Table of contents. Chapter 1: Introduction.5

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1 Table of contents Chapter 1: Introduction Thesis Background Researching fans and fan behaviour The semiotic approach to film analysis Bibliography Reading guide...16 Chapter 2: South Korean cinema and Park Chan-wook Korean cinema under Japanese rule Post-war cinema in South Korea Contemporary South Korean cinema and the emergence of Hallyu On the director, Park Chan-wook Accessibility for Western Audiences...28 Chapter 3: Sympathy for Mr. Vengeance Plot synopsis Reception Similarities to Hollywood features Where does the sympathy lie? Social and historical commentary The importance of colours Aesthetic symbolism 43 1

2 Chapter 4: Oldboy Plot synopsis Reception Similarities to Hollywood features The importance of names Representation of class Social context Aesthetics.59 Chapter 5: Spike Lee s Oldboy Plot synopsis Reception Similarities and differences between Lee s Oldboy and Park s Oldboy The focus on technology..74 Chapter 6: Sympathy for Lady Vengeance Plot synopsis Reception Historical and social context Meta cinema Colour symbolism and traditions Aesthetics.90 Chapter 7: Conclusion Fan participation Making meaning Further research 97 2

3 Bibliography Literature Online articles and film reviews User commentaries and statistics Analysis material 112 3

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5 Chapter 1 Introduction As technology has developed through the years, the world has become progressively smaller. Not only are people able to access news, films and music from across the globe, social networking sites have also proved themselves to be a useful platform for people to discover new forms of art they would previously not be able to access. Sites such as the Internet Movie Database (IMDb.com) permit film lovers to discuss with other fans about their favourite films, actors and television series, as well as discover new films of interest. It serves as a platform for film audiences to discuss and share their opinions on different kind of works. In particular, the cinema of South Korea has gained popularity in Euro-American culture in recent years, directors such as for instance Kim Ki-duk and Bong Joon-ho gaining attention for their aesthetic styles and violent narratives. In addition, and possibly most notably, Park Chan-wook has been a successful figure in the popularisation of South Korean cinema. His work has been rewarded at film festivals around the globe and the director has gained status as an icon. The following thesis will investigate Park Chan-wook s Western success with the three films Sympathy for Mr. Vengeance (2002), Oldboy (2003) and Sympathy for Lady Vengeance (2005), whom together form the Vengeance Trilogy. 1.1 Thesis Though the subject of South Korean film has been increasingly studied over the past couple of decades, there is still little research on what draws Western audiences to the cinema of South East Asia. I, personally, was first introduced to South Korean cinema in 2010 through Kim Ki-duk s film Spring, Summer, Autumn, Winter And Spring (2003). Prior to my first viewing of the film, I had acquired a fondness for contemporary Hong Kong and old Japanese cinema, in particular the works of Wong Kar-Wai and Akira Kurosawa. The beautiful 5

6 aesthetics and slow-paced narrative of Kim s film further intrigued my curiosity of the cinema of South Korea, thus I discovered the first film of Park Chan-wook s Vengeance Trilogy, Sympathy for Mr. Vengeance. As my knowledge of South Korean history and culture was limited, I was interested in learning what symbolisms I had missed upon my first viewing of the film. Upon researching the complex history of South Korea, both as a nation and also in terms of their film history, I understood that Park s features were filled with symbolism and analogies that I could not comprehend upon my first viewing. Still, I was aware that the films had a large fan base in Western communities. My thesis intends to answer the question: How do Western fans make meaning of Park Chan-wook s Vengeance Trilogy? My intention is to discover if Western fans of the trilogy comment on the socio-historical elements presented in the film through metaphors and symbolisms. I intend on researching this through mainly reviewing comments found on the discussion forums on The Internet Movie Database. It is important to note, however, that this thesis will in addition pose several sub-questions. How are Euro-American audiences reacting to the trilogy? How has the trilogy been received in South Korea? How are the fans of Park s trilogy reacting to Spike Lee s adaptation of Oldboy? I will also attempt to understand the intricate meanings behind the signs within the films through a semiotic analysis of the films, and discover if fans reference said signs in their comments. 1.2 Background As aforementioned, it is only in recent times that the subject of South Korean film has become a topic for scholarly research in the Euro-American world. This is mainly because South Korean films have not so readily been accepted until recently. As will be further discussed in chapter two of this thesis, South Korean film has mainly been projected on domestic screens, it was not until the 1990s that features from abovementioned country found success on international markets. I have chosen, for this thesis, to focus on the films of Park Chanwook s Vengeance Trilogy: Sympathy for Mr. Vengeance (2002), Oldboy (2003) and 6

7 Sympathy for Lady Vengeance (2005). The reason for choosing said films is that these are the features, Oldboy in particular, that made the name Park Chan-wook known around the world. Interestingly, the films have not been particularly successful on the South Korean market, and Park s career, and visions, as a director has been under great critique domestically. In fact, one film producer was reported stating: I ll eat my hat if a Park Chan-wook movie succeeds commercially, (Kim, 2007: Loc ). Although it is important to recognize that the previous statement was exclaimed before the domestic success of Park s 2000 feature Joint Security Area JSA, there are still South Korean audiences and critics who remain unimpressed by the director s work. This will be further explored in chapters two, three, four and six. In contrast, Park has been recognized as the Quentin Tarantino of South Korea. An unsung hero that has had massive influence over myriad American filmmakers, (Corrigan, ), and The Master, (Bisley, ) in Western based magazine articles. For this reason, the films of Park Chan-wook become interesting subjects for this thesis. In terms of research available on Park Chan-wook s Vengeance Trilogy, there are several different approaches taken by different authors. Kate E. Taylor-Jones offers a semiotic analysis of Oldboy, which appears in her book Rising Sun, Divided Land (2013). The problem with her research, however, is that she mostly analyses from a Western perspective, her symbolisms mainly rooted in the Euro-American culture. Thus, her inclusion of signified concepts specific for the South Korean history and society is limited. Jung s analysis of Oldboy found in his book Korean Masculinites and Transcultural Consumption: Yonsama, Rain, Oldboy, K-Pop Idols (2011) focuses on the patriarchal society still existent in South Korea as a backdrop within the films narrative. Kim s book Korean Film Directors: Park Chan-wook (2007) discusses Park as an auteur, in addition to providing a series of personal interviews with the director, where he discusses his entire body of work. The book has in addition been helpful in my understanding of Park s background and his venture into directing. While all three books have provided me with detailed insight on the Korean film industry, and partially the South Korean society, neither discuss what inherently makes Park Chan-wook s Vengeance Trilogy a product of contemporary South Korean society. 7

8 1.3 Researching fans and fan behaviour The following thesis will explore the subjects of fan behaviours, in addition to providing socio-historic analysis of the films. Thus, I will be using two central methodologies in order to complete my research. Firstly, in terms of fans and fan behaviours I intend on using Henry Jenkins and Janet Staiger s research on fan behaviour. The latter s book Media Reception Studies (2005) explores the matters of fans and their attitudes towards different genres of films, however, I will mostly be researching the matter of if, and how, Western fans participate actively in their respective fan community. Henry Jenkins explains in his book Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory Culture (2013) that fans have through the years been represented as masculine, although frequently as de-gendered, asexual, or impotent, the eroticized fan is almost always female [ ]; the feminine side of fandom is manifested in the images of screaming teenage girls who try to tear the clothes off The Beatles or faint at the touch of one of Elvis s sweat-drenched scarfs, or the groupie servicing the stars backstage after the concert in rockamentaries and porn videos, (2013: 15). There are still negative connotations linked to the term fan in present day, however, it is important to note the value of fans in terms of revenue and press. Through social networking sites such as for instance Facebook, Tumblr, Reddit and Rotten Tomatoes, fans are given the opportunity to express their satisfaction, or dissatisfaction, with films, ultimately making them the modern version of the film critic. Jenkins argues that there are five levels of fan activity (2013: ). Firstly, he argues that fans have a specific mode of reception. In contrast to regular viewers, fans are more selective in what they will watch, based on stars, directors and genre. He argues that fans of a certain feature will watch it repeatedly in order to acquire a thorough understanding of the director s vision and to make meaning of the text. He writes that, to a fan, watching the series is the beginning, not the end, of the process of media consumption, (2013: 277). This suggests that fans will not only watch a feature numerous times, they will also search for meaning through research, for instance they will look to other sources to further make meaning. These sources can be in the form of articles, fan commentaries and documentaries, to name a few. 8

9 The second level of fan activity described by Jenkins is the particular set of interpretive practices set in fan communities. Upon entering a fandom, in other words the unofficial fan network, newcomers seek the aid of fandom veterans in order to learn the preferred reading practice of the set text. Through setting up interpretive communities, fans are able to share their experiences with one another, in addition to gain further knowledge through learning of other fans points of view. In addition to being able to share their experiences with the selected text, fans often seek other fans with whom they share a mutual interest. For instance, the film The Shining (Stanley Kubrick, 1980) attracted a number of different types of fans. First, it attracted fans of the horror genre; second, fans of Stanley Kubrick s earlier work with an interest in seeing the directors latest feature; and third, as the film was an adaptation of Stephen King s novel of the same name, it attracted fans of the book. Jenkin s third category is consumer activism. He argues that fans actively participate in discussions with networks regarding their favourite shows, and mentions Twin Peaks as an example. He states that fandoms organized rallies against the cancellation of the popular 1990 s television series, in addition to fans expressing their desires for future plot developments. Janet Staiger also writes that this form of behaviour is particularly in play when the fan text is unfinished because it is serially distributed, (2005: 101). The reason behind this is that fans are virtually able to influence a show or a film s plot progress. Several films and television series have indeed been influenced by the reactions of fans, for instance has the co-creator of the series FRIENDS, Marta Kauffman, reported that the characters Chandler Bing and Monica Geller were not originally intended to marry. Of the situation, she stated: "We thought it was going to be funny and we were going to get rid of it [ ] Suddenly the audience told us they had been waiting for that and we had to rethink how we were going to keep going and change the relationship, (Gonzales, ). This category of fan behaviour also infers that audiences are able to express their opinions in terms of casting. Actress Scarlett Johansson is set to play the lead in the Hollywood adaptation of Japanese Anime Ghost in The Shell, planned to be released in The casting of a Caucasian actress in the role of a Japanese woman has sparked a vivid online debate, amongst fans, critics and other actors and actresses alike. On the internet site ThePetitionSite.com, there is currently a petition titled DreamWorks: Stop Whitewashing Asian Characters! aimed at the film. The petition s description states: Fans of the iconic 1995 animated Japanese sci-fi film Ghost in the Shell have been anticipating a live-action remake for years -- but now, instead of casting 9

10 an Asian actress, Dreamworks has selected Scarlett Johansson for the lead role! [ ] The original film is set in Japan, and the major cast members are Japanese. So why would the American remake star a white actress? [ ] Dreamworks could be using this film to help provide opportunities for Asian-American actors in a market with few opportunities for them to shine -- please sign the petition asking them to reconsider casting Scarlett Johansson in Ghost in the Shell and select actors who are truer to the cast of the original film!, (Rodriguez, ). The petition has, as of , 99,633 signatures. The fourth category of fan behaviour listed by Jenkins is the fans production of art. Fans are not merely consumers of a product, they often use their creative skills to produce works of fiction, drawings, edited videos and so forth. Fanfiction is a genre of writing which permits amateur authors to write their own stories based on the characters from their favourite books, television series, films and the like. The site FanFiction.net writes that it is the World's largest fanfiction archive and forum where fanfic writers and readers around the globe gather to share their passion, (2016), and offers a wide range of stories available for readers. Jenkins writes that while the fan-made art is not made with intentions of revenue for the artist, it still challenges the media industry s claims to copyright (2013: 279). Due to the strict terms of copyrights, several fan-artists have experienced having their work removed from the internet. In terms of Park Chan-wook s Vengeance Trilogy, there are several fan-made film trailers available on the video site YouTube. It is likely that fans have created these videos, which are self-edited trailers using footage from the films, based on the lack of an available official trailer, yet it is simultaneously possible to assume that the trailers are being made in order for the creators to find an artistic outlet; in other words, the fan-made trailers can be seen as a testimony to the creator s passion for the films. The final category Jenkins presents is fans ability to create an alternative social community. He stresses that this alternative community does not function as an escape from reality, rather it serves as a second community, one where fans can feel more free to express their passion. This type of social community can, for example, be fan clubs and internet forums. This social community can be seen as a coalition of the aforementioned four categories, as the social communities allows for fans to interact, share their works of art, and discuss all aspects of their respective fandoms. The problem with abovementioned society is the self-inflicted 10

11 exclusion from the normative society. Staiger suggests that fans separate themselves from people who does not share their passion, using Jenkin s term mundanes to describe nonfans. Paraphrasing Jenkins, Staiger writes that fans see themselves as imaginative, childlike, doers, deeper thinkers; mundanes are shallow and shortsighted, adults, passive, and unaware, (2005: 108). In addition to Jenkins five categories, Janet Staiger adds a sixth: the extension of fan partialities into everyday living, (2005: ). Staiger explains that this category refers to fans who incorporate matters from, for instance, films into their everyday lives. Examples of this form of fan behaviour can include fans quoting their favourite characters, changing their attire to appear like their favourite characters, or even naming their children and pets after their favourite characters. This type of fan behaviour can also include buying merchandise and special edition collector s items. In addition, in certain cases, fans are able to visit the homes and home towns of their favourite performers, such as for instance Elvis Presley s Graceland. I would like add that fans often acquire a sense of ownership of the product they are supporting. I do not suggest that this constitutes a seventh category of fan behaviourism, rather that fans who conform to the abovementioned six are so tied to the product, be it a film, an actor, or an artist, that they feel it belongs to them. This is particularly evident when films are being remade by a different director than the original, and with a new cast. Fans can often feel as if the film they adore is being threatened, that the new version will be a lesser edition. Fans devote their time and their energy into supporting these products, thus they feel as if they are part owners of the product. Throughout this thesis I intend on discussing to what extent fans of Park Chan-wook s Vengeance Trilogy conform to the above mentioned categories of fan behaviours. I will research if they produce art, and in which case what kind, in addition to the extent of their participation in discussions. 11

12 1.4 The semiotic approach to film analysis In addition to the theories of fans and fan behaviour presented by Janet Staiger and Henry Jenkins, I will be using the semiotic approach in order to analyse the films mentioned directed by Park Chan-wook, in addition to Spike Lee s adaptation of Oldboy (2013). Whether intentionally or not, audiences will almost always attempt to make meaning of the films they have seen, scholars and non-academics alike. The language of cinema is one that does not merely constitute of the verbal or written, rather, cinema creates meaning through audible and visual signs. As Park s Vengeance Trilogy has gathered fans from around the globe, particularly in Euro-American communities, I wish to uncover if fans require an understanding of the social and historical meaning of the films, or if they are able to genuinely enjoy the films merely based on the aesthetics and narrative. A science that studies the life of signs within society is conceivable; it would be part of social psychology and consequently of general psychology; I shall call it semiology (from Greek semeion, sign ). Semiology would show what constitutes signs, what laws govern them. Since the science does not yet exist, no one can say what it would be; but it has a right to existence, a place staked out in advance. (Saussure, cited in Wollen, 2010: 171) Considered the creator of what is now known as semiology, also referred to as semiotics, the Swiss scholar Ferdinand de Saussure did not, in fact, publish any of his own theories: his thoughts were published posthumously. In 1916, three years after Saussure s death, the book Cours de linguistique générale (Course in General Linguistics) was published. The book was mainly created from the collection of notes taken by Saussure s students at the University of Geneva, which, in turn, were gathered by Saussure s colleagues (Harris, 2013: xviii). Saussure expressed the necessity of the signs of language to be studied from a social viewpoint, as he believed there was no natural language to be found in the study of the signs. Rather, Saussure believed that signs could only be interpreted based on the readers understanding of the connection between signifier and the signified. The signifier is the form of which a sign takes, while the signified represents the concept of the sign, in other words: 12

13 the meaning behind the sign. Daniel Chandler uses the term open as an example to explain the relationship between signifier and signified. If the word is found written in the window of a store, the signified concept would be that the store is open for customers. However, the word open is not limited to abovementioned signified, as it can, for instance, also be found next to a button inside an elevator, connoting that pushing said button will open the doors. He further explains: Similarly, many signifiers could stand for the concept 'open' (for instance, on top of a packing carton, a small outline of a box with an open flap for 'open this end') - again, with each unique pairing constituting a different sign, (2002: 19). Thus, neither signifier nor signified can stand on their own, there is a crucial relationship between the two that need to be understood within each specific context. It is important to note that a sign, particularly non-verbal signs, will possess different signified concepts based on the social and historical relevance of the sign. Saussure thus concluded that signs are arbitrary, the code that connects the signifier to the signified must be learnt. For instance, for English speakers, the combination of the letters L-A-M-P will likely result in the mental image of a source of light, because the English language has determined that this is the correct signified concept. The problem with Saussure s research, however, lies mainly in the fact that his theories were not published by the thinker himself, rather they were, as mentioned, published based on lecture notes taken by students. For this reason, as Harris remarks, it cannot be said with certainty that Saussure s original views are accurately represented (2013: xviii). Charles Sanders Peirce, an American contemporary of Saussure, developed what he would refer to as semiotics. Throughout his research on linguistic, Peirce concluded that signs could be divided into three classes, something which he referred to as the second trichotomy of signs, (Wollen, 2010: ). The three classes were the index, the icon and the symbol. Firstly, an index, or indexical, sign is one where the signifier is not arbitrary, rather it is directly connected to the signified, whether it is inferred or observed (Chandler, 2002: 37). In his article, Wollen lists examples given by Peirce: [ ] I see a bowlegged man in corduroys, gaiters and a jacket. These are probable indications that he is a jockey or something of the sort. A sundial or clock indicates the time of day, (cited in 2010: 174). 13

14 This suggests that index signs can be one that is natural, for instance smoke as a signifier for the signified fire; it can be one of sound, for instance a doorbell being a signifier for the signified concept of visitors arriving; and it can also be one presenting physical object, as the above mention clock indicates. It is important to note, however, that the signs mentioned here are in fact arbitrary. It is vital that the interpreter has learnt, and understands, the concept behind the sign, it is not something that every person is able to comprehend without having first been introduced to the concept. For instance, using Peirce s example, an interpreter must know the attire of a rider before he or she is able to indicate that corduroys and gaiters signify a jockey. Iconic signs, too, are not arbitrary, rather the relationship between signifier and signified is one of resemblance or likeness, (Wollen, 2010: 174). For instance, the iconic signifier can be a drawing of the signified person, like a caricature. Iconic signs are not limited to visual signifiers, they can also be presented through audio, smell, touch and so on. As such, iconic signs can often be found in music, radio plays and performance theatre. In order for a sign to be genuinely iconic, however, as with index signs, it is important that the sign itself is able to be understood without cultural intervention. Linguist Guy Cook uses the men s lavatory sign as an example of an icon, asking if it indeed resembles a man more than a woman. He states: For a sign to be truly iconic, it would have to be transparent to someone who has never seen it before and it seems unlikely that this is as much the case as is sometimes supposed. We see the resemblance when we already know the meaning, (cited in Chandler, 2002: 40). The iconic sign is therefore problematic, as the concept of the sign needs to be learnt, thus making it arbitrary. The final class of Peirce s theory on signs is the symbol. The symbol does not differ much from Saussure s theories of the signifier and the signified, as the relationship between sign and meaning is arbitrary, it is conventional and has the force of a law, (Wollen, 2010: 174). Despite the two modes of understanding are similar, Saussure avoided the term symbol as he believed that a symbol, in its definition, could not be arbitrary as they were not empty configurations, (cited in Chandler, 2002: 38), using the scale as an example for symbolising the law. Peirce s symbolic sign does not need to resemble the concept it represents, neither 14

15 visually nor audibly. The three films which the following thesis will concentrate on will be analysed based on Saussure s notion of signs being arbitrary. It is vital that I do so, as I am suggesting that the signified concepts within the film are based in South Korean history and culture. As aforementioned, the Vengeance Trilogy has mainly been studied from a purely aesthetic standpoint, or the research have focused on the excessive violence portrayed. The reason for this is likely because of the films being mainly analysed by Western authors, however, precisely because of the large Euro-American fan base the films have gathered, I believe it is important to gain further knowledge about the socio-historic signs within the features. 1.5 Bibliography Most fan comments are extracted from the film site The Internet Movie Database (IMDb). I have used this site as my primary platform for user comments due to the diverse number of opinions found on the site, and also due to the diversity of commentators, both in terms of gender and nationality. As I have not been able to communicate directly with audiences, it has proved itself to be a forum of great value in my research. I do appreciate that the comments on the site do not represent the views of all people who have seen the films, however, they serve as a decent representation of the viewpoints. From this site, along with RottenTomatoes.com, I have extracted statistics and so-called scores submitted by viewers. As the two sites are popular amongst film audiences, they have both been beneficial in my research on this topic. To truly understand the nature of fan communities and how their personal societies function, I have used Henry Jenkin s book Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory (2013) and Janet Staiger s book Media Reception Studies (2005) as my main sources of information. All interviews with the director of the films cited in this text have been translated from Korean to English by the persons referenced in the bibliography section of this thesis. It is here important to note that since all quotes and statements from the director have been translated as such, it is possible that they have been mistranslated. Similarly, it is also plausible that a few of the works cited which were originally written in languages other than English contain errors in their translations. 15

16 1.6 Reading guide Chapter two of this thesis will briefly summarize the complex history of South Korean cinema. In said chapter, I will also discuss Park Chan-wook s career and his general interest in the cinema. I intend to briefly discuss Park as an auteur, however, I do not intend on providing the readers of this thesis with a thorough discussion of auteur theory. As I am not researching what makes the Vengeance Trilogy a typical body of work for the abovementioned director, it does not appear relevant for this thesis. The chapter will also include a brief analysis of the general accessibility of the film for Western audiences, focusing on the distribution through the streaming network Netflix and through Tartan Asia Extreme. Chapter three will discuss the first film of the Vengegance Trilogy, Sympathy for Mr. Vengeance (2002). It will analyse the film s reception amongst Western audiences, as well as how it was received in South Korea, being the first film directed by Park after the immense success of Joint Security Area JSA (2001). The chapter will also offer an analysis of the film, particularly focusing on the representation of the South Korean class system and the Americanisation of South Korean society. Chapter four will examine the film Oldboy (2003), and similar to the previous chapter, it will provide an analysis of reception, both domestically and internationally. It will also include a formal analysis of South Korea s history and current society as presented within the film. Chapter five will explore Spike Lee s adaptation of Oldboy (2013) and discuss the similarities and differences between the South Korean original and the American remake. Chapter six will focus on the conclusion to Park s trilogy, Sympathy for Lady Vengeance (2005). Throughout the chapter, I will explore the extreme focus on scholarly achievements within South Korea. Chapter seven will consist of a conclusion of my research. The chapter will also include commentary on what I believe should be further researched based on my current findings. In addition, I would like to add that throughout my thesis, I will be writing all Korean names with their family name preceding their given name, on the basis of the Confucian tradition. I will be using the terms viewer, audience, spectator and fan interchangeably, yet, within this thesis they all refer to the general film audience unless another meaning is specified. I also intend on using the terms Western and Euro-American interchangeably, both referring to audiences based in Europe and North America. In this thesis, I refer to the Tomato Meter and audience approval rates. The Tomato Meter displays the percentage of approved critics on the Rotten Tomatoes website 16

17 that have given a film a positive review. The audience approval rate, which is from the same site, illustrates the number of viewers who have given a film a score of 3.5 stars or higher. 17

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19 Chapter 2 Korean cinema history and Park Chan-wook That artists find their inspiration through the world that surrounds them is not a new phenomenon, neither is it in terms of cinema. The Italian Neorealist era for instance, which took place in the mid-1940s and early 1950s Italy, took advantage of the post-war destructions and created melancholic stories filmed on location, using non-professional actors, resulting in the new form of realistic cinema, and the surrealist cinematic movement of the early twentieth century, which included directors such as Luis Buñuel, was served as an alternative to the standard Western feature of the time. As the cinema of the Western parts of the world has been altered and inspired by the present and past, so has the cinema of South Korea. It is only in the recent years that the world has taken a notice to the cinema of the East Asian country, thus the knowledge of the country s cinematic history is not widely known. This chapter will offer an insight to the intricate history, in addition to a closer look at the director of the Vengeance Trilogy, Park Chan-wook. 2.1 Korean cinema under Japanese rule Taylor-Jones explains that Although there had been a private screening of the new cinematic equipment for the court in 1897, cinema was introduced to the general Korean public in 1903, (2013: 15). Despite this early screening of a film at the Korean cinema market, it was not before the year 1919 that South Korea produced its first film, a kinodrama performed by actors while a projected feature served as their backdrop, entitled in English The Righteous Revenge. The first silent feature premiered in 1923, and due to its success there was an abrupt boom in the Korean cinema market, several new production companies emerging. There is, however, little information to be found in regards to the early years of Korean cinema. This is a result of the Korean war, which caused early film footage to be lost due to neglect or the 19

20 destruction [ ] and not a single feature produced before 1934 survives in complete form today, (Paquet, ). Despite the emergence of domestically produced cinema, the Japanese censorship laws limited its growth, partially due to the appearance of films with plots promoting the Korean independence from Japan. Paquet explains that the Japanese enforced censorship required all features, domestic and international alike, to be presented to a government censorship board for approval before being screened, ( ). In addition, local authorities were required to be present during screenings in order to ensure the films shown were not illegal copies. Still, there were a few young filmmakers who were eager to represent the Korean independence movement in their features, and together they formed The Korea Art Proletarian Federation (KAPF). The laws of censorship became stricter, and as a result, costume dramas and pro-japanese films dominated the film market. Any film that went against the Japanese discourse of obedience and unity went directly against the colonial rule and as a result by 1931 most members of KAPF were in jail and the burgeoning Korean film industry was being crushed to death by the might of the colonial machine, (Taylor- Jones, 2013: 16). Though the first sound feature appeared in 1935, it was not until 1937, with the commercial success of Drifter directed by Lee Gyu-hwan, that sound films proved themselves worth producing. However, the same year saw Japan s invasion of China, which was the beginning of the second Sino-Japanese war, and as a result, Korean filmmakers were expected to only create films which supported the Japanese war efforts and government. In addition, the economy went through a drastic downfall as most of the Korean finances were used in support of the Japanese military. Korean citizens were also drafted for the war, as Koreans were to be totally assimilated as Japanese, (Savada & Shaw, 1992: 21). A year after the Japanese invasion of China, in 1938, the Korean Language Prohibition Law came into force. The law stated that all Korean language films were to be banned, and in addition it enforced the compulsory usage of Japanese in schools and official situations, (Taylor- Jones, 2013: 16). The Japanese rule of Korea ended in 1945, after the country had been depleted by American forces, and the bombings of Nagasaki and Hiroshima forced the Japanese government to surrender the Second World War. The warfare resulted in Korea s split, and ultimately, it led to a new conflict on the peninsula; the Korean War. As aforementioned, the war destroyed virtually all South Korean filmmaking equipment, in addition to most of the films created before the war, meaning that the South Korean film industry had to rebuild itself. 20

21 2.2 Post-war cinema in South Korea The immediate period which followed the Korean war proved to be a new beginning for South Korean filmmakers. The first few years after the war showed a massive expansion of the film market and a rapid growth of domestically produced features, going from merely eight films in 1954 to 108 in 1959 (Paquet, ). The end of the Korean War resulted in an increased desire for audiences to return to the cinema, and thus the industry blossomed. Jo, Kwak and Min report that the films of this era can be split into two categories; the social atmosphere after the forthcoming of liberal politics in South Korea brought by the American public, and other features depicted a strong realism, offering a more critical view on the matter (2003: 44). This sudden return of interest in the cinematic arts led to the forthcoming of several of the country s most acclaimed directors, such as Kim Ki-young, Yu Hyon-mok and Shin Sang-ok (Bowyer, 2004: 2). In 1960, the second Republic of Korea was established by general election, but it was to last for less than a year, as in 1961 the government fell due to a military coup (Jo, Kwak & Min, 2003: 47). The new military led government wished for a stricter policy in regards to film censorship, and in January 1962, the Motion Picture Law was established. Of the law, Darcy Paquet writes: Designed more than anything else to restrict and control the development of the film industry, the Motion Picture Law employed various tools to enact strict censorship, limit imports and to consolidate the industry into a handful of large companies which could then more easily be controlled by the government, (2005, 34). This law required from film companies that they registered with the Ministry of Culture and Information, and as the Motion Picture Law developed, it ultimately required for these registered studios to produce a minimum of 15 films per year in order to protect and foster South Korean films, which resulted in what audiences and critics would negatively refer to as quota quickies (Jo, Kwak & Min, 2003: 47). Not only did the Motion Picture Law demand that the local film studios produced a minimum of 15 films a year, it also limited the import of foreign films. For these reasons, from the years 1968 to 1971, more than 200 films were domestically produced a year, making South Korea the most active in film production in all of Asia (Taylor-Jones, 2013: 20). In addition, the law enforced a policy in 1963, entitled the Screen Quota System, whereby South Korean cinemas were obliged to screen any domestic film for days out of the year (Paquet, ). The studios struggled on account of the new laws set by the government, and thus, the 71 registered film companies were reduced by about two thirds, 55 being eliminated due to poor business 21

22 revenue. Even the 16 remaining companies faced hardship due to the constant changes made to the law, thus in 1964 a new group, the Korean Motion Picture Association was formed in order to abolish the strict Motion Picture Law. The group was formed by members of the film community, such as actors, directors and film technicians, and they made the following declarations to the National Assembly: (1) the expansion of film facilities was not reasonable for the film industry, considering the lack of capital; (2) the Motion Picture Law tended to protect the illegally registered film companies that produced films for major film companies to meet the requirements, and, thus fostered corruption in the industry; (3) the improvement of Korean film should not be in quantity but in quality; (4) it was necessary to raise new filmmakers; (5) the Motion Picture Law should be immediately abolished and a new Film Production Promotion Law [ ] should be enacted, (Jo, Kwak & Min, 2003: 48). The proposal did not go through, and the South Korean film industry was kept under the strict control of the Motion Picture Law until 1973, when the law was abolished by the Korean Motion Picture Promotion Corporation (hereinafter the KMPPC), which was the precursor to the Korean Film Council (Paquet, ). The KMPPC was formed in an effort to revive the film industry, as it had fallen into a depression on account of the strict laws and the film production companies inability to conform to them. The sudden decrease of audiences is also quite possibly a result of the growing interest in television dramas. As a way of reviving the industry, the KMPPC wished for production companies to focus on creating fewer films of quality, rather than a large number of films of lesser quality, however, due to the remaining strict censorship laws enforced by the government, the industry still suffered. The leader of the third Republic of Korea, President Park Chung-Hee, was assassinated in 1979 by one of his own aids, after years of public uprising and revolt. As a result, the country saw a shift in politics, one of democracy, however, the shift in politics was not to last. The period ended with the military suppression of the democratic movement of the City of Kwangju, where more than two thousand people were missing or dead by the military suppression, and a subsequent military coup, (Jo, Kwak & Min, 2003: 57). A fifth Republic of Korea was established, and as a way of confirming their political power, censorship and government control once again became a strong part of the South Korean film industry, and as the United 22

23 States government showed their support for the fifth Republic, it became common for artists of all kinds to present anti-american themes in their works. While the 1980s remained strict in terms of freedom of expression, the decade saw a slight change in terms of censorship. Sexual content was no longer strictly forbidden in cinemas, which led to the production of several soft-core pornography features, some of which found success at the box office. Despite this, filmmakers were still not contented and wished for more freedom in their art. In 1984, the Motion Picture Law further loosened its grip on the South Korean film industry and permitted independent filmmakers to produce films, something that up until said year had been seen as a criminal offence. This resulted in a new generation of filmmakers and producers being given the opportunity to enter the South Korean film industry, and their modern approach to cinema would affect the business. However, in 1988, the restriction of foreign imports was lifted, thus the South Korean filmmakers were forced to compete with films from other parts of the world, whose industries had been stable for a longer period of time. The South Korean cinema market share reached a low point in 1993, when domestic films made up a mere 16 percent of overall attendance figures (Paquet, ), however, the industry was somewhat protected by the continuous presence of the Screen Quota System. The early 1990 s also witnessed the first film produced, financed and distributed by a single conglomerate; Samsung. The company became the country s first chaebol in 1992, with the film Marriage Story. A chaebol is a corporation which controls all aspects of a film, from pre-production to the video s release. In 1997, however, South Korea would enter a time of financial crisis, when they accepted the terms of an International Monetary Fund (hereinafter IMF, globally known as the Asian Financial Crisis), due to what Jaffe and Kim explain to be one part recession, one part currency disaster, and one part general hysteria [ ], (2010: 46). The IMF crisis led to the extraction from the film industry for several conglomerates, Samsung included, yet a few remained and are still active as chaebols in South Korea. The crisis did not only affect the film industry; it meant unemployment, homelessness and distress for the South Korean people. As a response to the panic that spread throughout the nation, swift globalization was advocated by the South Korean government, which proposed that business had to be stimulated to produce global commodities in order to overcome this economic depression, (Jung, 2011: 8). 23

24 2.3 Contemporary South Korean cinema and the emergence of Hallyu The late 1990s saw a drastic change of interest in South Korean popular culture across the world, in addition to a resurgence of domestic interest. The mid 1990s saw the emergence of new arthouse directors, amongst them Kim Ki-duk and Hong Sang-soo, as well as younger, more commercially adept filmmakers. A common feature for the filmmakers of this new generation was the desire to incorporate several aspects of film history in their features, from B-film aesthetics to classic Hollywood narration (Kim, 2007: Loc 30). Chang Yoon-hyun s film The Contact (1997) marked a resurgence of box office popularity for domestic features, (Paquet, ), but it was the massive success of Kang Je-gyu s Shiri (1999) that would ultimately lead the way for other experimental filmmakers in South Korea. Hallyu, which translates to Korean Wave, is a term used to describe the global attention given to art and media produced in South Korea, such as music, television drama series, fashion and feature films. The term was first coined in China as they began airing South Korean drama series in 1996, and two years later saw the emerging popularity of South Korean music. The South Korean entertainment industry also found great success in Japan, particularly with the aforementioned film Shiri, which opened simultaneously in no less than 150 cinemas across Japan, and sold approximately 1.3 million tickets (Korean Culture and Information Service, 2012: 29). The film also experienced success on the domestic market, and within a few years the South Korean film industry boomed. Paquet reports that by 2001, the films Korean films made each year sold significantly more tickets than the Hollywood and foreign titles that were released, ( ). While there was a rediscovered interest for South Korean film on the domestic market, there were a few directors who found more success abroad, most notably Kim Ki-duk. The experimental filmmaker has won several awards at international film festivals; his feature The Isle (2000) won a Golden Crow for Best Film at the Brussels International Festival of Fantasy Film, and Spring, Summer, Autumn, Winter And Spring (2003) earnt the director the Audience Award at the San Sebastian International Film Festival. This is not to say that Kim has not found success on the domestic market, as the latter film was also presented as South Korea s official selection Best Foreign Language Film at the 2004 Academy Awards (Merajver-Kurlat, 2009: 87-88). As mentioned, South Korean films found great success on the Japanese market, their popularity peaking in 2005, and this for several reasons. Firstly, the American mass-produced commercial features did not appeal to Japanese audiences; secondly, the South Korean films offered stories more appealing to 24

25 Japanese viewers due to similarities in culture and history; and thirdly, Korean actors and actresses quickly rose to Japanese fame mostly due to the television miniseries, Winter Sonata. The series premiered in Japan in 2005 (2002 in South Korea) and instantly created a Japanese obsession with the cast, including Bae Young-jun, Lee Young-ae (whose star image will be further discussed in chapter six), and Lee Byung-hun (Korean Culture and Information Service, 2012: 30). However, the box office success of South Korean features in Japan drastically, and rapidly, fell, partially due to the Korean reliance on stars to draw audiences. In recent years, however, the interest in South Korean culture and art has spread throughout the world, creating fan bases all over the globe. The first Korean Convention (hereinafter K-Con) was held in Southern California, USA in 2012, showcasing South Korean films, music, fashion, cuisine and culture for American fans. This convention is similar to Comi-con, a convention for fans of comic books and science fiction. During these conventions, it is not uncommon for attendees to dress as their favourite characters, performers or other figures who are special within their own fan communities. Since 2012, K-Con has been hosted in New York and Japan, and in 2016, the convention is being held in Europe for the first time (Smith, ). The convention, which will take place in June 2016, will be hosted in Paris, France. K-con has attracted fans across Europe, thus the convention functions as a kind of pilgrimage for fans, which is included in Staiger s sixth mode of fan behaviour, where they are able to experience the culture of their favourite actors, actresses, and musical acts. 2.4 On the director, Park Chan-wook Though most acclaimed directors from South Korea have been academically trained in the subject of film, this does not ring true in the case of Park Chan-wook. The now internationally recognised director was born in August 1963, meaning he was raised in a post-partitioned Korea, and he spent his years as a young boy in the country s capitol, Seoul. Born into a family of higher social standing, with a university professor father and a mother who wrote poetry, Park Chan-wook was eager for intellectual stimulations. While attending Sogang University, where he was part of the Department of Philosophy studying aesthetics, he entered a photography group, wherein he learned briefly about film. Taking an interest in the subject, Park later joined a campus film group, and through that he learned about film history, and after a special screening of Alfred Hitchcock films for members of above mentioned society, 25

26 he found a desire for becoming a filmmaker. He particularly listed the film Vertigo as he claimed it had, through persistent viewings, made him understand what drove film directors to create their films (Kim, 2007: Loc 69-77). Park s directorial debut, the gangster film Daleun haega kkuneun kkum (English title: The Moon Is the sun s dream) was released in 1992, a film that was financially supported by the video company Dream Box, a company affiliated with one of the leading chaebol s of the time, Samsung. Despite Park s understanding and love of film, his debut proved unsuccessful at the domestic box office due to its unconventional filmic style and its tweaking of the conventions of genre. Of the film s reception, Park stated in an interview: [ ] Nobody wrote any reviews of the film. No, there was one review. It was the one I wrote [ ] We had the famous singer Lee Seung-chul in the lead [ ] On the day of the premiere, there was a swarm of Lee Seung-chul s teenage fans in front of the theatre, but that was because he was signing autographs. I didn t know about that, and I thought my debut was a hit. Once that weekend was over, you couldn t find anyone in the theatre. Basically, it bombed, (cited in Kim, 2007: Loc ) As the film had been an unsuccessful beginning for Park Chan-wook s career as a director, it took an additional five years until he was able to release his next feature, Saminjo (Known in English as Trio and Threesome, 1997). Like Park s previous work, Saminjo was also criticized for its hyperbolic stylisations and violent plotline. Between the release of the two films, continuing after the second, Park worked as a film critic, however, he did not find particular interest in critiquing the current South Korean films. Rather, he focused his writing on lesser known works of foreign filmmakers, new and old alike, and in particular he had a fondness for Sam Peckinpah s Bring Me the Head of Alfredo Garcia (Kim, 2007: Loc 93). Park s appreciation for films that had not proved successful with critics, nor in terms of revenue, gave him a reputation amongst other South Korean critics as a cult film freak, (Kim, 2007: Loc 101). This was not because Park exclusively wrote about so-called B-films, however, those articles were the ones that garnered the most attention from the readers and other writers. Park s reputation as a fan of unconventional films also affected his standing as a director, as critics thought him incapable of creating anything with a commercial appeal, thus he was mostly met with rejection when presenting his scripts to producers. 26