of a w-quantier in German. Terefore, te complement claue of glauben in () will not require retrieval of te w-operator aociated wit wem at tat level an

Transcription

1 Te Scope-Marking Contruction in German Extraction out of embedded claue, wile more contrained tan in Engli, are poible in many dialect of German, in particular wit nonnominal ller, uc a te extracted PP in (1): (1) a. Mit wem glaubt du [da Jakob geredet at]? wit wo believe you 1tat Jakob talked a `Wo do you believe Jakob talked wit?' b. Karl will wien [mit wem du glaubt [da Jakob geredet at]]. Karl want know wit wo you believe tat Jakob talked a `Karl want to know wo you tink Jakob talked wit.' However, relatively little teoretical attention a been paid to te fact tat trong preference i given by virtually all peaker to contruction in wic te w-prae i only fronted witin te embedded claue wit a concomitant wa-prae in a iger claue. () a. Wa glaubt du [mit wem Jakob geredet at]? wat believe you wit wo Jakob talked a `Wo do you tink Jakob talked wit?' b. Karl will wien [wa du glaubt [mit wem Jakob geredet at]]. Karl want know wat you believe wit wo Jakob talked a `Karl want to know wo you tink Jakob talked wit.' Suc contruction, often to a partial W-movement in te tranformational literature, will be referred to ere a cope-marking contruction, a te (iget) occurrence of te wa-element act a a cope marker by indicating te yntactic domain tat will receive a quetion interpretation in te emantic: in (a) te matrix entence and in (b) te claual complement of wien. Except for te emantically-baed approac by Dayal (199), teoretical account of ti penomenon ave relied on ome yntactic mecanim (e.g., coindexation) to etabli a link between te lower w-prae and te cope marker wa (cf. McDaniel 1989, von Stecow & Sternefeld 1988). Tranformational analye in addition uually appeal to LF movement for te lower w-operator to take cope at te yntactic poition of wa. Katol' 199 analyi By contrat, Katol' (199) nontranformational treatment exploit HPSG' quantier torage mecanim to arrive at a repreentation wit te deired cope relation. In tat analyi, te linkage between te lower w-prae and wa i etablied by auming tat te embedded claue a a by te nonempty que value. Te que value of te lower claue te content of te w-ller can ten be elected by a verb uc a glauben, wic at te ame time introduce a la-dependency wic i bound o by te w-prae wa, treated a an expletive. Moreover, Katol propoe, pace Pollard & Yoo' (199) treatment of Engli, tat a w-ller-ead tructure i a neceary, but not a ucient condition for te retrieval 1

2 of a w-quantier in German. Terefore, te complement claue of glauben in () will not require retrieval of te w-operator aociated wit wem at tat level and ence te lower claue i not a emantic quetion, depite it interrogative yntax. Even toug Katol provide a decriptively adequate account of te contruction, tere are a number of iue wit i analyi. Te rt i te coice of mecanim tat eect te linking between te lower and iger w-claue. Te majority of work in HPSG a aumed tat te function of te w-feature que and rel i to identify wat et of contituent can occur initially in a quetion or relative claue, repectively. However, an embedded quetion, even toug marked wit a nonempty que value on Katol' teory, can never occur a a pied-piped leftmot contituent in a quetion. Tu, in pite of te claual w-ller in (), te wole entence can only be interpreted declaratively. () [Wer gekommen it] wei ie nict. wo come i know e not `Se doe not know wo came.' NOT: `Wic peron x i uc tat e doe not know tat x came?' Only a pecial tipulation will rule out te unwanted reading on Katol' analyi. Next, ince Katol' analyi ue que to mediate te linkage between te lower woperator and (expletive) wa, ti linkage can only involve content pecication, a can be een for te following partial decription propoed for te variant of glauben occurring in te cope marking contruction: () D...jcomp...jinjla ie que f 1 g (" cont 1 cat expl #) However, ti aumption make it impoible to extend te analyi to related penomena in wic cope marking feature a econd \copy" of te lower w-prae, rater tan an immutable expreion like wa. In fact, a a been reported for intance by Hiemtra (198:99), Friian eem to allow preciely uc contruction (in addition to Engli-tyle long-ditance extraction and German-tyle cope marking wit wat). Note tat in uc example, te two occurence of te w-prae are matced in yntactic category, i.e., te NP[acc] wa and te locative PP w^er in (a) and (b), repectively: () a. Wa tinke jo [wa't ik joen aw]? wo tink you wo I een ave `Wo do you tink I aw?' b. W^er tinke jo [w^er't Jan wennet]? were tink you were Jan live `Were do you tink Jan live?' A contructional approac to cope marking For reaon of concretene, we will adopt te verion of HPSG propoed in Sag (To appear) in te following, even toug te git of te analyi ould carry over to oter verion of te teory.

3 Te baic idea to be purued ere i tat ller-gap cain need to be ditinguied in term of weter te la dependency involve a (poibly) operator-introducing element or merely erve to extend te cope of a cope-bearing element. Engli-tyle UDC penomena will intantiate te rt, werea te linkage between cope marker and te lower w-prae in German i an example of te econd. Ti ditinction i given content in te grammar by ditinguiing te ubtype (cope-)intro and (cope-)cain for te value of te attribute local. All lexically introduced la value will belong to te rt type, ence Sag' Complement Extraction Lexical Rule will be ligtly adjuted a follow: () word comp 1 * " gap local -intro #+ ) comp 1 i la dependencie of bot kind are terminated in contruction of type ller-ead-truc, tated in (): () ller-ead-truc la " d verbal d-dtr la f 1 g ] n-d-dtr D local 1 ie # However, we propoe tat in addition to (), German a anoter contruction wic alo override te Sla Ineritance Principle, tereby terminating one la dependency, and at te ame time tart a new dependency. A a reult, te cardinality of la et i not altered by contruction of type cope-cain-intro-truc. (8) cope-cain-intro-truc (" #) -cain la ] cont " # d verbal d-dtr la f 1 g ] n-d-dtr D iie local 1 cont Importantly, te new la element i tructure-ared wit te ller in it content value (for German), and bear te type pecication cope-cain. Tu, ti type information directly reect te fact tat te linkage wit te cope marker wa i contructionally licened. Evidence for ti ditinction come from te beavior of te complementizer. Wile da i tranparent for la dependencie tat directly originate wit lexical element (typed -intro via (), a own in (1) above, no contructionally introduced la value can ecape a da claue, a i demontrated in (9): (9) *Wa glaubt du, [da Karl meint, [mit wem Jakob geprocen at]]? wat believe you tat Karl tink wit wom Jakob talked a

4 Ti follow traigtforwardly if da only allow a (poibly empty) et of element of type -intro in it claual complement' la value: (10)...jcomp D la et(-intro) ie i Te idea tat te complementizer i reponible for ditinction in extractability alo extend naturally to oter aymmetrie. Tu, extraction of ubject from da-claue are igly marginal, if not ungrammatical, in mot dialect of German (cf. (11a)). By contrat, te correponding cope-marking contruction i judged a perfect trougout (cf. (11b)), wic i predicted becaue te contructional pecication in (8) doe not ditingui among dierent kind of extractee. (11) a.??wer glaubt du [da gekommen it]? wo believe you tat come i `Wo do you believe came?' b. Wa glaubt du [wer gekommen it]? wat believe you wo come i `Wo do you believe came?' Beide ruling out illicit example of long extraction of te cope marker a in (9), our analyi alo correctly predict multiple occurrence of contruction of type cope-cainintro-truc, leading to example like (1), in wic te lower occurrence of wa terminate one la dependency and initiate anoter: (1) Wa glaubt du, [wa Karl meint, [mit wem Jakob geprocen at]]? wat believe you wat Karl tink wit wom Jakob talked a `Wo do you believe tat Karl tink Jakob talked wit?' Bot occurrence of wa are licened by te partial lexical decription in (1), in wic te cope marker i given a totally underpecied content value and -cain i tated a te value of local. Since only wa a a local value of ti type in German, it i te only element tat can terminate a contructionally induced la dependency. 1 (1) " " # # -cain local cont nom-obj Since te occurrence of wa a a cope marker i entirely controlled by te type ditinction between dierent la element, no appeal to an ad oc diacritic on te cope marker, uc a expl(etive), a in Katol' entry for glauben in () above i required. 1 In addition, wa alo a a decription for it occurrence outide of te cope marking contruction, a a regular interrogative prae, along te line ketced in (i): (i) local -intro cont j index x q-tore f wic x g

5 Anoter conequence of ti analyi i tat te et of verb tat elect w-claue in te cope marking contruction glauben, denken, meinen can now be given a uniform lexical decription, intead of te dijunctive pecication propoed by Katol (199) wic require a eparate entry for cope marking variant, a in () above. Tu, regardle of weter uc verb occur in long-ditance extraction environment (cf. (1)), in cope marking contruction, or wit la-le claual complement, tey alway intantiate te decription in (1). In particular, in eac of tee environment, te claual complement a a noninterrogative in fact, propoitional interpretation, wic we encode by mean of a type ditinction on te content value of claue, following Sag & Ginzburg (199). (1) "...jcomp * " #+# la et(local) cont propoition Te full paper will ow in detail ow te preent propoal can be extended to te Friian data in () were te contructionally-induced linkage between te two la dependencie in () involve not only a matc in content, but alo one in category. Finally, it will be own wy a purely emantic-baed approac a te one developed by Dayal (199) for imilar contruction in Hindi face evere problem in view of te German fact. Reference Dayal, Veneeta Srivatav Scope Marking a Indirect W-Dependency. Natural Language Semantic 1{10. Hiemtra, Inge Some apect of w-quetion in Friian. Nort-Wetern European Language Evolution 8.9{110. Katol, Andrea Te Syntax of W-Quantier Retrieval. In Language and Cognition, ed. by Roel Jonker, Edit Kaan, & Anko Wiegel, volume of Yearbook of te reeac group for Teoretical and Experimental Linguitic, 101{11. Groningen: Univerity of Groningen. McDaniel, Dana Partial W-Movement and Multiple W-Movement. Language and Linguitic Teory 9. Natural Pollard, Carl J., & Eun Jung Yoo A Unied Teory of Scope for Quantier and W-Prae. Unpubl. m., Oio State Univerity. Sag, Ivan A. To appear. Engli Relative Claue Contruction. Journal of Linguitic., & Jonatan Ginzburg Engli Interrogative Contruction. Unpubl. m., Stanford Univerity and Hebrew Univerity. von Stecow, Arnim, & Wolfgang Sternefeld Bauteine yntakticen Wien. Opladen: Wetdeutcer Verlag.