Complement clauses in NW and NE Caucasian

Transcription

1 Complement clauses in NW and NE Caucasian Ranko Matasović and Diana Forker Berlin SWL

2 North West Caucasian Ubykh Abkhaz-Abazin Circassian Abkhaz Abaza Adyghe Kabardian 2

3 Nakh-Daghestanian Nakh Daghestanian Lak-Dargi Lezgic Lezgian Avar Andic ic Tsakhur Godoberi Rutul Hinuq Khwarshi Bezhta Hunzib 3

4 DF in Italian Italian Io h-o volu-t-o un libro I have-1sg.prs want-ptcp-m.sg DET book "I wanted a book" Io h-o volu-t-o legg-e-re un libro I have-1sg.prs want-ptcp-m.sg read-inf DET book "I wanted to read a book Io sono volu-t-o ven-i-re I be-1sg.prs want-ptcp-m.sg come-inf "I wanted to come" 4

5 The overt subject in BC *[kidbā ħuł ziya b-išr-a] y-oq-si girl(ii).erg yesterday cow(iii) III-feed-INF II-begin-PSTW ( Yesterday the girl began to feed the cow. ) (Polinsky and Potsdam 2002: 254) ħuł ( yesterday ) is a matrix clause adverbial that can not appear after the embedded subject 5

6 The covert subject in BC i [kidbā i ziya b-išr-a] y-uy y-oq-si girl(ii).erg cow(iii) III-feed-INF II-indeed II-begin-PSTW The girl indeed began to feed the cow. (Polinsky and Potsdam 2002: 256) the second-position clitic uy ( indeed, definitely, simply ) agrees only with absolutive NPs in main clauses 6

7 LDA Godoberi jašu-ra [kyaxat-abe qʷard-i] r-iʔ-ida girl.obl-aff letter-pl write-inf NPL-know-HAB The girl can write letters. (Kibrik 1996: 192) 7

8 Biclausality of LDA Khwarshi [bataxu-n huniža uža y-acc-u] bread(v)-and yesterday boy.erg II-eat-PTCP.PST išet u-l žeq uł y-iq -še mother-dat today V-know-PRS The mother knows today that the boy had eaten the bread yesterday. (Khalilova 2007: 6) each clause can have an independent temporal specification 8

9 Biclausality of LDA Khwarshi išet ul l-iq -še [uža i ise.isu-γo-γul i Mother.DAT IV-know-PRS boy.erg himself-apud-vers kaγat letter(iii) b-ešut t -u] III-send-PTCP.PST The mother knows that the boy i has sent himself i a letter. (Khalilova 2007: 7) the embedded subject can antecede reflexives 9

10 Biclausality of LDA *magalu eni-r [už-ā bread(iii) mother-dat brother.obl-erg b-āc -ru-łi] III-eat-PTCP.PST-MSD b-iy-xo III-know-PRS (The mother knows that the boy ate the bread.) (Polinsky and Comrie 1999: 118) scrambling out of the embedded clause is forbidden 10

11 No covert controller [[kidbā kaɣat t āt -ru-łi] eni-r girl.erg letter(ii) read-ptcp.pst-msd mother-dat tāq-ru-łi] IV uži-r *y-/r-iy-x hear-ptcp.pst-msd boy-dat II-/IV-know-PRS The boy knows [that the mother heard [that the girl read the letter]]. (Polinsky 2003:303) if the clause containing the controller is embedded below another clause, LDA on the highest predicate is impossible 11

12 No covert controller babiy-ā nesā.nesi-z i ɣutk-ā ˁAli i žek -si father.obl-erg himself-gen2 house-in.ess Ali hit-pst.w Father hit Ali i in his i house. (Polinksy and Potsdam 2001: 620) absolutive NPs license reflexives, even possessives of oblique arguments 12

13 No covert controller *eni-r nesā.nesi-z i ɣutk-ā [ˁAli i mother-dat himself-gen2 house-in.ess Ali(I) -āk i-ru-łi] I-go-PTCP.PST-MSD -iy-si I-know-PST.W (The mother found out in his i house that Ali i had already left.) (Polinksy and Potsdam 2001: 620) there is no covert absolutive controller that could license the reflexive 13

14 LDA as topic-marking strategy eni-r *y-/r-iy-xo [t ek -kin y-igu mother-dat II-/IV-know-PRS book(ii)-foc II-good yāł-ru-łi] IV be-ptcp.prs-msd The mother knows that the BOOK is good. (Polinsky 2000:74) no overt focus marking on the embedded absolutive NP 14

15 LDA as topic-marking strategy eni-r [už-ā magalu-n/-gon mother-dat boy-erg bread(iii)-top/-top b-āc -ru-łi] IV III-eat-PTCP.PST-MSD b-/*r-iy-xo III-/IV-know-PRS The mother knows that the bread, the boy ate. (Polsinky and Potsdam 2001:610) with overt topic marking on the embedded absolutive NP only LDA is allowed 15

16 LDA as topic-marking strategy eni-r *b-/r-iy-xo [siskin aɣi mother-dat III-/IV-know-PRS some bird(iii) b-āxu-ru-łi] IV III-die-PTCP.PST-MSD The mother knows that a bird died. (Polinsky 2000: 75) no non-referring expression in the absolutive position of the embedded clause because they cannot function as topics 16

17 LDA as topic-marking strategy obi-r [kidbā eni-r kumek father-dat girl.erg mother-dat help(iii) b-oy-xosi-łi] IV *b-/r-iy-xo III-do-PTCP.PRS-MSD III-/IV-know-PRS The father knows that the girl is helping the mother. (Polinsky 2000:76) no non-referring expression in the absolutive position of the embedded clause because they can not function as topics 17

18 LDA as topic-marking strategy eni-r [nā c oɣor-ā micxir who-dat where thief-erg money(iii) b-ok āk -ru-łi] IV III-steal-PTCP.PST-MSD *b-/r-iy-xo III-/IV-know-PRS The mother knows where the thief stole the money. (Polinsky and Potsdam 2001: 634) no non-absolutive question word in the embedded clause (because otherwise the rest of the embedded clause would be topical 18

19 Variations in LDA Khwarshi zihe-n užal b-iq -še [b-itixx-u] cow(iii)-and boy.dat III-know-PRS III-steal-PTCP.PST The boy knows that the cow was stolen. (Khalilova 2007: 7) Khwarshi allows scrambling out of the embedded clause 19

20 Variations in LDA Khwarshi Which cow does the boy know came? [kˁaba zihe b-ot uq q -u] b-iq -še uža-l black cow(iii) III-come-PTCP.PST III-know-PRS boy.obl-dat The boy knows that THE BLACK COW has come. (Khalilova 2007:4) the absolutive agreement trigger can be focused 20

21 LDA Avar baba-je [waša-s ħama ƛ ap -ži] b-aƛ un b-ona mother-dat boy-erg donkey(iii) beat-inf III-want III-AUX Mother wanted the boy to beat the donkey. (Kibrik 2003: 459) Tsakhur ičī-s -e [jiq hāʔ-as] w-aˁχ-as-da girl-ad-el soup(iii) make.iii-pot III-be.able-POT-AA The girl is able to make the soup. (Kibrik 1999: 526) 21

22 Fake LDA? sasaq nesi-r r-/*b-āti [huday łebā tomorrow he-dat IV-/III-want.FUT next year ziya b-is-a] IV cow(iii) III-take-INF Tomorrow he will have a desire to buy a cow next year. (Polinsky 2003: 299) different time adverbials are only with LA allowed 22

23 Fake LDA? sasaq nesi-r b-āti [ziya b-is-a] tomorrow he-dat III-want.FUT cow(iii) III-take-INF Tomorrow he will have a desire to buy a cow. leaving out one adverbial makes LDA possible 23

24 Clause Union y-is-a y-āy t ek užā II-take-INF II-must book(ii) boy.erg The boy must buy the book. (Polinsky 2003: 299) word order is free just like in a simple clause 24

25 Overview of the structures of the constructions Local agreement S i [Ø i P V 2 ] CL V 1 Long-distance agreement. S i [Ø i P V 2 ] V 1 Forward control / raising Backward control / raising S i [Ø i P V 2 ] V 1 Ø i [A i P V 2 ] V 1 Clause union Clause union [A P V 2 ] V 1 [A P V 2 ] V 1 25