korngold, 118 Ibid.

137 127 praising his young son's talent. One of the most important letters came from Richard Strauss. Today I received your son's compositions and have read them with the greatest astonishment. This case hardly calls for mere congratulations: the first feeling one has when one realizes that this is written by an 11- year-old boy is that of awe and concern that so precocious a genius should be able to follow its normal development, which one would wish him so sincerely. This assurance of style, this mastery of form, this characteristic expressiveness in the sonata, this bold harmony, are truly astonishing. How happy you must feel! But now take this young genius away from his desk and his music; send him to the countryside for tobogganing, skiing... lest his young brain becomes prematurely tired and worn out before it reaches its full productivity. I am looking forward to making the personal acquaintance of this archmusician. My best wishes accompany him on his future paths. With best regards and thanks again for the most interesting dispatch.119 E.W. Korngold and Strauss eventually met in Munich during the world premiere of Mahler's Eighth Symphony. It is believed that their meeting took place in the home of 119 Letter from R. Strauss to J. Korngold dated 3 January 1909, translated by Carroll, The Last Prodigy, p. 43, who notes that the year was actually 1910, since Strauss had forgotten the new year.) This letter was lost in 1938, rediscovered and purchased at an auction in 1983 and is now in the Bavarian State Library, Munich.

138 128 Thomas Knorr, a leading music publisher whose home was often the meeting place for musical and literary- celebrities. As Brendan Carroll mentions in his biography of the composer, Korngold remained a devoted admirer of Strauss and his work all his life, despite some altercations between his father and the composer.1^0 E.W. Korngold's amicable relationship with Richard Strauss was disturbed during the fiftieth anniversary of the Vienna Opera in the season. In May Richard Strauss and Franz Schalk, new co-directors of the Vienna Staatsoper, invited Korngold to conduct the gala performance of Korngold's one-act operas during the anniversary festival. The performance was a great success for Korngold the composer and the conductor; moreover, Franz Schalk declared the performance "the high spot of the Festival." Strauss was duly impressed with Korngold's conducting at the Festival and offered him a permanent position as conductor at the Vienna Staatsoper. Julius Korngold protested that if his son were to take the 120 Carroll, The Last Prodigy, Ibid., 132.

139 129 position, he himself would have to resign as a critic; therefore, his son politely refused the offer.122 This incident was the first of many occasions in which Strauss would be involved in a controversial issue concerning Dr. Korngold and his son. In addition to the skirmish surrounding the conducting appointment, Richard Strauss found himself the victim of Dr. Korngold's critical jabs after the 1919 world premiere of his new opera Die Frau ohne Schatten. Korngold's disparaging review signaled the beginning of the end of Strauss's and young Erich's camaraderie. The Strauss/Korngold friendship suffered another blow in 1921 with the Viennese premiere of Die tote Stadt. Many critics and composers insinuated that Korngold's opera was being staged by the Vienna Staatsoper administration solely to appeal to the Neue freie Presse, specifically to elicit favorable reviews by Julius Korngold. Eventually, E. W. 122 Ibid., 133. News of the offer was leaked to the press. Dr. Korngold's enemy, Max Graf, made the appointment offer an issue when another promising conductor was denied the post. Graf claimed that the young man in question was turned down because of fear of Julius Korngold. Implicated in Korngold's affairs, Strauss fervently denied that he was a puppet of the Neue freie Presse.

140 130 Korngold wrote to Karl Lion, administrator of the Vienna Staatsoper, and requested that his opera be removed from the program. Lion replied that the Staatsoper could not comply with his wishes to cancel the performances. In response, Korngold wrote to Franz Schalk: Unfortunately, I cannot be present at today's performance; when Strauss explains that it is incompatible with his dignity to regard as the guest of the Opera House "the son of a critic" who is, in his opinion, hostile to him, I must maintain that it is incompatible with my own dignity to intrude into this house as a guest. (The premiere of Josephslegende at which I was present is an exception. I'm still a Straussonian!)123 Despite these incidents between Strauss and Julius Korngold, Erich remained a supporter and admirer of Strauss; likewise, Strauss always maintained a kind attitude toward his young disciple. But, as the many situations suggest, Erich found himself caught between his father's venomous attacks and Strauss's attempts to neutralize those encounters. Korngold's relationship with Giacomo Puccini was less 123 Ibid.,

141 131 stormy than his friendship with Strauss. Puccini and Korngold were kindred spirits and friends. Many eminent composers and critics admired Korngold's opera Die tote Stadt, but its most staunch advocate was Giacomo Puccini.124 E. W. Korngold's kinship with Puccini began during his Wunderkind days. Julius Korngold and Puccini became acquainted when Puccini attended the Viennese premiere of Madame Butterfly at the Vienna Court Opera in Although Strauss often took offense at Julius's negative reviews of his operas, Puccini seemed indifferent to the dismissive reviews of Tosca by Julius Korngold. It was not until October 1913 when Puccini was again in Vienna for the premiere of La fanciulla del West that he and Erich met again and their friendship blossomed.125 This friendship was not ridiculed by Julius, as were some of Erich's other friendships. In his memoirs, Julius Korngold recollected a special encounter between his son and Puccini: 124 Ibid., Ibid.,158.

142 132 He [Puccini] also wanted to hear excerpts from Die tote Stadt, which Schalk had described to him as being so difficult. During the "Lautenlied" he sat closely at Erich's side while the others grouped themselves around the two composers and listened with bated breath, "Miracolo!" exclaimed the grateful chorus of listeners. Tactfully, Erich tried to divert the attention from himself by improvising a sort of Puccini fantasy... An emotional farewell kiss from Puccini made Erich blush with joy. And to me went Puccini's congratulations for having such a son.126 Puccini's adoration for Korngold is not surprising, since on more than one occasion critics defined Korngold as "the Viennese Puccini." Korngold's nickname came from his affinity for doubling the melody line in his orchestration with the divided strings, a technique used principally by the Italian school and especially Puccini. Puccini's first public endorsement of Korngold appeared in an interview in the Neue freie Presse of September 1921: With regards to modern German music, my biggest hope lies with Erich Wolfgang Korngold. He is exceptionally talented and has a formidable technical knowledge and most important of all, superb musical ideas... He has so much talent that he could give 126 Ibid.,148.

143 133 half of it away and still have enough left for himself.127 A surviving letter of 1922 from Puccini to Korngold indicates their strong bond: It is very flattering to me that you should be interested in my music... Greetings to you and your country you, however, are strong and young; write, write as your heart dictates and you will overcome every obstacle clarity and simplicity!128 Although Korngold's friendship with Puccini was more personal than his seemingly professional kinship with Strauss, both relationships proved to be influential on his compositional style and dramatic output. Korngold probably heard many of Puccini's and Strauss's operas, for they were frequently performed in Vienna. Korngold adopted Puccini's Italianate vocal style and a similar usage of leitmotif or recurring themes, and he embraced Strauss's use of associative tonality and orchestration. Korngold's own style was infused with both Puccinian and Straussian 127 Ibid., Ibid.,381.

144 134 operatic techniques. This implementation of near past ideas and the retreat to more distant nineteenth-century principles are evident in Das Wunder der Heliane. Return to the Nineteenth Century: The Storyline, Characters and Symbolism in Das Wunder der Heliane After completion of the first Left Hand Piano Concerto in 1923, commissioned by pianist Paul Wittgenstein, Korngold began to work on his fourth and arguably greatest opera, Das Wunder der Heliane.129 At this time, he also began teaching opera and composition at the Vienna Staatsakademie and was awarded the title professor honoris causa by the President of Austria Completed in 1927, Das Wunder der Heliane is based on a mystery play titled Die Heilige by Hans Kaltneker. 129 Wittgenstein lost his right arm in World War I and soon commissioned new concertos for left hand alone from several composers. Most famous of Wittgenstein's left-hand concertos is Ravel's, but Prokofiev, Britten, R. Strauss, and Franz Schmidt also were commissioned to write one of these works. 130 Brendan Carroll,"Erich Wolfgang Korngold," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2d ed., ed. Stanley

145 135 Although Korngold and Kaltneker never met, each held the other in high regard. In late 1927, Korngold confirmed that Kaltneker's publisher Zsolnay had sent him the text; however, only after completing Heliane did Korngold discover that Kaltneker had actually intended for him to write an opera based on the play.131 Korngold viewed Kaltneker's story as the perfect vehicle for his musical style.132 Attracted to the work's quasi-mystical religious element, conflict of body and soul, struggle between sexuality and spirit, and the ultimate triumph of love, Korngold turned Die Heilige into Das Wunder der Heliane. Korngold asked Hans Muller to prepare the libretto of the unpublished play. Muller's libretto retained much of the intensity and excessiveness of the poet's style. Convoluted and complex, the story presents a love triangle among three central characters: The Stranger, a Sadie and John Tyrrell, vol. 13 (London: Macmillan, 2001), Carroll, The Last Prodigy, Although Kaltneker and Korngold had never met, Kaltneker had seen Violanta. A mutual friend revealed to Korngold (after Heliane was composed) that Kaltneker wrote Die Heilige with the intention that Korngold set it to music.

146 136 charismatic preacher who advocates universal love and falls in love with Heliane; The Ruler, husband of Heliane, the antagonist whose possessive and tyrannical behavior would destroy the love between him and Heliane; and Queen Heliane, virgin wife of The Ruler and admirer of The Stranger. The characters and storyline of Heliane reflect a fading society and the seemingly antique principles of Wagnerian music drama, as the summary below suggests.133 Act I A holy man, preaching love, has captivated the people of a mythical land where a tyrannical ruler has banished love from his kingdom. His pure and holy wife, Queen Heliane, has also been cast out since the Ruler has not been able to consummate his marriage with her. Because of the people's love for the traveling preacher, The Ruler has totally condemned all love and has sentenced the Stranger to death. However, if the Stranger can make Heliane requite the Ruler's love, the Stranger shall be saved. Unfortunately, the Stranger has fallen in love with Heliane, who has taken pity on him and visits him in prison. Heliane is drawn to him and obeys his requests to see her golden hair, her white feet and then her naked body. The Ruler discovers them and Heliane is detained. 133 Brendan Carroll's summary, liner notes to Erich Wolfgang Korngold, Das Wunder der Heliane. RSO Berlin, Rundfunk Chor/John Mauceri, conductor, Decca/London

147 137 Act 11 Heliane is put to trial to determine if she and the Stranger have had an adulterous relationship. Confused, Heliane is not sure of her loyalties. Although she has not physically given herself to him, emotionally and spiritually, she has. She defends herself, however, and the Stranger who has been denied her love stabs himself and dies. Since the Ruler has declared that Heliane is pure and can perform miracles, she is asked to bring the Stranger back to lif e. Act III Attempting to bring the Stranger back to life, Heliane weakens and declares her love for him. The Stranger then resurrects himself and mobilizes the people of the land with him. Irate, the Ruler stabs Heliane. The Stranger returns Heliane to life but the two unite in pure spirit and enter the gates of heaven, singing a rapturous, transcendental love duet. The prevalent tale of unrequited, ill-fated, and clandestine love is characteristic of nineteenth-century opera plots; undertones of Debussy's Pelleas et Melisande and Wagner's Tristan und Isolde surface in the plot of Heliane. Just as Heliane's connection to The Ruler hinders her relationship with The Stranger, Isolde's engagement to King Mark is the obstacle to her union with Tristan. Likewise, Pelleas and Melisande share a bond that will ultimately lead to their demise. Similar to the love

148 138 between Tristan (Morold's killer) and Isolde (Morold's lover and subsequent widow), the passion between Pelleas and Melisande is immoral, because she is married to his brother. Despite differing circumstances and outcomes of the stories, the common themes of love, jealousy, betrayal, adultery, and revenge in both Tristan and Pelleas are repeated in Korngold's Heliane. Like Isolde, the immoral relationship that Heliane is engaged in ultimately leads to her demise. In fact (like Isolde) her fate has been sealed by reaction to the actions of others. For instance, The Ruler's condemnation of all love leads Heliane to The Stranger, the one who has given love and hope to the citizens of the land. When Heliane goes to the Stranger, she is aware of the consequences and sings, "If anyone knew that I came to you this evening, it would be my death." Throughout the course of the drama, it is her feelings and passion for The Stranger (as it is with Isolde's for Tristan) to which the listener is drawn. Similarly, Isolde's fate is sealed by the battle between her lover, Morold, and Tristan, and she unsuspectingly falls in love with Tristan as she nurses him back to health. Later, Isolde's fate is further sealed when she and Tristan drink the love potion that Brangane has substituted

149 139 for poison. Although Tristan and Heliane share similar storylines, the Wagnerian characters Briinnhilde and Siegfried provide a more direct link to Korngold's Heliane and The Stranger, which will be discussed later in the chapter. More important to character delineation is the inherent symbolism of these characters. The three characters present an allegory of traditional Christian figures, the Devil (The Ruler), the Saviour (The Stranger), and the Madonna (Heliane). A symbol of purity, Heliane may be aligned with the Virgin Mary. It is never explicitly stated that she and the Stranger engage in a physical relationship. Their affair seems to be of a spiritual and transcendental nature. Even the language used to describe Heliane illustrates her honor and goodness. The stage directions to the opening of Act I, scene iv, remark on her physical presence: "The Queen wears a splendid gown which flows from her shoulders in still pleats; her fair hair is tied up by a white band, in her slender almost transparent hands she carries a jug of wine." The photograph on the

150 140 next page of Lotte Lehmann in the role of Heliane gives an idea of the costuming for the Viennese premiere.134 Figure 3.1 Das Wunder der Heliane, Lotte Lehmann as Heliane and Jan Kiepura as The Stranger, Viennese premiere, 29 October 1927 Heliane's body is often compared to a shrine as in Act I, scene iii, when the Stranger sings "Your hair is gold, your feet are crystal, your body must be mine like the Lord's tabernacle, opening in creation's last night!" He / 134 Duchen, 105.

151 141 continues, "0 give me your body] Give me the miracle of your shining white body." Unlike the female characters in Krenek's Jonny spielt auf, Heliane is aligned with the more traditional, nineteenth-century view of women in society. The subservient wife of The Ruler, Heliane is expected to flaunt her sexuality yet repress her true emotions. Viewed as a sex object, her sole purpose seems to be to cater to the desires of both The Ruler, who wishes to consummate his love for her, and The Stranger, who makes numerous requests to see her naked body. Despite her unhappiness and lack of love for The Ruler, she continues her relationship with him, as society demands. A martyr of her own choosing, Heliane seems dejected and forlorn when she first encounters The Stranger. In Act I, Heliane sings, "I am quite powerless. So poor. If I could walk from door to door throughout this somber realm the daily cup of tears would not overflow." Heliane soon reveals herself, both physically and emotionally, to The Stranger, and she is soon put on trial for betraying The Ruler and committing adultery. During her trial in Act II, Heliane begins her transformation. In her aria of defense, she sings:

152 142 Ich war sein in Gedanken Ja, ich wars! Auf meinen Knien bat ich zu Gott das er die Kraft mir schenk dies zu vollenden Nicht hab ich ihn geliebt. Nicht ist mein Leib in Lust entbrannt. Doch schon wie ein Stern im Vergehen. Und neight ich mich, so tat ichs, damit sein armes Aug noch Liebe kobbe sehen. Ehe das es brache Und also Schwor ich, Gott nehme mich hinauf in den Himmel so wahr ich nun schwore nich hat Lust meines Blutes zu jenem Knaben mich getrieben doch sein leid hab ich mit ihm getragen und bin in Schmerzen In Schmerzen, sein geworden. I was his in my thought...yes I was! On my knees I prayed to God To give me strength To fulfill it. I did not love him, My body was not inflamed with desire for him. But the youth was beautiful, Beautiful like a shining star. And, if I inclined to him, I did it So that his poor eyes Might see love before they dimmed, And to this I swear, May God not take me into heaven If I do not swear the truth; It was not the blood's desire that drove me to this youth, But I bore his grief with him And in sorrow,

153 143 In sorrow, I became his.135 With her proclamation of innocence, the central conflict is her own her words signify one thing, her music declares another. (The music for this passage is discussed later in this chapter.) Although Heliane has not committed adultery with her body, in her mind she has, because she has loved someone else, even though the relationship was not consummated. Nineteenth-century societal values preclude Heliane from speaking the truth whole-heartedly in her response to the court. Nonetheless, as the opera progresses, Heliane is transformed into an empowered, emotionally liberated woman. In Act II, Heliane is asked to prove her purity by resurrecting The Stranger, who has just stabbed himself. She sings: So wahr Gott liebt ich schwor mit der Glut meiner Seele: Nicht Seiner Kraft, ich Niedrige, vermess' ich mich Doch da... Da...da ich rein bin 135Liner notes to Erich Wolfgang Korngold, Das Wunder der Heliane. Translated by Gery Bramall. RSO Berlin, Rundfunk Chor/John Mauceri, conductor, Decca/London All libretto excerpts and translations are from this source.

154 144 wird Gottes, des Ewigen, Gnade in mich fliessen schopferisch und aus mir ihn in des Toten Brust. Und also gelob' ich vor euch, einsam stehend unter den Sternen der Nacht: ich werde ihn, ihn, der gestorben, den... den fur mich... den Tote...von Tod...zum Leben, vom Tod...zum Leben...uferwecken ja! As God lives, I swear with my soul's passion: I do not presume in my lowliness to have His powers. But since I am pure the eternal Lord's mercy will flow into me with creative force and from me into the dead man's breast. And thus I swear to you, standing all alone under the night-time stars: I will reawaken him, who is dead, who died for me... the dead man...from death...to life...reawaken yes! Gathering strength and courage, Heliane attempts to resurrect The Stranger. As she approaches the shroud, she seems to be looking at herself. Pulling back the cover, she lifts her hand toward the dead man's face and stops suddenly. Examining his hand, she lifts it from his body and says "I tell you in the name of God: stand... stand... stand..." At this point, Heliane's true feelings are revealed as she exclaims, "I loved him!" and continues "Rise up, you who are silent, rise up, you who taught me about joy! Rise up, I love you! Have mercy! Kiss

155 145 me! 0 if only you could hear me! If only you could come back to me!"136 Heliane's moment of truth has arrived. Relinquishing The Ruler's restraint, she expresses her deepest, genuine feelings, letting go of her inhibitions and fears. Herbert Lindenberger claims that opera provided a means for breaking the silence of women in the nineteenth century.137 Moreover, he states that audiences bestowed their feelings of pity and terror on these characters. Evolving from a character pinned to the nineteenth-century paradigm, Heliane becomes a woman of valor. Nonetheless, her transformation is short-lived, as she meets her death by the hands of The Ruler. Like her predecessors Briinnhilde and Elektra, for example, Heliane represents the nineteenth-century fascination with the central tragic female figure (a soprano) whose strength is extinguished through the actions of men. In addition she, like Briinnhilde, reflects the nineteenth-century 136 Stage directions, commentary, and translation from Decca recording liner notes by Brendan Carroll. 137 Lindenberger, Opera in History From Monteverdi to Cage, 187.

156 146 characterization of women as objects of love and also objects of desire. In Das Wunder der Heliane, the role of the hero, The Stranger, mirrors the ideology of the hero in nineteenthcentury culture, and like Heliane, he has his own quasireligious association. The Stranger reflects the heroic and extraordinary nature of a Messianic figure and is cast as a Heldentenor. The Heldentenor, a dramatic tenor voice, was closely tied to Wagnerian, heroic roles such as Tannhauser, Tristan, Siegmund, and Siegfried.138 Several parallels between The Stranger and Tristan exist. Like Tristan, The Stranger was born of and for sorrow. A victim of his own fate and of his own charisma, The Stranger remains helpless to his situation and seeks the comfort of Heliane. Consoling The Stranger, Heliane declares, "I grieve for you. I grieve for all of mankind, since they all suffer...i came here to bring you comfort." The Stranger has not seemed this vulnerable until this point. He sings: 138 Ellen T. Harris and Owen Jander, "Heldentenor," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2d ed., ed.

157 147 Ich sell' ein Meer leuchtender Ufer, Blauer Wein in weisser Schale, Dariiber fliegen Tauben hin Und ringsum neigen sich mir Friichte. Ich lieg' allein und sell' ins Licht. Ein Atmen ist die Welt. Da nehm' ich sie an meine Brust, Es schlagt ihr Herzschlag mir tief ins Blut, Des Himmels goldne Sterne Sind in mich gestiirzt. Ich bin! Ich bliih! Mein Korper jauchzt: Dasein! Leben!! I behold a sea of sparkling shores, purple wine in a white goblet, doves fly overhead, and all around fruits bend toward me. I lie all alone and look into the light. The world is one long breath. I gather it to my breast, its heartbeat throbs within my blood, the golden stars of heaven have plunged into m e. I am! I bloom! My body shouts for joy: Existence! Life! Spurned by the very masses that he led away from the city and inspired to do good deeds, The Stranger is similar to Jesus Christ. Like The Stranger, Jesus is scorned when he returns to his homeland of Nazareth to preach in Luke 4: Upon his return, Jesus is welcomed, but when he speaks of the prophet's unwanted presence in his hometown, the Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell, vol. 11 (London: Macmillan,

158 148 people drive him out of the city. The Stranger suffers a similar rejection. Driven into exile, he contemplates whether he will ever experience human contact again. When Heliane visits him in prison, he is overcome by love for her. The Stranger's own love and desire have become more important to him than his preaching of love and tolerance, much like Tristan's disregard for his own King after his encounter with Isolde. Moreover, both The Stranger (the preacher) and Tristan (the warrior) have abandoned their calling for earthly love. Like Tristan, The Stranger views love as a mystical consummation, to be found only in death. In Act II, scene v, The Stranger sings "I do not want to go on living after this night! From your arms into eternity!...since you have come to me, I have known joy and pain. And since I have known joy and pain...i want to die!" Just as Tristan deliberately seeks death to escape to happiness, so does The Stranger. As he and Heliane embrace, he takes the dagger from his girdle and drives it into his heart. 2001), 336.

159 149 In Act III, scene iii, Heliane resurrects The Stranger. The stage directions for this scene indicate that The Stranger has supernatural powers after resurrection, suggesting The Stranger's Messianic quality. A sudden, tremendous clap of thunder rends the air. The ground appears to tremble. At the same time outlines of the stars break through the sea of clouds that had completely overcast the sky. The Stranger rises from his bier in suddenly billowing fiery light. His features are the same as before, yet different. He is clothed in a cloak of white and gold. His hair radiates light, from his darkly shining eyes there issues an unearthly flame. He extends his arm...the light grows ever stronger. Shafts of light stream down to earth. The air no longer reverberates, but trembles with celestial music. The song of the spheres is joined by disembodied angelic voices. After The Stranger's resurrection, The Ruler stabs Heliane. Once again, The Stranger's Messianic quality is reiterated when he announces that he has the capacity to grant everlasting life to Heliane. The opera closes, much like Wagner's Tristan und Isolde, with a love-death duet. Wir gehen in den Tod Wir gehen zum Leben Die Furcht versank Still steht die Zeit Schuld lieget tief und weit; Dem Herzen nur solche Maht gegeben Und nur die Liebe ist die Ewigkeit, Ewigkeit.

160 150 We go to our death, we go to our life Fear has fallen away, time stands still Guilt is buried deep and far away; Only hearts have this power And love alone is eternity, eternity. Entering heaven, Heliane and The Stranger embody the opera's theme of the triumph over evil and transcend the physical, earthy love to a spiritual, otherworldly love. Like Tristan and Isolde, The Stranger and Heliane symbolize an overpowering, immortal love that is impossible to achieve on earth. Although similarities in the relationship between Tristan and Isolde and the bond between The Stranger and Heliane exist, it is the relationship between Siegfried and Briinnhilde, as well as their individual characters, which The Stranger and Heliane truly reflect. Drawing parallels between these two relationships illustrates how the dramatic foundation of Heliane rests within nineteenthcentury tradition. In addition, a comparison of Heliane with the Wagnerian heroine Briinnhilde provides an understanding of Heliane's heroic lineage from the

161 151 In Die Walkiire, Brunnhilde must choose between becoming a god or a mortal, a Valkyrie or a woman. Although Heliane does not choose between the supernatural and the earthly, she decides between holiness and immorality. Like Brunnhilde, Heliane is forced to choose between the divine and the human. For instance, when Heliane chooses to undress for The Stranger she chooses to relinquish her divinity for human pleasures. By making this conscious decision, she sacrifices the saintly perception of her that is shared by the crowd. Her decision to provide a fleeting moment of pleasure for The Stranger is truly a lifealtering one, as (in her own mind at least) by doing so, she loses her purity. The Stranger may be seen as sexually innocent, almost boyish, like Siegfried. Youthful and exuberant, Siegfried is characterized as an inexperienced lover and fighter, much like The Stranger. For example, in Act I, scene ii, The Ruler confronts The Stranger and his youthfulness is exposed. When The Ruler questions The Stranger's motivation for preaching throughout the land, The Stranger replies that he does this because he wants mankind to be happy and "Whatever is alive strives for the light, whoever lives and breathes wants to love in full measure." The

162 152 Ruler replies "That's talk for those who squat with women, idlers, boys and behind their words crouches deception!" Because of his philosophies and inexperience, The Stranger is not seen as a complete man. Furthermore, in Heliane's aria of defense in the second act, she makes reference to his youth several times. The nature of the relationship between The Stranger and Heliane may be compared to that between Siegfried and Brunnhilde. Comparable to Tristan and Isolde, Siegfried and Brunnhilde exemplify eternal, metaphysical love. A parallel between Siegfried leaving the nest and The Stranger leaving the pulpit may be drawn; moreover, as Siegfried searches for a woman to satisfy his maternal needs, The Stranger pursues a woman to replace the Madonna, to whom he has devoted his life of ministry. Similar to how Siegfried views Brunnhilde, The Stranger views Heliane as a maternal, sanctified, unsexual, pristine woman with a forbidden, yet tempting sexuality. Continuing with this idea, Heliane and Brunnhilde represent the shift of devotion from "mother" to lover. For instance, in Act I, scene iv, The Stranger sings: Bin ich noch einmal Kind? Ich seh' ein Meer leuchtender Ufer,

163 153 blauer Wein in weisser Schale, dariiber fliegen Tauben hin und ringsum neigen sich mir Friichte. Ich lieg' allein und seh' ins Licht. Am I a child again? I behold a sea of sparkling shores, purple wine in a white goblet, doves fly overhead, and all around fruits bend toward me. I lie all alone and look into the light. Like an adolescent, The Stranger seems to view women from an immature perspective, much like Siegfried after the rejection of the only father he ever knew, Mime, and the first hearing of the forest songbird. Furthermore, The Stranger's words reflect his burgeoning sexuality as he sings: Ein Atmen ist die Welt. Da nehm' ich sie an meine Brust, es schlagt ihr Herzschlag mir tief ins Blut, des Himmels goldne Sterne sind in mich gesturzt. Ich bin! Ich bliih! Mein Korper jauchzt: Dasein! Leben!! The world is one long breath. Its heartbeat throbs within my blood, the golden stars of heaven have plunged into me. I am! I bloom! My body shouts for joy: Existence! Life!

164 154 Just like Brunnhilde, Heliane struggles as a mature woman who is seized by her desire for a virginal youth. Consequently, Heliane is reluctant, even ashamed, to surrender her maidenhood. When she finally relents and disrobes for The Stranger, she sings "Now let me go...1 shall pray for you...and for myself." Nevertheless, by Act III, Heliane has let go of her struggle and admits her wrongdoing without shame. In analyzing Heliane's character in comparison to Brunnhilde's, a connection can be made between the type of heroine these two characters portray. At the beginning of the opera, Heliane begins to disconnect from The Ruler. In the same way that Brunnhilde separates herself from Wotan, Heliane is disobedient, independent, and disrespectful and begins to free herself from The Ruler.139 Betraying the laws of The Ruler, who has condemned all love by punishing love with death, Heliane visits The Stranger in his cell. By doing this, Heliane has chosen her own fate, and her 139 Ruth Koheil and Herbert Richardson, "Why Brunnhilde is the True Hero of the Ring Cycle: An Analysis of Her Psychological Development" in New Studies in Richard Wagner's The Ring of The Nibelung, ed. Herbert Richardson p p (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1991), 180.

165 155 character evolves from an unconscious state where The Ruler controlled her to a conscious state where she is her own 140 person. Throughout the course of the opera, Heliane shows compassion to The Stranger, and ultimately, she, not The Stranger, is responsible for the salvation of the crowd. When The Ruler stabs Heliane in scene iii of the final act, the crowd sings: He has killed his wife! She, to whom God showed mercy at the last! She, who showed compassion to everyone, through whose mouth Christ, Lord Jesus Christ, comforted us! He has killed his wife, his wife who saved us. Although The Stranger was the mouthpiece for love and compassion, Heliane is the one who has restored love and compassion to the land through her actions. Comparable to the Madonna figure in Catholic belief, Heliane holds a special ability to intercede with divine powers on behalf of humanity. Resembling Brunnhilde's completion of the My discussion of the transformation of Heliane's character is based on the same discussion in regard to Brunnhilde's character in the aforementioned article.

166 156 heroic task of returning the ring to the Rhine, Heliane has fulfilled The Stranger's mission. With its Wagnerian-influenced characters, relationships and symbolism, Das Wunder der Heliane illustrates Wagner's firm grasp on the dramatic trends of opera composers in the beginning decades of the twentieth century. Nonetheless, in musical terms, Wagner's influence was lessening, and while composers like Korngold, Strauss, Puccini, and Debussy looked to him for inspiration in character delineation, storyline, and imagery, individual composers did little more than fuse their own compositional style with these dramatic elements. Influences of Strauss and Puccini and the Musical Style of Das Wunder der Heliane With roots firmly planted in the lineage of nineteenth-century opera composer Richard Wagner, by way of Richard Strauss and Giacomo Puccini, Erich Wolfgang Korngold's Das Wunder der Heliane looks to the near past for its musical language. Generally speaking, Korngold's use of massive orchestral forces, expansive harmonic manipulations, leitmotifs, polytonality, chromaticism, and

167 157 metric complexity and fluidity identify the work as a textbook example of late nineteenth-century operatic style. Although Korngold successfully captures the sound world of Wagner, his influences come from Strauss in his use of associative tonality and orchestration and from Puccini in his use of recurring themes and the significance of melody. In this section, I discuss Straussian and Puccinian aspects of Korngold's style, which view Wagnerian principles not as a relic of a distant time but as a medium to be manipulated and applied to modern music. Straussian in nature, Korngold's orchestration techniques recall nineteenth-century practices.141 The orchestra in Heliane is very large, requiring three flutes, piccolo, two oboes, English horn, three clarinets, bass clarinet, two bassoons, double bassoon, four horns in F, 141 Korngold was avidly aware of the Straussian inspiration in his works and even composed a symphonic poem titled Sursum Corda, modeled after Richard Strauss's works Also sprach Zarathustra and Tod und Verklarung. Korngold's biographer, Brendan Carroll, states that when Korngold was a child, " [Strauss] now clearly regarded Korngold as his protege, and was undoubtedly pleased that a composer critically acclaimed to be the hope of the future should be so adept at using the tools of musical construction beloved by Strauss himself even more adept, it was said and so

168 158 three trumpets in C, three trombones, tuba, three sets of timpani, guitar, bells, full percussion including gong, xylophone, glockenspiel, celeste, harmonium, piano, two harps, and full strings. Korngold also used an off-stage ensemble of three trumpets in C, three trombones and six fanfare trumpets, another glockenspiel, organ, and a glockenklavier (bell piano) a kind of celeste but pitched an octave lower. Korngold's extravagant use of percussion instruments and bright timbres corresponds to Strauss's orchestration in Salome, Elektra, and Ariadne auf Naxos. Like Strauss, Korngold attached less importance to overall, broad tonal planning than Wagner. Key choice seems to be governed by the dramatic situation, scene by scene, rather than by a sophisticated long-range Wagnerian tonal plan. Strauss's use of leitmotifs is paralleled in Korngold's designation of particular key areas for each character or group of characters. For example, in Salome, Strauss uses the key of D minor in reference to the Jews and D major for Jochanaan at the end of his first prophecy in scene iii. In her final aria, Salome adopts D major as gifted in manipulating an orchestra the size of that used

169 159 she recalls Jochanaan. Strauss also used the key of C as an abstract symbol for everything that conflicts with Salome.142 As expected, Jochanaan's music also centers on C, and as his rejection of Salome escalates, he is pulled to her tonal orbit. When he abandons his attempts to reform her and returns to his prison, his music is in the key of C minor. Derrick Puffet explains: This sort of transferable tonality has a powerful dramatic effect; as an extension of Wagner's technique, Strauss's use of tonal leitmotives, though not altogether consistent, often makes it possible to tell at once who is dominating the action even when the surface may be busy with more immediate matters.143 Although most fin-de-siecle composers viewed key associations as archaic and insignificant, Strauss employed the concept of associative tonality in many of his operas. Strauss attributed key with a particular Affekte, and after for Elektra." Carroll, The Last Prodigy, Derrick Puffett, Richard Strauss: Salome, Cambridge Opera Handbooks (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), Derrick Puffett, Richard Strauss: Elektra, Cambridge Opera Handbooks (Cambridge University Press, 1989),

170 160 his one-act operas he attached little importance to overall key structure.144 Puffett explains that Strauss's use of associative tonality was not simplistic: It is not simply that in opera some themes and characters belong to one key area or another and alternatives would always be plausible but in the interests of balance as well as coherence, variety as well as unity, the harmonic flow should be controlled by the careful organization of local and larger-scale relationships.145 Korngold's use of associative tonality supports the idea that he was working within the nineteenth-century tradition, emulating Strauss. For example, Korngold did not affix a particular key to each of the characters in the opera. Instead, his use of key (F-sharp major and B major, in particular) serves as the dramatic thread of the opera, to be discussed later in this chapter. Korngold followed Strauss's harmonic practices and similarly lenient key 144 David Murray, "Richard Strauss," The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, ed. Stanley Sadie, vol. 4 (London: Macmillan, 1992), Puffett, Richard Strauss: Elektra, 58.

171 161 symbolism. For the purpose of this paper, my definition of key symbolism and associative tonality are interchangeable. Korngold's use of recurring themes is not systematically referential in nature like that of Wagner, but rather is akin to Puccini's applications. In La Boheme, Puccini used the opening theme as a reprise throughout the opera, recapitulating what has already passed and moving the drama forward. Like Puccini, Korngold used recurring themes as accompaniment to and commentary on the dramatic action, but Korngold's system does not constitute a grand architectural plan for the opera. In Heliane Korngold used one recurring theme in particular. Associated with the idea of immortality, the so-called Resurrection Motive is woven throughout the score as the dramatic thread of the drama, returning at key moments in the action.146 Furthermore, the use of symbolic keys in conjunction with a specific recurring theme, as 146 Brendan Carroll bestowed the name "Resurrection" to this motive in his analysis and explained the significance of it: "This chordal theme, unusual in Korngold, symbolizes resurrection, and the power of love is pivotal to the entire work." Carroll, liner notes.

172 162 discussed below, heightens the dramatic action and provides a framework to the story. The tonal center of the opening statement of the Resurrection Motive is F-sharp major. A series of bi-tonal progressions (F sharp major, A major with D minor, B major, A major with D minor, F sharp major, A major with D minor, F major, E flat major with A flat major, and F minor resolving to E flat major) emphasizes the quartal/quintal relationship of the theme, also a Puccinian device.147 When the block chords are not unison chords, they share a dominant/subdominant relationship; for example, A major is the dominant of D minor, D minor is the subdominant of A major, and so forth. (See Example 3.1 on next page.) Moreover, the diminished seventh chord created by the melody notes of the Resurrection Motive F sharp, A, C and E flat, have significance later in the opera, when they are tonicized at pivotal moments in the drama. For instance, the tonality of F-sharp major symbolizes the prevailing power of love throughout the opera, and as later examples 147 Quartal/quintal harmony is defined as a harmonic system based on the interval of a fourth or fifth, as opposed to a tertiary harmony in the major/minor system.

173 163 will show, is often used in connection with The Stranger's music and Heliane's moments of transformation All examples are from Erich Wolfgang Korngold, Das Wunder Der Heliane (Mainz: Schott Musik, 1929).

174 164 Example 3.1 Das Wunder der Heliane, Resurrection Motive The Resurrection Motive rarely appears in this original form. For instance, in Act I, scene iv, Queen Heliane visits The Stranger. During their meeting, their infatuation and impending fate become apparent through Korngold's use of musical devices such as recurring themes, key symbolism, and orchestration. When Heliane enters at the beginning of the scene, her celestial sound world is instantly created with high woodwinds, celeste, harp, and bells. (See Example 3.2 on next page.)

175 Example 3.2 Das Wunder der Heliane, Heliane's sound world 165

176 166 Korngold had once envisioned a small orchestral ensemble within the main orchestra to underscore Heliane's appearances on stage. Although he abandoned the idea, the orchestration used in conjunction with Heliane's music has its own sound, much different from that of The Stranger.149 The Stranger's music envelops the musical landscape as Heliane's sound world is disturbed by The Stranger's music. Wagnerian in nature, this music makes use of the full orchestra, creating a lush, romantic sound that supersedes Heliane's sound world. This scene continues as Heliane begins to adopt The Stranger's musical language. For example, in Example 3.3, Heliane's sound world has been supplanted by The Stranger's rich musical landscape, unambiguous harmony, and lyrical vocal line. 149 Carroll, liner notes.

177 167 Example 3.3 Das Wunder der Heliane, Heliane's sound world invaded by The Stranger Kommt durch den Morgen eine Seele, Sie kann die Welt einsam nicht tragen! Suchst du mich, Herz? Ich fuhle dich, nehm' wie ein Kind Dich an meine Brust Dein Leiden und dein Gluck, sie sind in mich gestiirzt. Ich bin! Ich diene! Ich bluh' und jauchze; Zweisein! Liebe! A soul that strides through the morning Cannot support the world all by itself! Heart, are you seeking me? I feel you, take you to my breast, like a child, your suffering and your joy have plunged into me. I am! I serve! I bloom and shout for joy! Together! Love!

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181 171 In complete rapture with Heliane's display of affection, The Stranger takes on her sound world and asks to see her hair. Tempted and seduced by his undertaking of her music, Heliane readily surrenders to the Stranger's wishes. In Example 3.4, The Stranger requests that Heliane untie her hair for him to see. Just as Pelleas is fascinated with Melisande's hair, The Stranger bestows much emphasis on Heliane's hair. Symbolic of the nineteenth century, this enchantment with hair was influenced by Freudian psychology.150 In fact, hair garnered the interest of poets at the turn of the century, as the pleasures to be discovered in a lover's unbound hair were the topic of several poems.151 When Heliane relents, the Resurrection Motive, now centered in the key of C minor (a symbolic key derived from the diminished seventh chord created by the Resurrection Motive at the beginning of the work), 150 Freud discusses the obsession with and sexual symbolism of hair in Civilization and its Discontents (New York: Norton, 1962) and Three Essays on the Theoryr of Sexuality (London: Hogarth Press, 1962). 151 Katherine Bergeron, "Melisande's Hair, or the Trouble in Allemonde: A Postmodern Allegory at the Opera Comique" in Siren Songs: Representations of Gender and Sexuality in Opera, explores this topic in more detail.

182 172 accentuates her action. Furthermore, the Resurrection Motive is stated by the high winds, pianissimo, recreating Heliane's divine sound world as The Stranger undoes her hair. The first complete statement of the Resurrection Motive since the opening of the opera, this is significant in that it marks the first encounter between The Stranger and Heliane and leads to the ultimate consummation of their love at the end of the opera (See Example 3.4.) Example 3.4 Das Wunder der Heliane, first complete statement of the Resurrection Motive Euer Haar, muss golden sein, goldkiihl hinabrinnen fiber Eure Schlafe, wie ewiges Licht rinnt fiber den Altar. Gebt, gebt, mir Euer Haar, dass ich in seiner Flut den morgigen Tag vergess! Your hair must be golden, must pour down your brow like cool gold, like eternal light pouring upon the altar. Give, give me your hair, so that, within its flood, I may forget tomorrow.

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185 175 As Heliane unfastens the white band that wraps her hair, The Stranger buries his hands and face in her hair. This action is not enough to quench his desire. Once again he asks Heliane to surrender by showing him her feet. This moment differs from his first request to see her hair in its return to his original, fuller, string sound. Reestablishing the rich, string timbre associated with The Stranger bears meaning as Heliane will adopt his sound world after the statement of the Resurrection Motive. The intensity builds as the tempo accelerates, and as Heliane takes measures to seal her fate, the Resurrection Motive varies in dynamic level. The opening interval of the motive is a major third rather than the original minor third. The ascension of a half step when Heliane sings "Ich schenk es euch" builds tension. The orchestration varies a bit as well, with the flute taking the melody line of the motive and the celeste and harp serving as accompaniment. Presenting the Resurrection Motive in this varied form underscores the escalating dramatic tension. That is, as The Stranger tempts Heliane even more, her sound world is slightly disturbed.

186 176 Example 3.5 Das Wunder der Heliane, Heliane's sound world disturbed by The Stranger Euer Fiisse, versinken im gelosten Schaum, Die schmalen, die kleinen Fiisse, Herrin, ich sehe sie nicht! 0 gebt mir, 0 gebt mir Eure weissen, kleinen Fiisse, dass ich sie kiissen kann, bis man mich holt! Your feet sink into the golden foam, Your narrow, tiny feet, Lady, I cannot see them! 0 give me, give me your tiny white feet, So that I may kiss them until they come for me!

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189 179 After Heliane reveals her feet to The Stranger, he asks if she will be his during the last night of his life. Suddenly, the music changes, incorporating The Stranger's sound, and Heliane is consumed by him as she sings "Erbarmt Euch mein! Ich kann nicht, kann nicht - Erbarmen!" (Have mercy on me! I cannot! I cannot mercy!) Standing motionless, Heliane abandons her doubt and disrobes for The Stranger. In the stage directions, Korngold specified: A ringing sound seems to emanate from her body into the dungeon. The air trembles, the walls sparkle, unearthly angelic voices sing the first phrase of a seraphic annunciation. The Stranger, overwhelmed, does not breathe. This fortissimo unison statement of the Resurrection Motive, centered on the key of A, is more pronounced than its last two statements (in C and C minor); Korngold employs massive orchestral forces, emphasizing brass and percussion. The key of A bears some significance as it reiterates the tertial relationship of F sharp to A sharp established at the beginning of the opera. Above the Resurrection Motive, the first violins play sweeping chromatic glissandi. In addition, the reappearance of the

190 180 choir singing "Selig sind die Liebenden" recalls the opening statement of the Resurrection Motive. Example 3.6 Das Wunder der Heliane, Recapitulation of beginning of opera

191 181 The return of the Resurrection Motive, followed by the choir, signals a turning point in the drama. At this moment in the opera, Heliane has bared both her body and soul, not only to The Stranger but also to the audience. Korngold's use of the Resurrection Motive and its key area at this juncture is important; this instance of the Resurrection Motive signifies a turning point in the storyline, and indicates a change in the development of Heliane's character. Although Heliane has bared herself to The Stranger, she has not quite given up herself entirely to him. Korngold's use of A major rather than F sharp major for this significant turn of events underscores the unfinished, or early, stages of their relationship, as the key of F sharp major is reserved for Heliane's aria of defense in Act II. Although Heliane seems to repent of her actions, she cannot deny what has just happened. Further, just as this scene presents a turning point in the evolution of the drama, it proves a stimulus for her character development as well. In Heliane's trial scene and aria of defense in Act II ("Ich ging zu ihm"), she recollects this incident of The Stranger's seduction. The aria illustrates Heliane's repression of her true feelings as her words deny her love

192 182 for The Stranger and her music conveys her passion for him by way of tonality, vocal line, and orchestration. For instance, throughout Heliane, the key of F-sharp symbolizes the prevailing power of love between The Stranger and Heliane and is often used in conjunction with The Stranger's music and moments of Heliane's transformation. During her aria of defense, the tonality wanders around D major with much tonal ambiguity, further confirming her confusion and denial. But when Heliane sings "Doch schon war der Knabe" (but, the youth was beautiful), her music suddenly shifts to the key of F sharp major, the key that symbolizes the prevailing power of love between her and The Stranger. Used in conjunction with The Stranger's music and moments of Heliane's transformation, the key of F sharp has not occurred since the opening statement of the Resurrection Motive. Although her words still speak in half-truths, her music speaks reality as the key area, the diatonic and lyrical vocal line, the impetuous harmonic shifts, and the lush orchestration relate to the sound quality associated with The Stranger. When we hear Heliane in Act I, her music is much different from what we hear at the culmination of "Ich ging zu ihm." Prior to this section,

193 183 Heliane's solo music has been somewhat disjointed and ambiguous. In the aria, she admits that she did bare herself to The Stranger but that she did not love him. Until this moment in the opera, Heliane has been indecisive and in denial about her love for The Stranger, as witnessed in her indefinable music. As her music becomes more like that of The Stranger, Heliane's character begins to be transformed and developed, and her true feelings are confirmed. Example 3.7 Das Wunder der Heliane, "Ich ging zu ihm" Doch schon war der Knabe schon wie ein Stern im Vergehen. Und neigt' ich mich, so tat ich's, damit sein armes Aug' noch Liebe konne sehen, ehe dass es brache und also schwor ich, Gott nehme mich hinauf in den Himmel, so wahr ich nun schwore: nicht hat Lust meines Blutes zu jenem Knaben mich getrieben, doch sein Leid hab' ich mit ihm getragen und bin in Schmerzen, im Schmerzen sein geworden Und nun totet mich. But the youth was beautiful, Beautiful like a setting star. And if I inclined to him, I did it so that his poor eyes might yet see love before they dimmed, and to this I swear, May God not take me into heaven if I do not swear the truth:

194 It was not the blood's desire that drove me to this youth, But bore his grief with him and in sorrow, I became his. And now kill me. 184

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197 187 During the trial scene, The Ruler sarcastically proclaims that since Heliane is pure and can work miracles, she must raise The Stranger from the dead to exonerate herself. At the end of Act II, Heliane announces that she will reawaken The Stranger. Although Heliane's music is not firmly based on the Resurrection Motive here, her music is centered on the motive's key of F sharp major with similar, massive chords and orchestration. One could argue that the incorporation of the motive at this point has nothing more than a literal suggestion; nonetheless, the use of the key of F sharp seems to denote Heliane's strengthening independence from The Ruler, her union with The Stranger, and her willingness to accept her feelings. Heliane's adoption of F sharp major indicates her recognition of the love between her and The Stranger. Her music has been harmonically ambiguous until now and centered on her sound world of winds, celeste, and harp. Her sound world still exists but is coupled with the lush string and brass sound of The Stranger.

198 188 Example 3.8 Das Wunder der Heliane, transformation of Heliane's sound world Doch da ich rein bin Wird Gottes, des Ewigen, Gnade in mich fliessen schopferisch und aus mir ihn des Toten Brust... ich werde ihn, ihn, der gestorben, den, der fur mich... But since I am pure the eternal Lord's mercy will flow into me with creative force and from me into the dead man's breast... I will reawaken him, who is dead, who died for me...

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201 191 While F sharp major begins to be more readily associated with Heliane, the Resurrection Motive is reserved for the final apotheosis of love. Although Korngold flirts with the use of the Resurrection Motive by utilizing key association and orchestration linked to its first presentation, he increases the intensity by using the motive only at chief turning points in the drama, similar to Puccini's use of recurring themes in La Boheme.152 Except for the first seductive encounter between The Stranger and Heliane in Act I, Korngold saves the Resurrection Motive in its original form and key for the ultimate rebirth of The Stranger and Heliane in the transcendent love duet that concludes the opera. Representative of spiritual-sexual sublimation, the final love duet bears strong resemblance to the Liebestod 152 The instrumental theme of the Bohemians at the beginning of the opera reappears at the height of the drama in Act IV, as Mimi dies. In addition, as the lovers recall their first meeting, the love-theme and Mimi's motif also recur. Throughout the opera, Mimi's motif is weak but Puccini waits until the culmination of the opera to fully develop her motif, similar to how Korngold reserves the Resurrection Motive in the final love duet. See Arthur Groos and Roger Parker, Giacomo Puccini: La Boheme, Cambridge Opera Handbooks (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986),94-96.

202 192 of Wagner's Tristan und Isolde and the transcendental love duet at the end of Strauss's Ariadne auf Naxos.153 Korngold's use of the Resurrection Motive at the end of the duet becomes the true zenith of the expression of love between The Stranger and Heliane. Like Tristan and Isolde, The Stranger and Heliane can experience the supremacy of their love only through death. Likewise, only with their death may their love be consummated; thus, Korngold reserves the use of the Resurrection Motive for the very end of the opera. Also worth mentioning is Korngold's choice of key for the final duet. Wagner used a two-key structure for Isolde's Liebestod: A flat major, then B major, while Korngold utilized D-flat major, then B major. While Heliane is dying, The Stranger comforts her as heaven awaits her death. One assumes that Heliane has succumbed to her death as they embrace and the gates of heaven have opened. At this point in the score the key shifts to D flat major (or C sharp major, the dominant of F sharp, the key associated 153 Duchen, 106.

203 193 with Heliane's and The Stranger's love), and The Stranger and Heliane sing in unison. Example 3.9 Das blunder der Heliane, final love duet Ich hab' nicht Mich gesucht, hab' Dich gefunden nun stromen Du und Ich in einen Strom. Wer hin sich schenkt, der hat sich iiberwunden, und Erdenkerker wird Himmelsdom. Not seeking my own self, I found you now you and I flow in the same stream. Whoever gives himself has conquered himself and early prisons become the vault of heaven.

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205 195 Continuing the duet, The Stranger and Heliane express their confrontation of death and their welcoming of new life. As they sing of the eternity of their love, the tonality shifts to B major. Perhaps Korngold did not use the key of F sharp major for the final duet because he reserved that key for Heliane's and The Stranger's earthly love, the love that had been associated with F sharp major. Rather, he reserved the key of B major for the apotheosis of their love. Furthermore, the use of B major may suggest that it has been the tonic key throughout the opera and the dominant, F sharp major, created a vague and unsettling tonal atmosphere, only to be resolved in the culmination of the opera and the final consummation of The Stranger's and Heliane's love. The opera ends as the two enter heaven to begin their eternal life. The intensity builds to this point of ascension, and Korngold reserves the Resurrection Motive for the final moment of bliss.

206 196 Example 3.10 Das Wunder der Heliane, continuation of final love duet Dem Herzen nur ist solche Macht gegeben. und nur die Liebe ist die Ewigkeit, Ewigkeit. Only hearts have this power And love alone is eternity, eternity.

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