Florian Grote. Locating Publics. Forms of Social Order in an Electronic Music Scene

Transcription

1 Locating Publics

2 Florian Grote Locating Publics Forms of Social Order in an Electronic Music Scene

3 Florian Grote Berlin, Germany Dissertation of the Zeppelin University, Friedrichshafen 2013 First Reviewer: Dirk Baecker Second Reviewer: Martin Warnke Third Reviewer: Karen van den Berg Date of the Disputation: September 11, 2013 ISBN DOI / ISBN (ebook) The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at Library of Congress Control Number: Springer VS Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden 2014 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. Exempted from this legal reservation are brief excerpts in connection with reviews or scholarly analysis or material supplied specifically for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work. Duplication of this publication or parts thereof is permitted only under the provisions of the Copyright Law of the Publisher s location, in its current version, and permission for use must always be obtained from Springer. Permissions for use may be obtained through RightsLink at the Copyright Clearance Center. Violations are liable to prosecution under the respective Copyright Law. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. While the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication, neither the authors nor the editors nor the publisher can accept any legal responsibility for any errors or omissions that may be made. The publisher makes no warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein. Printed on acid-free paper Springer VS is a brand of Springer DE. Springer DE is part of Springer Science+Business Media.

4 Acknowledgments The world of electronic music is a fascinating place. It relies on sounds that can be created freely, without limitations imposed by acoustic instruments and their rules of operation. Its musicians are versatile masters of their instruments nevertheless, only the notion of the instrument has changed drastically. Pieces of software or a device connected to a computer, microphones and loudspeakers as well as small applications on mobile devices are all being used in a wide variety of styles and genres. Acoustic instruments are not forgotten, though. Many of the musicians I was in contact with during my research have a background with and profound training on one or several acoustic instruments, some of them even relying on them as their main way of creative expression, all the while remaining firmly rooted in the world of electronic sound. While the creation of electronic music has always embraced new technologies, the same is true for its reception. Much of electronic music is consumed by playing back digital files, using all sorts of different devices. Outside of artistic practice, electronic music scenes have gone through major shifts brought about by new technologies used for organizational purposes, mainly utilizing different means of online communication. This openness to try out and make use of new technologies has been a very visible common trait in most of the members of the scene in which I had the privilege to conduct my research. First and foremost, I have to thank these artists and organizers, who remain anonymous in this book, for supporting my research in their creative field and for taking the time to patiently explain to me the inner workings of their practice from their own perspectives. Their dedication to live their love of music was the inspiration for my work. I want to thank my promotors, Prof. Dr. Dirk Baecker and Prof. Dr. Martin Warnke, for encouraging me to embark on this endeavor, and for the continued support throughout the years I worked on it. I also want to thank Prof. Dr. Karen van den Berg for assessing my dissertation and pointing me in very interesting new directions. To these academic supervisors, I am deeply thankful for the many long discussions and the in-depth feedback, as well as the guidance they provided, but also for repeatedly challenging me to rethink my methods and theses, all of which have made this undertaking an incredibly enriching experience.

5 6 Acknowledgments I want to thank my family, Marie Beyeler and my parents, Irmgard and Dr. Klaus Grote, for their continued support throughout the years. Their strength was my main encouragement. In this study, I lay out an account of structures and processes as I see them, and I describe the methodology that led me to these results. For me as for any observer, the step out of the relative security of keeping things ambiguous, and to really sketch out an account of the very diverse situations I experienced, was the most critical part. It would not have been possible without the many people who reviewed my work while I collected all the bits and pieces, providing input that sometimes stopped me on a wrong path, but more often sparked new ideas and new possibilities to observe things happening in the field. For this, I want to especially thank Jan Beyeler, Dr. Hendrik Buhl, Prof. Dr. Rolf Grossmann, Prof. Dr. Michael Harenberg, Thaddeus Herrmann, Dr. Athanasios Karafillidis, Prof. Dr. Maren Lehmann, Takeshi Nishimoto, Andreas Otto, Dr. Silke Seemann, Dr. Christina Weiss, and my colleagues at Native Instruments.

6 Contents Introduction Chapter 1: Social and Economical Contexts The Notion of the Network The Next Society and its Cultures Cultures Cultural and Artistic Practice Social Space Electronic Musicians in the Age of Networks Computers: Ubiquitous Production Machines A Typical Production Setup Producer Publics Communicating About Music What Can and Cannot be Said About Music? Art and Meaning Preconditions for Observation The Notion of Distinction A Calculus of the Social Networks From Distinctions Observing Observers Analytical Strategy Distinguishing Styles and Scenes The Mechanism of Comparison Differentiation Economics or Art Lots of Music, Nearly no Sales Berlin: The Center of the Universe for Electronic Music Techno Music and the Berghain Mania In the Shadow of Berghain Music Technology Manufacturers Hired Guns With Record Deals

7 8 Contents Chapter 2: Observing a Scene of Electronic Music Culture Methods of Data Collection and Analysis Web Pages Interviews Participatory Observation MySpace Survey Coding Networks from Codes Tracing a Music Scene: The Label and its Artists Observing Differences and Relations Persons Persons in Networks Network Domains Publics and Audiences Baiting Publics Offers for Switching Generate Interest Operating Publics Different Public Situations Audiences out of Publics Audiences as Performers Chapter 3: Online Publics and Practices MySpace Platform MySpace Case Study: Artist O MySpace Case Study: Label C Facebook Facebook Case Study: Artist T Facebook Case Study: Label C / Label Owner H Control Efforts The Formation of Online Publics Building Publics Novelty and Selection Comparisons and Valuation Chains Different Potentials Music Releases Switchings Generalizations and Casual Intimacy

8 Contents 9 Chapter 4: Performance Events: Cultural and Artistic Practice in Social Space Format I: Label Event with Live Performance Interaction Systems and Performances Case Study: The Label C s Allnighter Event The Social Form of the Performance Event Artistic Practice and Technology Control Efforts Format II: Concert Events Case Study: The Duo Concert On Formats Chapter 5: Integrating Online Publics and Performance Events Experienced Potential-Builders A Casual Intimacy Interaction and Disciplines Integration Bibliography

9 Introduction In the old, run-down center of Berlin-Kreuzberg, the streets are lined with international call shops and small cafés, Turkish banks have their branch offices, and the overground metro rail cuts through a landscape dominated by the concrete tower blocks of 1970s social housing initiatives. Right here, in one of the hotspots of old West-Berlin, every month, participants of a small electronic music scene converged in small venues where artists played music from their latest releases on a specialized music label. Most visitors and the artists traveled to these venues from other parts of the city or from other cities in Europe. The performance events held here were not local, but rather located in the sense of being deliberately placed here, with visitors and organizers who did not usually spend their evenings in this area. The placement of these and similar performance events was viewed as playing an important role by the participants, and great care was taken in the selection of venues and the organization of the events themselves. This study investigates how this small electronic music scene organized its activity through public communication. This was not the scene of high-profile music events, which drew thousands of tourists to Berlin every weekend, but its participants were prolific and highly engaged nevertheless. Online communication played an important role in the scene s activity, so I integrated in-depth case studies of these phenomena with my research on located events. Why the music scene? What qualifies this field of cultural and artistic practice for a study on forms of social order? The answer lies in the position this scene holds in the face of the large-scale changes as society moves from industrialized modernity to its next state, predicted by Peter F. Drucker as the Next Society (Drucker 2001). Here, instead of production jobs, knowledge work is key, set in the context of all-encompassing computer networks. This change is only in its beginning stages, yet some areas of society are already affected much more than others. The music scene is among the most affected areas: Most of both its means of production and its commodities in the form of recorded music are, for all practical purposes, available as pure information, more or less decoupled from any physical substrate. Both can be used and distributed on computers, so that the most important physical objects in the music scene have become software objects. As such, they are subjected to falling prices, which at the time of writing are trending towards zero. The huge studios, icons of the music

10 12 Introduction industry, are no longer needed, nor do most artists have the funds to book them. Other forms of cultural and artistic practice gain relevance again, for example the concert and the DJ performance, even though they do not provide monetary compensation for decreasing revenue from sales of recorded music. Most importantly, the electronic musician has to understand his own role differently now, and this promises a rich field for empirical exploration. The field of this study is defined by the focus on a particular music label. The artists in the center of my observations all have at least one release on this label. Stylistically, the music released here can be subsumed under the term electronica, a genre where electronic sounds are combined with broken beats originating in hip hop and jazz, with occasional acoustic or electro-acoustic instruments mixed in. The reach of the label was global, releasing music by artists from all over the world. Even so, many of the international artists had moved to Berlin, in part because of the collaboration with this music label. This study is not primarily an investigation into the aesthetic and stylistic aspects of the music created and performed by field participants, although they play a significant role in the analysis as well. I deliberately chose to rather focus my investigation on the details of the communicational process, in an effort to find out more about how the scene organizes itself under changing circumstances. The main method of analysis applied throughout this study is what I refer to as form analysis. It is an attempt to look at the very fine-grained forms of communicational constructions, for example when a statement is offered or a reaction to something that was communicated takes place. This approach is based on sociological systems theory, where communication is described as multiple chains of singular events, which can be observed as streams of the communicational process. Each event can be analyzed as an individual form, while being embedded in semantics of broader topics spanning across different events. In the form, the arrangement of distinctions between the different references can be observed on the process level, while at the same time including the cultural relevance of the form in the analysis by remaining sensitive to the references made. As a part of society, musicians and the cultural practice surrounding them always had to deal with the changes and challenges prevalent in the wider contexts of social life. This can be observed for singing at campfires, just as well as for the music mega stars of the 20th century. Music scenes emerged as realms of social action focused on a specific type of artistic practice, and with them, certain forms of organizations came into being, catering to the artistic practices and the public interest in them. As with other artistic and cultural practices, the industrialization of music over the course of the 20th century has produced certain forms of trade, of institutions and organizations, of expectations and standards and the various roles associated with

11 Introduction 13 them. Industries are economies of scale, and the mass adoption of their products therefore presupposes and creates the notion of a mainstream media culture, where tastes are not differentiated in too many niches to still be profitable. The resulting musical artifacts can be subsumed in the term popular music (e.g. Kusek / Leonhard 2005). As the economical basis for this industrial, mass-market business model has largely ceased existence with the advent of free online content towards the end of the 20th century, institutions and roles of the old system do not disappear overnight, if at all. Products of the industrial form are still released, yet in very different economical contexts. This has implications for the ties among different roles associated with the artistic and cultural practice of music. Already while the industrial economy was still viable, certain sub-groups defined themselves as opposition to the one-size-fits-all mass market. These so-called independent (e.g. Millard 1995) scenes did, however, mostly copy the institutional structures and role schemes of the mainstream practices they narratively separated themselves from, only that their versions were scaled down so they could be steered either by the musicians themselves or by people they knew and trusted. Institutionalized structures of both mainstream and independent music economies included forms such as the multiplex studios, record labels, distributors, nationwide music retailers, and royalty collection societies. All these forms emerged with the mass audiences and their markets during the central decades of the 20th century. As these markets fragmented from the last decade of the 20th century on, the above and similar forms of institutionalized structures continued to exist, even though some individual organizational installments vanished and a larger number of them slimmed down in size. This organizational change altered the ecology of operation for artists, both in mainstream and independent scenes. In terms of the installments of artistic and cultural practice, institutions had been in control throughout the era of industrial success. Albums were created in large studios and concerts often placed in extensive venues like stadiums and arenas. With the availability of the MP3 format, it has become not only possible but also convenient to treat music recordings as pure information. For all practical purposes, copying recorded music is not bound to physical representations of recordings any more, and the quality of the copies has reached a standard that is sufficient to satisfy the vast majority of listeners. For a recording industry built on the foundation of physical scarcity of their products, this has posed enormous problems. Sales numbers have gone down for individual releases, and with them, revenues and production budgets have decreased. As a result, releases with major record labels have lost much of their appeal, which had been gained by the promise of artistic fame coupled with economical wealth. The releases in the field of this study did not generate enough revenue

12 14 Introduction to support a larger organization, let alone one of an industrial scale. Rather, the focus of economical considerations surrounding a release laid on supporting the lifestyle of the recording artists. This brought with it the need for the artists to take over tasks which had previously been handled by others. Now, they needed to organize large parts of their public communication themselves, and get involved in almost all aspects of recording and releasing music. While some artists in the field had to cope with this change, it was the only mode of practice known to many others, who had started their artistic career already in the context of the wide availability of networked computers. The traditional music industry of a few big players has been losing ground against a fragmented market landscape of many small actors. Nevertheless, scalability is still provided for theoretically, i.e. in the case of a big success for one of the releases in a smaller scene, the mass-production mechanisms of the old industry model would still be available. The manufacturers of CDs and vinyl records have adapted to the smaller sales volumes, and production costs are reasonably low even for relatively small pressings in the hundreds or low thousands. At the same time, it would still be easy to place an order of a hundred thousand copies, if a label or an artist suddenly saw a demand for them. In this study, we analyze the public communication strategies of artists and institutions in a specific music scene. The artists work falls within the broad realm of electronic music on the fringes of academic and popular techno and hip hop music, as well as media art. The artists, related events, and organizations were chosen on the basis of their involvement with a particular record label, which used to be run from both Berlin and Manchester. The partner in Manchester dropped out of the label during the period of field research, leaving the Berlin partner in charge of the label. All of the artists included in this study have at some point released music through this label, although none of them used it as exclusive outlet for their music work. The focus of observation rested on the emergence and the function of publicly accessible communicational events in the field. An event can be any manifestation of communication taking place, i.e. an observable entity of signs connecting different references to meaning. The underlying research interest of this study can be summarized in the question why participants of a scene who have access to networked computers in all their stationary and mobile forms and who could, therefore, communicate with the publics interested in their work regardless of their location, still arrange for located interaction at public concerts and performance events to address a variety of topics. Methods of data collection included interviews with field participants, the structured collection of phenomena observable online, a survey, and multiple accounts of participatory observation. The interviews conducted included questions about spatial arrangements of locatable objects relevant to the music work of an artist. This could mean questions about accessibility and placement of rele-

13 Introduction 15 vant elements such as studios, record stores, venues, and organization offices, but also about the media used for communication between artists and their fan base as well as peer artists, and the efforts at controlling the artists and the label s own representations in these forms of media. The study starts with an overview of the social and economical contexts in which the field participants operated. The first chapter also introduces the core epistemological concepts that built the foundation of the collection and analysis of my data. Chapter 2 introduces the field and the methods used in the empirical work. In this chapter, I already start to build an analytical overview of the operative relations in the field utilizing methods from network theory, which are also explained here. Chapter 3 is focused on the public use of online communication media in the field, with detailed analyses of presentations and communicational processes involving the online platforms MySpace and Facebook. Chapter 4 follows with in-depth accounts of my participatory observation efforts at performance events. The analysis examines ways in which the parties involved in the performance events collaborated and communicated with their relevant publics. Finally, Chapter 5 explores a theoretical model of how the field participants integrated the different approaches to publicly communicate in their cultural and artistic practices. The observations in this study are a momentary snapshot of a changing cultural field. The label from which my explorations started has stopped to release new music as of late 2012, while one of its sublabels continues to release small runs of vinyl singles. On the other hand, most of the artists are still active. Some of them release their music on other labels, while many act primarily on their own, releasing their music directly to online platforms and curating their own artistic identity in social networks. As the change continues, the broad electronic music scene remains a fascinating field for empirical research. A note on citation: I will cite from my data throughout the study, even before the data types and the methodology of their collection and analysis are introduced in Chapter 2. The citations state the entries in the research database, beginning with P (for primary document) followed by their assigned number. The research database cannot be published for copyright reasons and to protect the anonymity of the field participants. It can be made available upon request for scientific purposes.