Adina DRAGOMIRESCU PARTICULARITĂȚI SINTACTICE ALE LIMBII ROMÂNE ÎN CONTEXT ROMANIC SUPINUL

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2 Adina DRAGOMIRESCU PARTICULARITĂȚI SINTACTICE ALE LIMBII ROMÂNE ÎN CONTEXT ROMANIC SUPINUL

3 PARTICULARITĂȚI SINTACTICE ALE LIMBII ROMÂNE ÎN CONTEXT ROMANIC SUPINUL Autor: Adina DRAGOMIRESCU Conducător ştiințific: Prof. univ. dr. Gabriela PANĂ DINDELEGAN Lucrare realizată în cadrul proiectului Valorificarea identităților culturale în procesele globale, cofinanțat din Fondul Social European prin Programul Operațional Sectorial Dezvoltarea Resurselor Umane , contractul de finanțare nr. POSDRU/89/1.5/S/ Titlurile şi drepturile de proprietate intelectuală şi industrială asupra rezultatelor obținute în cadrul stagiului de cercetare postdoctorală aparțin Academiei Române. Punctele de vedere exprimate în lucrare aparțin autorului şi nu angajează Comisia Europeană şi Academia Română, beneficiara proiectului. Exemplar gratuit. Comercializarea în țară şi străinătate este interzisă. Reproducerea, fie şi parțială şi pe orice suport, este posibilă numai cu acordul prealabil al Academiei Române. ISBN Depozit legal: Trim. II 2013

4 Adina DRAGOMIRESCU Particularități sintactice ale limbii române în context romanic Supinul Editura Muzeului Național al Literaturii Române Colecția AULA MAGNA

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6 Cuprins INTRODUCERE... 9 CAPITOLUL 1 SUPINUL ROMÂNESC. PREZENTARE GENERALĂ Supinul ca formă verbală nonfinită, o particularitate tipologică a românei Definiție şi forme Supinul nominal şi supinul verbal Diferențierea de participiu Diferențe morfosintactice Diferențe semantice Tendința de diferențiere formală Originea supinului românesc. Opinii şi interpretări Ipoteza 1: Supinul românesc este moştenit din latină Ipoteza 2: Supinul este format pe teren românesc, de la participiul perfect Sintaxa externă a supinului verbal. Regenții supinului Supinul cu regent nominal Supinul cu regent verb copulativ Supinul cu regent adjectival Supinul complement Supinul adjunct temporal sau restrictiv Supinul adjunct consecutiv > intensificator Supinul în construcția e greu de Supinul cu regent verbal Supinul complement Construcția trebuie spus, trebuie mers Supinul adjunct Supinul ca mijloc de tematizare a predicației

7 Supinul autonom, cu valoare imperativă Supinul în expresii adverbiale Concurența supin infinitiv conjunctiv în limba română actuală Sintaxa internă a supinului verbal Complementul direct al supinului Subiectul supinului Subiectul lexical al supinului Subiectul controlat al supinului O situație problematică pentru teoriile despre control Supinul şi categoria Timp Concluzii...66 CAPITOLUL 2 SUPINUL DIN LATINĂ, DIN LIMBILE SLAVE ŞI DIN ALBANEZĂ Supinul din latină Supinul în acuzativ Supinul în ablativ Supinul în dativ Apariția supinului în latina arhaică Gramaticalizarea supinului (Fruyt 2011) Forme ambigue (substantiv supin) în latină Dispariția supinului în latina târzie Supinul din limbile slave Supinul din albaneză Concluzii...84 CAPITOLUL 3 EVOLUȚIA ISTORICĂ A TIPARELOR CU SUPIN. O NOUĂ IPOTEZĂ ASUPRA ORIGINII SUPINULUI VERBAL Supinul nominal şi supinul verbal în texte din secolele al XVI lea al XIX lea Supinul nominal

8 Supinul nominal cu formă de masculin neutru şi relația cu participiile nominalizate Supinul nominal cu formă de feminin şi relația cu participiile nominalizate Supinul ambiguu (verbo nominal) Supinul verbal Concurența supin infinitiv ( conjunctiv) în limba română veche Supin nominal vs infinitiv nominal Supin verbal vs infinitiv (vs conjunctiv) O nouă ipoteză asupra originii supinului verbal Concluzii CAPITOLUL 4 REPARTIȚIA DIALECTALĂ A SUPINULUI Supinul în dialectele românei Supinul în varietățile dacoromânei Date din atlasele lingvistice Supin verbo nominal cu regent verb aspectual sau modal Supin verbo nominal cu regent construcție impersonală Supin verbo nominal cu regent verbal Supin verbo nominal cu regent nominal Supin nominal fără regent Supin circumstanțial cu regent verbal Date din texte dialectale Supin verbo nominal cu regent verb aspectual sau modal Supin verbo nominal cu regent adjectival Supin verbo nominal cu regent verbal Supin nominal cu regent verbal Supin verbo nominal cu regent nominal Supin verbo nominal fără regent Supin circumstanțial

9 4.5. Concluzii CONCLUZII GENERALE SURSE BIBLIOGRAFIE ANEXĂ. DATAREA TIPARELOR CU SUPIN ADDENDA ABSTRACT SUMMARY

10 ADDENDA Abstract Specific Syntactic Features of Romanian within Romance. The supine The domain of research and the framework. This work is a diachronic investigation of the Romanian supine. Several linguistic fields are involved: diachronic and theoretic syntax, linguistic typology, Romance and Balkan linguistics, and dialectology. As an essentially diachronic research, my work does not have direct theoretic goals. However, a few theoretical syntactic implications came to light during the research; these are synthesized in the section dedicated to the general conclusions. The syntactic analysis is based mainly on minimalist concepts and sometimes on concepts belonging to the previous generative models. The diachronic evolution is described using concepts from the current approaches to grammaticalization, precisely reanalysis and competing grammars. Aims and limitations of the work. The main aim of my work is to make a diachronic analysis of the Romanian supine, underlining the chronological emergence and the spread of the supine patterns. The results of the corpus study are intended to thrown light on the debate regarding the origin of the Romanian supine, which has been considered either a form inherited form Latin or an internal innovation of Romanian. Beside this main goal, I will also tackle some other (controversial) aspects related to the Romanian supine, such as: (i) the relation between the Romanian supine and, on the one hand, the Latin and Slavic supine and, on the other hand, the Albanian infinitive (sometimes also dubbed supine); (ii) the competition between the supine, the infinitive, and the subjunctive in Old Romanian and in Modern Romanian; (iii) the syntax of the verbal supine, which can take a direct object and even an overt subject, but which is unable to host clitics; (iv) the dialectal spread of the supine within the Romanian dialects and within the Daco Romanian varieties. 285

11 The structure of the work and the main results of the research. This work contains four chapters and one appendix (with all the examples from the corpus excerpted, chronologically ordered). The first chapter is an overview of the Romanian supine as a specific feature of Romanian within Romance. This chapter deals with the relation between the nominal supine, the verbal nominal (ambiguous) supine, and the verbal supine, with the differences between the supine and the past participle, with the hypotheses put fort for the origin of the Romanian supine, with the supine syntactic patterns in Romanian and some specific syntactic and semantic properties of some of these patterns, with the competition between the supine, the infinitive, and the subjunctive in present day Romanian, and with some problems regarding the internal syntax of the verbal supine (the direct object, the lexical and the controlled subject of the supine, and the absence of clitics). In this chapter, we show that the three values of the Romanian supine depend on its specific syntactic distribution: the nominal supine combines with determiners, with genitives, and with adjectives, the verbal supine combines with a direct object and very rarely with a subject, while the verbal nominal supine is characterised by the absence of any of these contexts, a fact which determines its categorial ambiguity. Moreover, I support by means of morpho syntactic, semantic, and formal arguments the idea that the supine is different from the past participle in several respects and that it is an independent non finite verb form. As for the origin of the Romanian verbal supine, I conclude that it cannot be inherited from Latin, and that it couldn t have emerged from the past participle either; I deal in more detail with this in chapter 3. Finally, the syntax of the verbal supine reveals very interesting correlations: the supine is only involved in obligatory exhaustive control, a fact that eliminates the possibility of its own temporal interpretation; the control patterns also rule out the lexical subject, which can appear only with non controlled supines and only in postverbal position. The second chapter deals with the Latin supine, the Slavic supine, and the Albanian supine /infinitive. The aim of this chapter is to eliminate the idea that the Romanian supine is inherited from Latin, and the possible 286

12 influence of the Slavic supine on the emergence of the Romanian one. The main argument is that, in contrast to the wide distribution of the Romanian supine, the Latin supine and the Slavic supine have very limited distribution, i.e. the Latin accusative supine and the Slavic supine was/is used with purpose value after motion verbs, and the Latin ablative supine was used as a complement of certain adjectives. Moreover, the supine seems to have disappeared in Late Latin, as well as in most Slavic modern languages. The Albanian supine resembles the Romanian one from the point of view of its distribution and of the formal resemblance with the past participle, but it emerged late in Albanian, a fact which excludes a possible common substratum (i.e. Thracian) source and a direct influence on the Romanian supine. The third chapter the most extensive presents the results of my corpus study: the chronological emergence of the verbal supine patterns, and the competition between the infinitive, the subjunctive and the supine in Old Romanian that determined the progressive loss of the infinitive and the progressive specialisation of the supine. The results of this research are as follows. (i) The nominal supine is very frequent starting with the first surviving Romanian texts (from the 16 th century). In Old Romanian, the nominal supine has a masculine neuter form, preserved in Modern Romanian, and a feminine form, preserved only as a relic. (ii) It is clear that, in the 16 th century, both types of nominal supine were different from the homophonous/syncretic correspondent past participial nominalizations. The differences regard both the morpho syntactic features of these nominal forms and their semantic interpretation. This is a strong argument for the idea that the supine does not originate in the past participle form. (iii) The diachronic diversification of the supine patterns happened as follows: in the 16 th century, only the adjunct supine dependent on a verb or on an adjective, the NP internal supine and the supine after a copula verb have been attested; in the 17 th century, the supine could appear as complement to an adjective (= the Latin ablative supine), after aspectual and transitive verbs and as a prepositional object; in the 18 th century, the supine 287

13 with purpose value, after motion verbs (= the Latin accusative supine) is first attested, as well as the supine after impersonal verbs, after adverbs with prepositional object, and the supine in the hanging topic pattern; finally, in the 19 th century, the supine with imperative value emerged, and with this we have a complete picture of the present day supine patterns. (iv) The verbal supine (with a direct object or a subject) is first attested at the end of the 17 th century. (v) In the first surviving Romanian texts, the correspondents of the Latin supine patterns are realised by means of the infinitive. All these empirical data support the hypothesis that the Romanian supine is not inherited from Latin. By contrast, it emerged in Romanian and it originates in nominal supine forms (which were indeed inherited from Latin, as a productive mechanism of creating abstract nouns from verbs). The mechanism responsible for the re categorisation of the nominal supine as a verbal form is re analysis. The specific context in which this diachronic change took place is the prepositional context: in Romanian, there is a syntactic rule that prevents the presence of the definite article on nouns preceded by prepositions (except for the case in which the noun is followed by modifiers or complements). Both the adjunct and the NP internal contexts (attested in the 16 th century) were contexts in which the presence of the definite article was banned. Consequently, nominal supines without their typical nominal marker could very easily be re analysed as verbal forms (after a period in which, most probably, both interpretations were possible). The forth chapter highlights the idea that the supine is attested only in Daco Romanian, with a few exceptions (fixed collocations) in Megleno Romanian. By using data from linguistic atlases and from a dialectal corpus, the aim of the chapter is to show that, contrary to what has been claimed in the literature, the supine is uniformly spread on the territory on which Romanian is spoken. As already mentioned, the diachronic study of the Romanian supine also revealed at least two more general theoretic implications. First, the Romanian verbal supine, like the Latin and Slavic supine, developed out of the nominal supine. This resemblance shows that not only 288

14 the evolution of the infinitive well studied in the literature followed this universal path, but also the evolution of the supine and maybe of all the non finite verbal forms. The transcategorisation nominal verbal seems to be a universal path of evolution. The Romanian supine also illustrates the competing grammars phenomenon: from the 16 th century up until the end of the 17 th century (when it is first attested with a direct object), the supine had an ambiguous interpretation, both verbal and nominal. Second, the syntax of the supine threw light on two very interesting correlations. On the one hand, the fact that the Romanian supine is incompatible with partial obligatory control prove that there is no Tense projection; the absence of Tense also explains the absence of the lexical subject in control configurations, as well as the absence of clitics. On the other hand, the supine in non control context (i.e. the NP internal supine) has a temporal interpretation and hence a Tense projection that licences the lexical subject; this Tense projection does not have a morphological realisation and is defective, i.e. it does not have an EPP feature responsible for projecting its Specifier position; this explains the obligatory postverbal position of the subject and the incompatibility with clitics. 289

15 Summary INTRODUCTION... 9 CHAPTER 1 THE ROMANIAN SUPINE. AN OVERVIEW The supine as a non finite verb form, a typological feature of Romanian Definition and forms The nominal supine and the verbal supine Separating the supine from the past participle Morpho syntactic differences Semantic differences The tendency towards a formal distinction The origin of the Romanian supine. Hypotheses and interpretations st hypothesis: the Romanian supine is inherited from Latin nd hypothesis: the supine emerged in Romanian, from the past participle The external syntax of the verbal supine The NP internal supine The supine after a copula verb The AdjP internal supine The supine as a complement The supine as a temporal or restrictive adjunct The supine as consecutive adjunct > intensifier The supine in the tough construction The supine dependent on a verb The supine as a complement The construction trebuie spus ʹit has to be saidʹ, trebuie mers ʹit has to be walkedʹ

16 The supine as an adjunct The supine as hanging topic The autonomous supine, with an imperative value The supine in adverbial fixed collocations The competition between the supine, the infinitive, and the subjunctive în Modern Romanian The internal syntax of the verbal supine The direct object of the supine The subject of the supine The overt subject of the supine The controlled subject of the supine A problematic issue for control theories Supine and Tense Conclusions...66 CHAPTER 2 THE SUPINE IN LATIN, IN SLAVIC, AND IN ALBANIAN The Latin supine The accusative supine The ablative supine The dative supine The emergence of the supine in Archaic Latin The grammaticalization of the supine (Fruyt 2011) Latin ambiguous forms (noun supine) The disappearance of the supine in Late Latin The Slavic supine The Albanian supine Conclusions...84 CHAPTER 3 THE HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF THE SUPINE PATTERNS. A NEW HYPOTHESIS ON THE ORIGIN OF THE VERBAL SUPINE

17 3.1. The nominal supine and the verbal supine in Romanian texts from 16 th to 19 th centuries The nominal supine The nominal supine with masculine neuter form and its relation with the nominalised past participles The nominal supine with feminine form and its relation with the nominalised past participles The ambiguous supine (verbal nominal) The verbal supine The competition between the supine, the infinitive (and the subjunctive) in Old Romanian The nominal supine vs. the nominal infinitive The verbal supine vs. the infinitive (vs. the subjunctive) On the origin of the verbal supine. A new hypothesis Conclusions CHAPTER 4 THE DIALECTAL SPREAD OF THE SUPINE The supine in the Romanian dialects The supine in the Daco Romanian varieties Data form linguistic atlases The verbal nominal supine after an aspectual or modal verb The verbal nominal supine after an impersonal construction The verbal nominal supine after a verb The verbal nominal supine after a nominal phrase The isolated nominal supine The adjunct supine after a verb Data from dialectal texts The verbal nominal supine after an aspectual or modal verb

18 The verbal nominal supine after an adjective The verbal nominal supine after a verb The nominal supine after a verb The verbal nominal supine after a nominal phrase The isolated verbal nominal supine The adjunct supine Conclusions GENERAL CONCLUSIONS SOURCES REFERENCES APPENDIX. THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE SUPINE PATTERNS